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EN
This paper conducts a semantic network analysis of Scottish political party manifestos from the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections to predict coalition formation. A manifesto is a tool of political communication that represents a party’s ideology and discusses issues considered crucial for each election. Semantic analysis of party manifestos represents an innovative method for examining the relations among political parties. Parties that are closer in the semantic network have a greater potential to form political coalitions. Semantic distances and two-mode semantic network analysis also proved to be a viable method for describing a country’s political climate and power structure, without requiring prior knowledge of country’s political makeup, and without pre-conceived notions. The results indicate that a semantic analysis of political party manifestos can be used to predict coalitions, but factors other than semantic similarity must be considered. Semantic network analysis provides an accurate picture of the distribution of power and centrality of issues for any given election.
EN
The issues of legal protection of cohabitants in case one of them dies has not got any satisfactory regulations in Polish law. Scotland is one of the countries where legal regulations have been introduced in terms of inheritance entitlements of an informal partner of a testator. In 2006, Family Law (Scotland) Act was passed, where, in section 29, the acceptance was constituted to request property claims by testator’s common-law spouse an adequate sum of money from the legacy, or giving a defined component of the legacy. This entitlement is only applied in the event of non-testamentary inheritance. The assessment of the claim legacy has been left to wide discretionary power of court. Setting norms for inheritance, which are entitled to an informal partner of a testator, Scottish court is only limited by the rule that it cannot exceed what they could get if they were in matrimony or civil partnership. Giving a sentence, court should take into consideration, in particular, long-lasting and individual character of a given common-law spouse relationship, financial situation of the claiming, the amount of inheritance property. The great range of judicial freedom is illustrated by the examples of court sentences mentioned above. Scottish legislation does not only approve of existing legal solutions. The amendments of the law have been discussed referring to testator’s inheritor common-spouse’s claims to inheritance, first of all, in order to limit the discretionary freedom of court for introducing the entitlement of an informal partner of the dead to get a defined fraction of active value of legacy. Appealing to the presented Scottish solutions, it should be given into consideration to Polish legislator to pass bills to set inheritance law of a common-law spouse of the dead.
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Razem czy osobno? Tendencje separatystyczne w Szkocji

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EN
In 1707, the Act of Union formally united Scotland with England as Great Britain. Scotland retained its own legal system, churches and universities but all real political power moved to London. Scots have never accepted English domination. But the electoral success of New Labour in 1997 paved finally the way for Scottish needs to independence. On September 11, 1997 Labour government held a referendum on the issue of devolution. A positive outcome led to the elections of a devolved Scottish Parliament in 1999. Devolution made Scotland more independent from Westminster but also strengthened Scottish national identity and tendencies of separatism. On October 15, 2012 First Minister of Scotland Alex Salmond and British Prime Minister David Cameron have signed ‘Edinburgh agreement’ which enable to enact referendum on Scottish independence on September 18, 2014. That day Scots will decide whether they continue to be a part of the United Kingdom. The main purpose of this article is to present the Scottish independence tendencies in comparison to their history, national identity and devolution process.
EN
Drawing on extensive qualitative research into experiences of migration and settlement among Central and East European (CEE) migrants living in Scotland, this article examines the role of intersecting emotional and material (in)securities in migrant families’ decision-making regarding and experiences of longer-term settlement. The article queries fixed or given understandings of either ‘family’ or ‘security’ and explores the complex and sometimes contradictory relationship between them. In so doing, it makes a number of significant and interconnected theoretical and empirical contributions to existing research in the field of family migration. Through a critical analysis of the relationship between family and (in)security the article offers nuanced insight into the ways in which family processes of reunion, separation and (re)formation link to decisions regarding migration and settlement. The intersecting and sometimes contradictory forms of emotional and material support, obligation and vulnerability which both family relations and processes of migration and settlement entail are critically analysed by bringing together theoretical frameworks of social (in)security and understandings of family as ‘made’ rather than ‘given’. Finally, attention given to the temporal aspects of (in)security, as well as the transnational aspects of migrants’ lives, provides new ways of understanding the open-endedness of decision-making processes relating to migration and settlement, especially where these involve multiple decision-makers.
PL
The article concerns one of the most important referenda in the history of the United Kingdom – a vote on Scotland’s independence to be held at the end of the 2014, following the Scottish National Party’s (SNP’s) victory in the Scottish elections in 2011. The referendum may become decisive to the future of the Kingdom and its likely break-up; likewise it may trigger a serious debate on Scotland’s political and legal status in the British national power structures. Above all, the article aims at analysing the issue of Scottish nationalism and the chances of nationalist movement on the political scene. The reforms conducted so far, i.e. the enlargement of Scottish autonomy, including the re-establishing of Parliament in Holyrood in 1999, have not satisfied the Scottish electorate’s aspirations. The article attempts to answer whether the SNP’s popularity is due to Scots’ being tired of the traditional political power structures and their dependence on Westminster, or whether it is an authentic sign of maturity and conviction that Scotland may gain economically and politically becoming independent of Westminster.
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EN
In the first third of 19th century the romantic movement inspired interest in folklore. Folk art was collected, published and reworked by professional artists, especially as concerned epic folklore genres. Authentic legends, published in Vienna by Alois Mednyanský, include a romantic novella in a remarkable way utilising a folklore theme from two different European cultures. The study traces and analyses the folklore theme used for the story and tries to reconstruct the path through which the theme from the remote Scotland reached Mednyanský. The novella intentionally creates an impression to be a historic legend set in the times of Hussite wars, being interlaced with strongly pro-Catholic criticism of the period happenings. The story adopts the character of the Bohemian sorcerer called Žito 74 and uses elements of Moravian life and institutions. A Moravian patrician in the role of a romantic pilgrim sets off for a dangerous journey with a tragic end. The description of Scottish life documents profound knowledge and understanding of Scottish legends and local names by the author. In addition it documents period fascination with Scottish history. Past of the novella analyses the ritual of taghairm nan caht - its variants and functions in the traditional Gaelic culture - its description is the literary apogee of the novella and was probably taken over from the London paper The Literary Gazette.
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This paper examines the status of the Loch Ness Monster within a diverse body of literature relating to Scotland. Within cryptozoology this creature is considered as a source of investigation, something to be taken seriously as a scientific or quasi-scientific object to be studied and known, particularly in light of its elusive nature. In terms of mythology the creature is bound up with Scottish cultural identifications through references to a rugged wilderness landscape and to iconic, if stereotypical, images of tartanry, bygone castles, and folklore. Both sets of ideas have been used with great effect to generate a diversity of literature: from books and scientific papers that chronicle the sightings and “hunt” for the creature as well the possible case for it being a line of long-surviving plesiosaurs, through to children’s literature that deals with the mythic element that is so often used to appeal to childhood imagination, and on to a plethora of tourist marketing booklets and brochures.
EN
This article aims to explain the seemingly paradoxical process of the strengthening of the Scottish National Party in the period immediately after the Scottish independence referendum in 2014. The main reasons are the processes of polarization and consolidation of the SNP and unionist parties around the binary choice - yes or no to independence. The most important circumstances contributing to the phenomenon include: growing aversion to the institutions of British democracy; crisis of the Scottish Labour Party in terms of organization, personnel and program; popularity of the new leader and the effective change of leadership within the SNP, as well as far-reaching effects of the Unionists' campaign referred to as "Project Fear". Additionally, we can also mention: surge in civic activism as a result of the referendum campaign, a more favorable attitude of the media, austerity policies of the Tory government in London, country-level crisis of the Liberal Democrats and tactical considerations: a widespread expectation of a House of Commons without a one-party majority and the territorial distribution of electoral support for the SNP - beneficial in the context of a majoritarian system. 2015 is the year when the political momentum in Scotland changed, and it clearly favoured SNP and supporters of independence. The results of the independence referendum were only for a short time widely regarded as conclusive for decades. When making predictions one should remember that Scottish possibilities of independence are determined not only by factors such as national identity and constitutional disputes, but also by assessment of the functioning of political parties and public policies, and increasingly by the international context (United Kingdom European Union membership referendum).
EN
This article explores the nature and impact of stigmatisation upon Russian and Russian-speaking migrants living in Scotland. It is based upon data gathered from 19 interviews with Russians and Russian-speakers living in the Aberdeen/Aberdeenshire and Central Belt regions of Scotland. Ongoing conflict in Syria and Ukraine has worsened relations between the UK and Russia, while EU enlargement and, latterly, the ‘refugee crisis’ have fuelled hostile attitudes towards migrants. Russians and Russian-speakers living in Scotland therefore face two potential sources of stigma, firstly because of a (perceived) association with the actions of the Russian state and, secondly, because they are often misidentified as Polish and are consequently regarded as threatening the availability of resources such as jobs, housing, benefits and school places (Pijpers 2006; Spigelman 2013). The article explores how people respond to such stigmatisation, emphasising the complexity of engaging with misdirected stigma. It is suggested that stigma – and the way in which people respond to it – is situational and context-specific in that it is significantly influenced by the identity, background and perspective of the stigmatised person. Also investigated is the wider impact of stigma on Russian and Russian-speaking migrants’ lives, highlighting the emotional and social insecurities that can result from stigmatisation. Drawing on anthropological theories of social security (Caldwell 2007; von Benda-Beckmann and von Benda-Beckmann 2000), the article suggests that robust social support, particularly from people who are local to the host country, can mitigate the negative effects of stigmatisation.
EN
This article examines the discursive construction of Scottish and British-English national identities in the printed press within the context of the planned Scottish independence referendum. Using Critical Discourse Analysis and informed by sociological and anthropological research, the study uses a Corpus Linguistics approach to analyse newspaper texts from the Scottish and British printed media to define the strategies used in the construction and disarticulation of these identities and the ideologies behind them. The results of the analysis will show that the Scottish broadsheets use a staunchly Scottish rhetoric with frequent examples of nation flagging, showing the palpable struggle for power and a certain sense of inferiority. Inadvertently or otherwise, these newspapers engender a sense of separateness by employing techniques of positive in-group identification. The Scottish editions of UK broadsheets, on the contrary, hold a more Anglocentric perspective and their treatment of the referendum is more political than ideological, frequently attributing negative evaluations to the independence issue and engaging in the practice of "tartanisation". To conclude, the UK broadsheets tend to provide a more balanced and objective point of view, thus being at the political centre of the social debate enacted by the referendum and the subsequent possible independence of Scotland.
EN
The humorous poetry of late medieval Scotland is diverse in genre, including among its forms the drinking song, farce, parody, burlesque, elrich fantasy, and satiric invective. Some examples, closely related to other popular entertainments of the time, lack technical subtlety, making use of stereotypes and crude plots. Others however are works of imaginative and technical skill, with jesting allusion to classical precedents. Although many forms, especially parody, draw upon Continental examples, the Scottish examples across all genres are also enriched and made distinctive by their great verbal and situational invention.
EN
Based on a study of Polish migrants living in England and Scotland, this paper explores how Polish families who have decided to bring up their children in the UK make initial school choices. The Polish parents taking part in our study generally had low levels of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986) upon arrival in the UK: they had limited networks (predominantly bonding capital) (Putnam 2000) and a poor command of English, and lacked basic knowledge of the British education system. Meanwhile, this is a highly complex system, very much different from the Polish one; moreover, school choice plays a much more important role within the UK system, especially at the level of secondary education. We found that while some parents acted as ‘disconnected choosers’ (Gewirtz, Ball, Bowe 1995) following the strategy they would use in Poland and simply enrolling their children in the nearest available school, others attempted to make an informed choice. In looking for schools, parents first and foremost turned to co-ethnic networks for advice and support; nevertheless, parents who attempted to make an informed choice typically lacked ‘insider knowledge’ and often held misconceptions about the British education system. The one feature of the system Polish parents were very much aware of, however, was the existence of Catholic schools; therefore, religious beliefs played a key role in school choice among Polish parents (with some seeking and others avoiding Catholic schools). The ‘active choosers’ also made choices based on first impressions and personal beliefs about what was best for their child (e.g. in terms of ethnic composition of the school) or allowed their children to make the choice. Parents of disabled children were most restricted in exercising school choice, as only certain schools cater for complex needs. All in all, the Polish parents in our sample faced similar barriers to BME (Black Minority Ethnic) parents in exercising school choice in the UK and, regardless of their own levels of education, their school selection strategies resembled those of the British working class rather than of the middle class. However, the risk of ‘bad’ initial school choice may be largely offset by a generally strong preference for Catholic schools and parents’ high educational ambitions for their children.
EN
The paper focuses on the involvement of Polish migrants in the Scottish Independence Referendum of 2014. Based on the available evidence, it argues that political apathy and the alienation of migrants in their receiving countries should not be taken for granted. Exempli-fied by the active stance of the “Scottish” Poles, the paper demonstrates that the migrant groups’ political participation may depend on a country-specific nexus of factors to do with discursive construction of both their economic interests and civic belonging.
EN
This article aims to describe the possible variants of the course of events after Brexit, from a Scottish perspective. Three dimensions are taken into the account: future model of UK–EU relations, symmetry of Brexit inside the UK and possibility of the second independence referendum in the near future (less than five years). These dimension have allowed to distinguish three main variants of further development, that are in short named by the author as: passive variant, Scottish exception and another referendum. It seems at this point that the Scottish Government is bound to carry out the second referendum, especially if the British government chooses a variant of the so-called hard Brexit. The European argument, which is so often used by Sturgeon in political debate does not necessarily lead to an increase in support for the independence, especially when eventual membership in the European Union of an independent Scotland is burdened with so many question marks.
EN
Scottish Independence Referendum will take place on 18 September 2014. There would be only one question during referendum: “Should Scotland be an independent country? The reform of devolution established by Scotland Act 2012 is sometimes overlooked by observers as too little too late. The most principal issues of the referendum will be: economy, oil resources, currency, defense and European Union. Main doubt around referendum is whether Scotland would be better economically after Independence. Scotland’s position within the EU is likely to be shaped more by any agreements between the parties than by pre-existing principles of EU law. Doubts about Scottish membership in the EU have to be viewed in the context of the referendum on the UK’s membership in the European Union, that will take place if the Conservative Party wins the 2015. British political class have always behaved differently towards the European integration than continental elites The importance of the European dimension of the Scottish Independence Referendum was proved by Panelbase poll in May 2013.
EN
This article looks at the agency of memory and remembering, mental mechanisms that serve diverse functions within the ballad tradition, and which allow characters, and us as listeners, to shade experience from the past into the present, bridging time, and distance, and leading us to rehearse the future, as Bill Nicolaisen puts it. The Child ballads begin famously and characteristically, in medias res, in the middle of the action, with a great deal of backstory unknown, or, perhaps, assumed. I have shown how, in some cases, the backstory is provided by communal cultural knowledge or by explicit narration before the song is sung and during its performance (McKean 2015), but through the device of recall, the backstory can sometimes make an appearance within the body of the song, forming a complex concatenated structure that unfolds in performance and upon apprehension by a listener into a multivalent constellation of action and meaning. I will explore remembered action, recalled relationships, and retained loyalties in relation to the unfolding of the ballad story and its narrative repercussions, looking at how memory serves as a fulcrum, a catalyst, and a narrative device.
EN
This article aims to analyze the relation between British imperialism and the Scottish question. In the first place, the role played by Scots as a nation in the creation of the empire is described, including different frameworks, i.e. internal colonialism. Secondly, the hypothesis of the indissoluble connection of institutions of the British Empire and the United Kingdom (UK) is verified. The collapse of the British Empire had to undermine the sense of the existence of the UK. In the opinion of the author of this article a significant relation between the two phenomena can be observed, although he stipulates that it had a non-obvious form, and the occurrence of the consequences was not a "historic necessity", but had been reinforced by a number of other reasons, of perhaps greater importance, as e.g. the failure of the Thatcher government, the weakness of the unionist parties in Scotland and the social and economic transformations. The Empire was perhaps the most apparent symbol of the unity of the UK and a focus of the British loyalty. And most importantly - the Empire strengthened the sense of the Scottish identity, allowing to assign to it the attribute uniqueness and introducing it into a modern frame. It is worth mentioning that the causal description may not be the right perspective here, thinking in terms of the system would be more valuable - every relationship and every variable, which is commonly referred to as being an effect or a cause, in fact, is both: cause and effect, as the relations are never one-way.
EN
The article presents the main parties (i.e. the Conservative Party, Labor Party, Liberal Democrats and Scottish National Party) results of the 2019 UK general election as well as an analysis of the most important issues (i.e. correct identification of voters’ expectations, simplicity and clarity of the messages, leaders’ personalities) which determined each party success or loss. The author proves that since Brexit was the primary focus of voters, the level of support for particular parties remained dependent on the solutions presented in this issue. This basis explains why the Conservatives in the whole UK and the SNP in Scotland won (and the Labor Party and the Liberal Democrats lost) the battle of Brexit.
EN
The paper discusses selected essays by Marian Smoluchowski (1872–1917), a 19th-century Polish physicist. Smoluchowski’s scientific output was outstanding (he was a pioneer of stochastic physics); apart from science, however, he was a passionate mountaineer. Smoluchowski enjoyed travelling, one of the places he visited being Scotland. He described it in his essays, e.g. “Wycieczki górskie w Szkocji” (1896), which will be discussed here. Smoluchowski’s visions and impressions of Scotland are also placed against the backdrop of selected other 19th-century Polish travellers who visited and wrote about Scotland.
EN
Vital academic debates concerning national and regional identities have recently been conducted in the trans-disciplinary field of Tourism Studies, in the context of today’s identity-based economy. Tourist destinations compete on the market by promoting their place identities constructed in response to the needs and tastes of tourism consumers. Scotland, long preoccupied with her historically complicated cultural identity, is also involved in projecting a commodified regional identity. The following analysis of a sample of The Scots Magazine texts, approached here as elements of Scotland’s coordinated destination marketing, demonstrates the ascendancy of revived and discursively renewed wilderness as the dominant identity marker of the region.
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