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EN
This article is an attempt to interpret Witold Gombrowicz’s first novel in the context of cynicism, which is first conceptualized within the Foucauldian tradition as a practice of “frank speech” (parrhesia), and then, according to Peter Sloterdijk’s critical philosophy, as a form of modern consciousness based on inverted idealism. The opposition between an ancient subversive cynicism and its modern schizoid form allows one to analyze the complexity of Ferdydurke. In the course of interpretation it turns out that there are some intersecting planes: the protagonist searches in vain for lost insolence, but it is the author who manages to find it at the end of the novel.
EN
This paper will analyse the role played by technology in Peter Sloterdijk’s theory, where he seeks to redefine and reconstruct ethics, society and democracy. Indeed, the philosopher’s project is to build a new kind of society, which risks being antidemocratic and elitist: technopolitics. This lemma refers to Sloterdijk’s reconfiguration of the social structure through the elimination of the human rights paradigm in a technological and anti-egalitarian manner. In order to do this, Sloterdijk redesigns the environment as a dangerous place whose rules cannot be followed, and which must be reshaped through technology. Hence, the philosopher reduces ethics to technology, and reinterprets society on the basis of new techno-ethical premises which support a hierarchical and selective new polis.
EN
The latest huge public debate over refugees in Germany – where about one million of them has recently been registered – focuses mostly on such major issues and topics as the relations between nation and modern multi-ethnic society, the state and over state institutions and their responsibilities for protecting human rights, as well as the feelings of anxiety and fear produced by cultural otherness. The debate is becoming part of Germany’s postwar identity discourse. The author asks about philosophy and its role in this discourse. Can it interfere at all in the functioning of the State and its institutions? How can/should one understand the relationships between social theory and praxis? The next questions are already political and moral in nature, for example: does the defense of a particular interest – here: national culture - have to automatically mean the rejection of the universal? Or, should it mean a support for nationalist ideologies? Are there any rational criteria of such a debate? What does the rational mean at all in this context? The purpose of this paper is to present and discuss the selected voices of critical intellectuals who take part in this debate. I consider hermeneutically the relevance of social philosophy, its critical power to change the public sphere, to transcend the academic discourse and interact with – subvert/deform/construct – social institutions.
PL
Najnowsza wielka debata publiczna o uchodźcach w Niemczech skupia się na tak kluczowych problemach, jak relacja między a społeczeństwem wieloetniczny a państwem i jego odpowiedzialnością za ochronę praw człowieka. Debata ta staje się częścią dyskursu tożsa-mościowego powojennych Niemiec. Autor pyta o filozofię/filozofów i jej/ich rolę w tym dys-kursie, próbuje znaleźć odpowiedź na pytanie: czy jest to debata racjonalna? Jakie są/powinny być kryteria jej racjonalności? Przedstawione wybrane głosy w dyskusji pokrywają się z po-działami światopoglądowymi między lewicą i prawicą polityczną, mają być odpowiedzią na politykę strachu i podziałów narastającą w związku z napływem islamskich imigrantów. Filo-zoficznym zapleczem i wątkiem przewodnim lewicy intelektualnej/liberalnych krytyków spo-łecznych jest myśl Immanuela Kanta.
Roczniki Filozoficzne
|
2017
|
vol. 65
|
issue 1
89-107
PL
Celem artykułu jest próba przedstawienia krótkiej genealogicznej historii medium mowy i pis­ma, która wykorzystuje, rozwija i rekonstruuje zarazem, poglądy i punkt widzenia Sloterdijka na ten temat. Przedmiotem analiz jest formacja dyskursywna o mowie i piśmie ukształtowana w kulturze zachodniej, składająca się z argumentacji i wyobrażeń zawartych w Biblii, tekstach filozoficznych, głównie Platona i Hegla, i literackich, tu tylko sygnalnie odnotowanych. Chodzi wreszcie także o historię społeczną, spojrzenie na rewolucje i kolonializm przez pryzmat medium druku/pisma — opartych na nim relacji władzy i panowania. Dla Sloterdijka wszystkie te zdarze­nia dyskursywne i społeczne mają wspólne podłoże resentymentalne — zakłada on bowiem za Nietzschem, że u źródeł kultury czai się okrucieństwo i perwersja. Pytanie: po co to robi, co nowego ta zużyta historycznie rama interpretacyjne pozwala mu powiedzieć o mediach dawniej i dziś?
EN
This article concerns the short genealogical history of speech and writing media, which simultaneously takes an advantage of, develops as well as reconstructs, the appropriate points of view and attitudes by Peter Sloterdijk. The object of analysis is a discursive formation on speech and writing shaped in western culture, a formation consisting of arguments and imaginations contained in the Bible, philosophical writings, by Plato and Hegel mainly, and literature, indicat­ed here only very slightly. Social history is eventually discused here, that is the view of revolutions and colonialism through the prism of print/writing medium — through the relationships of power and domination based on this medium. All the discursive and social events have their common resentment background according to Sloterdijk — following Nietzsche he assumes that there are cruelty and perversion that lurk at the roots of culture. The question is: why does he do that, what new does the historically worn-out interpretational frame let him tell about the media in the past and today?
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