Search results - CEJSH

1

A Loyal Rookie? The Sweden Democrats’ First Year in the European Parliament

100%

Bolin N.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 2

59-77

EN

In the 2014 election, the Eurosceptic and anti-immigration Sweden Democrats (SD) for the first time entered the European Parliament. The article first sheds light on the question of why the SD ended up in the EFDD parliamentary party group with a discussion of both the history of the party and its stance on some of the most important issues. In order to assess what inclusion in the EFDD has meant in regard to its behaviour, analysis of roll call data is presented. The results indicate that the SD tends to vote similarly to UKIP. Moreover, and surprisingly, the coherence between the SD and the Danish People’s Party is very low, indicating that group membership is more important than political affinity for the SD in deciding on its voting stance in the EP.

2

Polityka językowa Szwecji

87%

Iwona Kowal I. K.

Scripta Neophilologica Posnaniensia

|

2020

|

vol. 20

EN

The paper presents language policy in Sweden from 16th to 21st century. During many centuries Sweden aimed at making Swedish the dominant language in every domain and for every national group living in Sweden. Currently, Swedish has been recognized as the main language in Sweden which implicates the use of other languages in the country. Many activities are carried out in order to make the language used in public institutions easy and intelligible. Sweden offers courses in Swedish for immigrant children and adults, as well as courses in minority languages spoken as first languages and in sign language. There are also many institutions in Sweden which act in order to cultivate and promote Swedish.

3

Media społecznościowe w szwedzkiej polityce zagranicznej

80%

Broś N.

Political Preferences

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2017

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issue 16

37-50

EN

The article discusses the use of social media in Sweden's foreign policy, which, as part of public diplomacy, complements the diplomatic channel by reaching a wider audience - the international public. The starting point for the discussion was the presentation of Sweden's foreign policy concept, its normative character where human rights, peace diplomacy, sustainable development or feminism are key values and set the course of action. In Swedish case the nation brand and the associated categories of credibility and reputation, which are sources of power (soft power), are also an important aspect used for effective foreign policy. The analysis of contents of the three key profiles, allowed to present the strategy of using social media in Sweden's foreign policy, to observe what issues are being addressed in them, the relationships between the official diplomatic discourse and the less formal social media content.

4

Kulturowe uwarunkowania państwa dobrobytu w Szwecji – wybrane zagadnienia

80%

Kościewicz D.

Społeczeństwo i Ekonomia

|

2014

|

issue 1 (1)

70-82

EN

The article presents the main historically based cultural factors of the Swedish welfare state. The article starts with the general characteristics of the welfare state model of Sweden, then points four main cultural factors of the Swedish welfare state, their historical origins and an impact on modern society. The author points peasant traditions of Swedish society, Lutheran set of moral principles, the primary role of the local community and the pacifist attitude of Swedish society as the main cultural factors of the Swedish-type of welfare state. The article ends with a conclusion that indicated cultural factors are the fundaments of Swedish society and any change of economic system will be strongly based on national culture and historically based national values.

5

Zmiana preferencji wyborczych w Szwecji w wyniku kryzysu migracyjnego

80%

Kobierecka A.

Historia i Polityka

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2019

|

issue 27 (34)

147-160

EN

The migration crisis influenced the internal situation in Sweden to a great extent. Owing to an intensive migrant inflow and a massive submission of asylum applications, the topic of immigration became an integral part of the political discourse. Therefore, a question should be asked, whether intensified migration will cause any visible changes in Sweden, especially in the field of politics and social attitudes towards foreigners. Sweden, until now, has been perceived as a tolerant and open state and society. The aim of the article is to test the hypothesis assuming that there is a correlation between the migration crisis, the radicalisation of the Swedish society and the growing support for the Sweden Democrats, the only anti-immigration political party in Sweden.

6

The Politics of Appearance: Tadeusz Kantor Exhibiting in Sweden 1958–2014

80%

Larsson C.

Sztuka i Dokumentacja

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2022

|

issue 27

77-91

7

The Swedish housing market from a low income perspective

80%

Lind H.

Critical Housing Analysis

|

2017

|

vol. 4

|

issue 1

150-160

EN

After the economic crisis in the early 1990s there was excess supply of housing, but over the last 25 years demand has increased because of rising population, rising incomes and low levels of housing construction. The result has been rising prices and longer queues to (rent regulated) rental housing. The lack of affordable housing has made the situation especially difficult for low-income "outsiders", e.g. immigrant groups and various marginalized groups. In the debate about explanations and policies one can find demand for "more market", e.g. deregulating the rental market, weaken the municipal planning monopoly and cutting back on building regulations. There are also proposals for "less market", e.g. state directives about municipal planning volumes, subsidies to housing construction and more active municipal housing companies. As the current government is weak, most initiatives comes from the local level, e.g. both below market rents for lower income households and planning for more low-cost housing.

8

Care for elderly people in Herrljunga – Sweden. The study visit report

80%

Sierżantowicz R., Elijason M., Wessbo G.

Progress in Health Sciences

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2012

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vol. 2

|

issue 2

222-224

EN

The study visit between June and July 2012 included observation on rules regarding care for elderly people in Herrljunga commune (Swedish: Herrljunga komun). In Sweden, similar to other countries, the percentage of elderly people – those above 65 years old - is systematically growing. Care for elderly people is organized by authorities of the communes (komun). Health visitors are subjects to local government supervision Their main task is to develop rules and procedures for geriatric care. A patient’s health state indicates the commitment of staff, whether it should be a single visit, day care or 24/7 care.

9

Kilka uwag o antropologii historii

80%

Winberg C.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

|

2014

|

issue 1(6), Semiotyka historii

195–229

XX

Reprint: Några anteckningar om historisk antropologi, „Historisk Tidskrift”, 1988,s. 1-29.

10

Family matters are not just domestic affairs: a perspective on social pedagogy in social work

80%

Dychawy-Rosner I.

Papers of Social Pedagogy

|

2016

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issue Family in the process of changes 2 (5)/2016

6-16

EN

In the last few decades, the traditional concept of family has weakened while the development of numerous new constellations has gained a lot of attention. Convention sees family as a nuclear social formation, where heterosexual parents raise their children well. This view attests to the potential for healthy functioning in a variety of family arrangements, and to the stability of these social environments. In the turmoil of our rapidly changing world, the value of system orientation is changing and questions are being raised over what is an ordinary landscape of family life, its constellations and optimal functioning. This article raises familyrelevant issues and discusses social pedagogy in family social work, particularly related to social care in Sweden intended for socially vulnerable populations such as the elderly, members of minority ethnic groups, and persons with disabilities suffering from discrimination and social exclusion. It is concluded that – in these populations – the family constellation, be it traditional or modern, is not really the issue, since public social care service constructions have mostly replaced traditional caring relations within families with leveling institutional structures. The social pedagogy in family social work professional practice is conducted using socio-ecological approaches for assessment, treatment and service delivery, for the improvement of individual wellbeing referred to as the individual, social and sociopolitical life-world context.

11

The Swedish Trade Unions, Swedish Society and Polish Pro-Independence Emigration in Sweden Toward the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity and the Democratic Opposition in the Polish People’s Republic in the Years 1980–1990

80%

Hajduk B.

Studia Maritima

|

2014

|

vol. 27/I

153-173

EN

As far as the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) and the communist years are concerned, support from professional organizations, society members, authorities and Polish emigration in Sweden to the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union (NSZZ) Solidarity (“Solidarność”) and democratic opposition took a number of forms. Before the first independent trade union was established, activists of the Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party had supported the creation of such structures in the Polish People’s Republic (PRL). Furthermore, the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen and Sverige – LO), whose members were mainly social democrats, already during the 1980 strikes got in touch with the structures organizing public speeches of Polish workers. Consequently, the Swedish party supported striking workers on an international arena. This help was provided among others by Olof Palme, chairman of the Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party, as well as in the form of financial assistance for organizational purposes and the purchase of printing machines. When martial law was imposed in the Polish People’s Republic and Solidarity together with other opposition groups were declared illegal, Social Democratic and other Swedish trade unions supported the Polish underground democratic opposition in a number of ways. Money and gifts were collected and sent to PRL, and numerous propaganda and information activities were undertaken in Scandinavia, Europe and all over the world. Apart from the assistance provided by the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO), support from the Swedish officials and Swedish society was of profound importance to the opposition groups established in the Polish People’s Republic. After martial law had been imposed in PRL, minister Ole Ullsten together with Danish and Norwegian ministers of foreign affairs unanimously criticized restricting civil liberties in the Polish People’s Republic as well as detaining (arresting) of Solidarity leaders and activists. Strong support for the then illegal structures of Solidarity and Polish people was offered by Swedish non-governmental and charity organizations such as the Swedish Red Cross, organization “Save the Children”, Lutheran Help, Free Evangelic Church and Individual Relief. Attention should also be paid to help provided by Swedish people and Swedish educational institutions. Special emphasis should also be placed on support that the democratic opposition groups in the Polish People’s Republic received from their compatriots in Sweden. Two organizations, namely Polish Emigration Council (RUP), consisting of 16 pro-independence organizations, and Polish Emigration Federation (FUP), coordinated aid programmes launched in Sweden to give a hand to Solidarity and the democratic opposition. Last but not least, one mustn’t neglect support from Denmark-based Scandinavian Committee for Independent Poland headed by professor Eugeniusz S. Kruszewski. By the time it was transformed into Polish-Scandinavian Institute in December 1984, the aforementioned Committee had been leading a propaganda campaign, among other things in Sweden, to provide reliable information about political goings-on, the persecuted oppositionists, steps taken by the communist regime and actions taken internationally to help Polish people.

PL

Wsparcie przez organizacje zawodowe, społeczeństwo i władze oraz polską emigrację niepodległościową w Szwecji udzielane NSZZ „Solidarność” i opozycji demokratycznej w Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej (PRL) miało różne formy. Przed powstaniem pierwszego niezależnego od władz związku zawodowego rozwój struktur opozycji wolnościowej w PRL wspierali działacze Szwedzkiej Socjaldemokratycznej Partii Robotniczej. W okresie fali strajków robotniczych, które nasiliły się w Polsce w sierpniu 1980 roku zdominowana przez socjaldemokratów Centrala Szwedzkich Związków Zawodowych (LO) nawiązała bliskie kontakty z strukturami organizującymi wystąpienia polskich robotników. Efektem ich były wsparcie strajkujących robotników na arenie Warszawa–Lublin 1993, pp. 445–449; E.S. Kruszewski: Polacy w Danii wobec pojałtańskiej Polski (1944–1990) [Poles in Denmark and Poland after the Yalta Conference (1944–1990)], in: W służbie Polsce i emigracji. Księga dedykowana Profesorowi Edwardowi Szczepanikowi [Serving Poland and Polish expatriates. A Tribute to Professor Edward Szczepanik], eds. L. Nowak, M. Szczerbiński, Gorzów Wlkp. 2002, p. 168; B. Hajduk: Polskie uchodźstwo niepodległościowe… [Polish Refugees in Scandinavia...], op. cit., p. 214. międzynarodowej, między innymi przez przywódcę socjaldemokratów Olofa Palmego oraz pomoc finansowa na potrzeby organizacyjne i dostawy urządzeń poligraficznych. Po wprowadzeniu w PRL stanu wojennego oraz delegalizacji NSZZ „Solidarność” i pozostałych grup opozycyjnych zarówno socjaldemokratyczne, jak i inne szwedzkie związki zawodowe rozwinęły różne formy pomocy dla opozycyjnych struktur działających w tzw. podziemiu. Gromadzono i przekazywano środki finansowe, organizowano zbiórki i transport darów oraz rozwijano intensywną działalność propagandowo-informacyjną w Skandynawii, w Europie i w świecie. Poza pomocą udzielaną przez szwedzkie związki zawodowe ważne znaczenie dla struktur opozycyjnych w PRL miało wsparcie ze strony czynników oficjalnych i społeczeństwa szwedzkiego. Po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego w Polsce, minister Ole Ullsten wspólnie z ministrami spraw zagranicznych Danii i Norwegii, jednoznacznie potępili ograniczanie swobód obywatelskich w PRL oraz internowania (aresztowania) przywódców i działaczy NSZZ „Solidarność”. Ogromnym wsparciem dla „nielegalnych” struktur „Solidarności” oraz społeczeństwa polskiego była pomoc niesiona przez wyspecjalizowane szwedzkie instytucje pozarządowe i charytatywne takie jak: Szwedzki Czerwony Krzyż, organizację Ratujcie Dzieci, Pomoc Luterańska, Wolny Kościół Ewangeliczny i Pomoc Indywidualna. Na odnotowanie zasługuje również aktywność pomocowa społeczeństwa szwedzkiego, w tym placówek oświatowych, w różnych regionach Szwecji. Poza tym ważną rolę w akcji niesienia pomocy antyreżimowej opozycji demokratycznej w PRL odgrywało uchodźstwo polskie w Szwecji. Koordynacją programu pomocowego w Szwecji na rzecz „Solidarności” i opozycji zajmowała się Rada Uchodźstwa Polskiego, skupiająca 16 organizacji niepodległościowych oraz Federacja Uchodźstwa Polskiego. W dziedzinie niesienia pomocy NSZZ „Solidarność” i opozycji demokratycznej w PRL wspomnieć również należy o wielostronnym wsparciu kierowanego przez profesora Eugeniusza S. Kruszewskiego Skandynawskiego Komitetu na Rzecz Wolnej Polski z siedzibą w Danii. Do chwili przekształcenia w Instytut Polsko-Skandynawski w grudniu 1984 roku SKnRzWP prowadził aktywną akcję propagandową, m.in. na terenie Szwecji, informującą o wydarzeniach politycznych w PRL, prześladowaniach opozycjonistów, poczynaniach władz reżimowych oraz działaniach wspierających podejmowanych na arenie międzynarodowej.

12

Public Health in Regional Development Planning in the Stockholm Region

80%

Meisaari-Polsa T.

MAZOWSZE Studia Regionalne

|

2009

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issue 3

157-162

EN

A growing interest in public health and development planning is well visible in Sweden, and therefore, also reflected in both regional and municipal plans. There are, however, only few concrete examples of such integration up to now in Sweden and other countries. The aim of this article is to describe how public health issues are addressed in planning in the Stockholm region. What kind of methods has been used and what experiences have been gained from integration of health related issues in the planning of the region.

XX

W Szwecji istnieje duże zainteresowanie zdrowiem publicznym i powszechną praktyką jest włączanie tej tematyki do planowania rozwoju. Kwestie zdrowia publicznego obecne są więc w planach regionalnych i lokalnych. Problemem jest jednak zintegrowane podejście, w którym sprawy zdrowotne wpisywane są w różne polityki, wynikające z przyjętych strategii rozwoju. Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie, w jaki sposób kwestie związane ze zdrowiem publicznym traktowane są w podejściach i procedurach planistycznych w regionie Sztokholmu. Jakie metody stosowane były do tej pory i jakie są doświadczenia regionu z integrowaniem problemów zdrowia z innymi zagadnieniami tematycznymi, które są przedmiotem planowania.

13

Understanding evolution of the Swedish model: change or continuity?

80%

Czech S.

Journal of Economics and Management

|

2015

|

vol. 20

106-127

EN

In this paper we claim that the Swedish model should be perceived by a dynamic relation between its two pillars, namely economic and welfare policies. It is this relation that explains its creation, evolution, and recent transformation. Also, the Swedish model was not only an economic or social project, but it concerned a society as a whole. This is why it were not the policies themselves that defined what the model was, yet rather their relationship toward the supreme goal of creating classless society of welfare. Political and economic toolbox changed in the 90s, but adherence to egalitarian and welfare values has not entirely vanished Thus we believe that we should rather speak of a continuation of the Swedish welfare state model in changing external conditions and a change of policy measures than of a radical shift in policy aims and values.

14

Kulturowe wartości szwedzkiego państwa dobrobytu w świetle wybranych typologii kultury

80%

Kościewicz D.

Społeczeństwo i Ekonomia

|

2014

|

issue 2 (2)

51-63

EN

The article discusses the cultural values of the welfare state in Sweden by combining the characteristics and principles of the Swedish welfare state type with selected classifications of attitudes towards the welfare state and the idea of welfare culture. The author compares indicated ideas of the Swedish welfare culture with Swedish cultural characteristics presented in two typologies of culture, in which Swedish society is characterized without much reference to the characteristics of the welfare state. The purpose of this article is to show the relationship between characteristics of Swedish welfare state and the values and attitudes of Swedish society. An additional purpose of this article is to draw attention to the possibility of making comparisons between the structure of the welfare state in a country and its culture by using existing typologies of culture. The article ends by stating a clear similarity between the ideas of the Swedish welfare culture and features of Swedish culture in other typologies of culture and high usability of evaluation solutions of welfare state in terms of the welfare culture.

15

Szwedzko-polskie kontakty oświatowe w latach 1945-1989: casus edukacji dorosłych

80%

Maliszewski T.

Rocznik Andragogiczny

|

2008

|

vol. R. 2008

168-188

EN

In his article the author presented the main directions of Polish-Swedish contacts in terms of adult education since the end of World War II to the decline of People's Republic of Poland in 1989. The entire publication was prepared basing on research in the archives and libraries on both sides of the Baltic. Special attention was paid to two issues: (1) development of educational offer for Polish people living in Sweden - inter alia, an educational complex in transition camp in Öreryd and educational concepts for solidarity emigration of the 1980s and (2) cooperation of the communities of Swedish and People's Republic of Poland's adult education - in particular the activities of Polish Committee in the 1960s, the involvement of Polish Club in the 1970s, the cooperation of the Council of Folk High Schools functioning within the Union of Socialist Polish Youth (ZSMP) with Swedish Union of Folk High School Teachers (SFHL) as well as common projects of 'Solidarity' Trade Union (NSZZ Solidarnosc) and the Swedish Workers' Education Association (ABF) of the 1980s. The paper also draws the readers' attention to certain exceptional character of the cooperation of Swedish adult education communities with Polish entities as compared with their relations with other countries. The author passed many judgements and drew a number of conclusions in summing up both the joint activities undertaken by institutions of culture and education for the adults of the Kingdom of Sweden and People's Republic of Poland as well as their short- and long-term effects.

16

W poszukiwaniu źródeł mi ędzynarodowej atrakcyjności Szwecji Wymiar kulturowy

70%

Kobierecka A., Kobierecki M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

|

issue 48

241-256

EN

The aim of the article is to investigate the selected ways by which Sweden shapes its international attractiveness using culture. The research is empirical and is directed at verification of hypotheses stating that culture should be regarded as an important factor of shaping Sweden’s brand and that the chain of IKEA stores is an extraordinary channel of enhancing Sweden’s national brand with the use of culture. The others that are worth mentioning are the Swedish Institute and the website sweden.se.

17

Narrating “Their War” and “Our War” – the Patriotic Journalism Paradigm in the Context of Swedish and Ukrainian Conflict Coverage

70%

Springer N., Nygren G., Widholm A., Orlova D., Taradai D.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2022

|

vol. 15

|

issue 2(31)

178-201

EN

“Patriotic journalism,” a deviation from objectivity, has become an important paradigm and well-documented phenomenon in the analysis of conflict coverage. However, studies rarely focus on the link between journalists’ perceptions and narratives. We investigated how journalists from two countries, one involved in a conflict (Ukraine) and the other observing it from a distance (Sweden) relate to the objectivity norm in sourcing and narrating seven conflictive news cases in Ukraine (2017 to 2018). We found pragmatic commitment to objectivity in both countries, which was not always reflected in the content produced. For Swedish journalists, our results hint toward a value-based ally loyalty, which seems less stable than a tribe-based bond. In Ukraine, official Ukrainian perspectives were undisputedly disseminated; however, we did not find that they were generally positively laden, as one would expect for patriotic journalists. Trust in public institutions might be a deciding factor over the extent of patriotism.

18

Swedish policy of road safety

70%

Lieder W.

Horyzonty Polityki

|

2018

|

vol. 9

|

issue 29

79-96

PL

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific goal of the article is to analyze traffic safety policy, in a problem-chronological perspective, as part of the Swedish “welfare state” model, with particular emphasis on internal political and social factors. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: In exploring the issues of road safety in Sweden, the author used a functionalist approach to examine the relationship of political forces affecting their shape. The genetic method has allowed to mention qualitative factors that are the foundations of Swedish policy. Institutional and normative approach with regard to the characteristics of decision-making processes, law-making processes resulted in a system analysis in line with the theoretical model proposed by David Easton. Each stage of the legislative process has been followed – from the change initiative to the entry into force of the “Vision Zero”. The method of content analysis and the institutional and legal method served to illustrate the role that it has for Sweden for 20 years. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Ensuring broadly understood, multi-tasked road traffic safety is today a prerequisite for harmonious economic and social development of the country (for example, due to the cost of treatment of accident victims, but also the legitimacy of authority, whose task is to ensure safety). RESEARCH RESULTS: The necessity of introducing a nationwide road safety strategy was convinced by all the groups that sat in the Swedish parliament in 1997 (as evidenced by its voting through acclamation). The consolidation attitude of many social groups, institutions and individual road users, promoted by the Vision Zero, resulted in considerable successes. First of all, the number of fatalities in road accidents in 1997-2012 dropped by 48%. At the same time, the number of people who suffered minor injuries in the same period as a result of road accidents has increased. This testifies to the correct decisions of Swedish strategists who were already well aware in 1997 that it is impossible to eliminate accidents as such (which is why they focused on reducing the most tragic effects). CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The Vision of Zero, which is now a general philosophy of approach to road safety issues in Sweden, thanks to its efficiency and effectiveness has become not only a source of pride on the part of the Swedes themselves. Few (Sweden’s population for the first time reached a ceiling of 10 million inhabitants in January 2017), although the very innovative Swedish society developed an innovative model of cooperation between private and public sector entities as well as every single user of transport infrastructure that contributed to the radical decline the number of accidents resulting in death or serious injury. Thus, once again, the descendants of the Vikings became a role model for other nations – both among European Union countries and on a global scale.

19

Šlechtická knihovna jako intelektuální zrcadlo? K reflexi dobové mentality na příkladu knižní sbírky Hieronyma Becka z Leopoldsdorfu (1525–1596)

70%

Veselá L.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

|

2015

|

vol. 113

|

issue 4

941-964

EN

This study presents the until now unknown Lower Austrian book collection from the end of the 16th century, which is, indeed, unique in many aspects. It was carried off to Sweden as part of literary war booty from Bohemia and Moravia towards the end of the Thirty Years’ War. The aim of this study is to fill in one of the gaps in our knowledge of Central European aristocratic libraries in the Early Modern Age. After all, Beck’s Library was one of the little known aristocratic libraries of a progressive, intellectual archetype. The Library, in its irreplaceably poignant personal character, reflected some elements of Hironymus Beck’s life and his world outlook, difficult to ascertain otherwise and uncaptured from other primary sources. Therefore, the author strives to decipher until now unknown intellectual horizons of its creator and to classify the Beck book collection within the context of other contemporary aristocratic libraries in the Austrian Lands.

20

Between Russia, Sweden, and Finland: The Åland Question Since 1809

70%

Tuchtenhagen R.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2022

|

vol. 26

|

issue 4

111-128

EN

This contribution addresses the strategical, political, and cultural significance of the Åland Islands between Russia, Sweden, and Finland from 1809 to the present day. During the first half of the 19th century, Russia fulfilled, with the conquest of the Åland Islands, one of its military goals which had been in place since the Petrine period, namely, to push forward the country's military control as far as to the Western border of Finland in order to secure Russia's capital St. Petersburg, and to threaten the capital of the kingdom of Sweden, Stockholm, in order to prevent a Swedish act of revenge for the loss of Sweden's control of the Eastern Baltic during the Great Northern War. At the same time, the islands were, in a political and cultural sense, an important ingredient of the upcoming Swedish and Finnish national movements. After the loss of Finland, the countries had tried to find solace in national culture and past glories. In this respect, the question of why Sweden, during the Finnish Civil War, sent troops to the Åland Islands can be interpreted as part of Sweden's anti-Russian military agenda as well as being part of its cultural mission to protect the islands against Finnish and Russian attempts to make the island part of Finnish or Russian culture, and to subdue the overwhelmingly-Swedishspeaking population in the context of a Finnish national state. This Swedish-Finnish opposition, though, turned, during the interwar period, into a secret collaboration against Russian military interests in the Eastern Baltic region, whereby the control of the Åland Islands played a central role. Despite minor yet critical situations, the islands have enjoyed relative calm ever since. However, the outbreak of Russia's Ukrainian War threatens to cast doubt once again on the islands' status.

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