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1
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“Futuristic geography”. The role of geographers in shaping the borders of East Central and South‑Eastern Europe, 1914‑1920

100%
Górny M.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2013
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vol. 48
EN
This article represents an attempt to analyse the political desiderata underlying the activities of East Central European geographers during the First World War and in its immediate aftermath. These scholars, drawing on the achievements of German and French geographical studies, and who were frequently graduates from western European universities, employed sophisticated research tools and arguments in the service of legitimising national interests. The apogee of the political impact of their intellectual concepts came during the peace negotiations in Paris, but indirect evidence of the efficacy of this generation of geographers in the region can also be seen in the fact that they were to become points of reference and arsenals of knowledge utilized by the interwar revisionist propaganda of Germany and Hungary.
2
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Der Krieg der Karten: Geografen und Grenzziehungen in Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa 1914–1920

100%
Górny M.
Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.
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2013
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vol. 5
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issue 1
9-39
EN
The author analyses professional geographical narratives centered upon the borders in East Central and Southeast Europe in the context of the First World War. It is argued that they represent a regional equivalent of nationalistic mobilization of intellectuals’ characteristic for Western Europe and broadly referred to as ‘spiritual war’ (Krieg der Geister). Typically, they tended to employ the newest methodological trends (notably anthropogeography) together with inspirations from the tradition of national characterology (or ethnopsychology). They also participated in the international discussions on the question of ‘natural’ borders. The main fronts of ‘the war of maps’ spread mostly around territorial claims in the region: the German expansion to the East, the conflict between Bulgaria and Serbia in Macedonia, the Polish-Ukrainian border conflict, hostilities between Italy and Serbia etc. The expertise of the East Central and Southeast European geographers was, then, instrumental for the reshaping of the region following the decisions of the Peace Conference. Finally, professional techniques and modes of argumentation used by the region’s geographers inspired interwar revisionist campaigns in Hungary and Germany.
3
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Sposoby gloryfikacji władcy w malarstwie na przykładzie ikonografii Ludwika XIV

100%
Hryszko B.
Estetyka i Krytyka
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2013
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issue 2(29)
79-97
EN
The aim of this article is to characterize a wide spectrum of methods and ways of presenting the majesty and achievements of king Louis XIV and their ideological content, on the basis of an iconographic analysis of the works executed within the circle of painters of the royal court and the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture in Paris. These royal painters used either metaphor (referring to different kinds of allegorical representations or themes from ancient history) or composed pseudo-reporting scenes from the monarch’s life. A rich repertoire of superb roles of mythological and ancient origins emphasized the dignity of the seigneur. The leading idea behind the official images of the Sun King is his portrayal as a victorious, ideal ruler full of virtues.
4
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The Nineteenth Century Revised: Towards a New Narrative on Europe’s Past

100%
Strath B.
Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)
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2015
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vol. 2
9-26
EN
The conventional history of Europe, connecting the Enlightenment heritage with our time, makes a huge detour around the violent nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth one. The article explores the European peace utopias of 1815, 1918 and 1951, and their eventual loss of suggestive force, and argues that they link today’s global Europe to the post-Napoleonic world two hundred years ago. This connection, through a series of illusions and disillusions about the nature of politics, represents a different view on the nineteenth and twentieth century than the conventional teleological narrative about fulfilment of the Enlightenment promise of progress. The analysis of the bicentenary chain of shifts between postwar, prewar and war should not be read in terms of a teleology necessitating a new war; the point is, rather to draw attention to the fragility and openness of historical processes. The new narrative outlined here emphasizes that there was no necessity in the development towards today’s Europe; the story is full of alternatives, and highlights the role as well as the responsibility of human agency. No solution appears as a necessary result of impersonal forces, everything has depended, and continues to depend, on human choice.
5

De Zonnekoning en de Republiek. De uitbeelding van de Nederlanden in de Spiegelzaal van Versailles

84%
Nijenhuis-Bescher A.
Neerlandica Wratislaviensia
|
2019
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vol. 29
139-163
EN
Nowadays, Versailles is mainly a tourist attraction, which draws 8.1 million visitors per year (figure 2018, Versailles Annual Activity Report). However, it was built in the second half of the 17th century to serve as the centre of the French monarchy and exemplifies a symbolic vision of the ideal monarchy, according to Louis XIV. The Hall of Mirrors is the focal point of the political representation displaying the French wealth and power of the Grand Siècle. The Franco-Dutch War (1672–1678) is the main subject of the historical decoration, painted by Charles Le Brun. The Dutch Republic is an essential part of the political theory depicted here, and serves as a counter-example to the idealised absolute monarchy embodied by the Sun King himself. Hence, the small Dutch Republic, then in its heyday, is a crucial partner to France in this elegant albeit conflictual pas de deux. The manner of portraying the Republic is significant for the understanding of the royal credo of Louis’s France, and emphasises the essential role of the Dutch Republic in 17th-century Europe.
6
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Geneza i ewolucja dworu królowych francuskich w świetle historiografii

84%
Kuras K.
Perspektywy Kultury
|
2022
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vol. 39
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issue 4
27-48
EN
This article presents the origins and evolution of the court of the French queens in historiography. This issue has not received a lot attention of researchers, who have generally focused on the King’s court. The temporary nature of services offered to the Queen was also not without significance. This situation has changed since the 1990s, when a large number of works on the queen’s maison began to emerge. The state of research, particularly with regard to the Middle Ages, is determined by the available sources. A real explosion of interest in the court of the queen is brought about by the Renaissance, when the importance of women at the court was appreciated. In France the creation of the maison of the queen was due to Anne of Bretagne, who was particularly interested in the prestige of her entourage. In regard to the 16th century, the attention of historians is focused on the household of the Queen-regent Catherine of Medici. The level of attention regarding the 17th and 18th centuries is diversified. A lot of studies concern the time of Louis XIV and the period after 1682, when the royal court was moved to Versailles. The household of Anne of Austria was a theme of separate studies, while the court structures dedicated to Maria de Medici and Maria Theresa of Spain are neglected. At present, the research concerns family ties, the careers of officials or the creation of private spheres by successive queens. In the longer term, it seems necessary to include into the analysis the maisons of royal daughters or queen widows and to introspect deeper into unofficial structures of the court of the queen.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowano genezę i ewolucję dworu królowych francuskich w świetle historiografii. Zagadnienie to nie cieszyło się szczególną uwagą badaczy, którzy koncentrowali się z reguły na dworze króla. Nie bez znaczenia był również tymczasowy charakter służb dedykowanych do obsługi władczyni. Sytuacja ta zmieniała się od lat 90. XX w., gdy zaczęło powstawać sporo prac dotyczących maison (domu) królowych. Zakres chronologiczny tych studiów jest szeroki, łączy je zainteresowanie dworem władczyni i analiza jego różnych funkcji. Stan badań, szczególnie w odniesieniu do średniowiecza, warunkują w dużej mierze zachowane źródła. Ich fragmentaryczność decyduje o tym, że występują spore luki, jeśli chodzi o dzieje l’hôtel (siedziby) królowej do schyłku XV w. Prawdziwą eksplozję zainteresowania dworem kobiecym przyniósł renesans, w którym doceniono znaczenie kobiet na dworze. W realiach francuskich utworzenie rozbudowanego maison monarchini było zasługą Anny Bretońskiej, która szczególnie dbała o prestiż swego otoczenia. W odniesieniu do XVI w. uwaga historyków koncentrowała się na domu królowej regentki Katarzyny Medycejskiej. Studia nad wiekami XVII i XVIII nie są symetryczne. Dotyczą przede wszystkim czasów Ludwika XIV i okresu po 1682 r., gdy dwór królewski został przeniesiony do Wersalu. Wyróżnia się na tym tle starannie analizowany dom Anny Austriackiej, podczas gdy pomijane są czasy Marii Medycejskiej oraz Marii Teresy Hiszpańskiej. Badania są zróżnicowane tematycznie, dotyczą m.in. powiązań rodzinnych, karier urzędników czy tworzenia przez kolejne królowe sfery prywatnej. Aktualnie spore znaczenie mają tworzone bazy danych i prace o charakterze dokumentacyjnym. W dalszej perspektywie niezbędne wydaje się poszerzenie analizy o maisons królewskich córek czy królowych wdów oraz introspekcja w głąb struktur nieoficjalnych.
7
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La maison de Saxe et la reconnaissance du roi Stanislas-Auguste par les cours du sud [1764-1766]

67%
Bajer J.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
|
2012
|
issue 5
257-277
PL
So far, the issue of recognition and legitimacy of king Stanislaus August on an international scene has not aroused any particular interest among Polish scholars.  The aim of the author is to present the singular role which the children of the late king August III played in the matter of recognition of the new king elect by the courts of the so-called southern arrangement in  1764-1766.             The period of the first two years of Stanislaus August’s reign was of paramount importance to the new king, since at the time he still enjoyed a relative freedom with regard to his Russian patroness, tsaritsa Catherine II. The new monarch devoted the time immediately following the election  to the efforts to have his majesty recognized and then perhaps to form an alliance, even by marriage, with one of the Western states (France in particular), in order to consolidate his invariably weak position within the Republic itself, as well as his standing on the international scene with respect to Russia.             Unfortunately, the countries opposingRussiaandPrussia, belonging to arrangement which received the denomination of “southern”  after the 7 Years War, namelyFrance,AustriaandSpain, recalled their representatives fromPolandshortly before the election of Stanislaus August, thereby demonstrating their stand on the person of the new king, in whom they saw a Russian puppet. Moreover, thanks to the efforts of Marie Josephine of Saxony, daughter of the late king August III, sister of a  new candidate to the throne and the Dauphine at the court of Versailles, it was decided that the recognition of the power of the new king should be withheld, until Saxon interests in Poland had not been properly secured, and until the Saxon supporters had not regained their former positions and properties.  From the victorious election of Stanislaus August in September 1764, the losing French candidate, and at the same time a brother of Marie Josephine, crown prince Francis Xavier of Saxony, kept the family resolved not to accept envoys from the new king and not to enter any talks with him until the conditions set by the Saxon family had not been met.  Thus, Saxony efficiently obstructed the recognition of Stanislas August by allied states,France,AustriaandSpain, until October 1965 when the act of mutual renouncement of all financial claims on the part ofPolandandSaxonyhad been signed and appropriate pensions and appanages voted by the Polish parliament for princes Francis Xavier and Charles of Kurland. Once the Saxon demands had been satisfied, Louis  XV, Marie Therese  and Charles III took the decision to recognise the majesty of Stanislaus August in early 1766.   
FR
So far, the issue of recognition and legitimacy of king Stanislaus August on an international scene has not aroused any particular interest among Polish scholars.  The aim of the author is to present the singular role which the children of the late king August III played in the matter of recognition of the new king elect by the courts of the so-called southern arrangement in  1764-1766.             The period of the first two years of Stanislaus August’s reign was of paramount importance to the new king, since at the time he still enjoyed a relative freedom with regard to his Russian patroness, tsaritsa Catherine II. The new monarch devoted the time immediately following the election  to the efforts to have his majesty recognized and then perhaps to form an alliance, even by marriage, with one of the Western states (France in particular), in order to consolidate his invariably weak position within the Republic itself, as well as his standing on the international scene with respect to Russia.             Unfortunately, the countries opposingRussiaandPrussia, belonging to arrangement which received the denomination of “southern”  after the 7 Years War, namelyFrance,AustriaandSpain, recalled their representatives fromPolandshortly before the election of Stanislaus August, thereby demonstrating their stand on the person of the new king, in whom they saw a Russian puppet. Moreover, thanks to the efforts of Marie Josephine of Saxony, daughter of the late king August III, sister of a  new candidate to the throne and the Dauphine at the court of Versailles, it was decided that the recognition of the power of the new king should be withheld, until Saxon interests in Poland had not been properly secured, and until the Saxon supporters had not regained their former positions and properties.  From the victorious election of Stanislaus August in September 1764, the losing French candidate, and at the same time a brother of Marie Josephine, crown prince Francis Xavier of Saxony, kept the family resolved not to accept envoys from the new king and not to enter any talks with him until the conditions set by the Saxon family had not been met.  Thus, Saxony efficiently obstructed the recognition of Stanislas August by allied states,France,AustriaandSpain, until October 1965 when the act of mutual renouncement of all financial claims on the part ofPolandandSaxonyhad been signed and appropriate pensions and appanages voted by the Polish parliament for princes Francis Xavier and Charles of Kurland. Once the Saxon demands had been satisfied, Louis  XV, Marie Therese  and Charles III took the decision to recognise the majesty of Stanislaus August in early 1766.  
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