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EN
This paper aims at offering insight into the contemporary migration of Romanians towards Serbia, starting with the interwar period, continuing with the communist rule and focusing on the period after the fall of the Romanian communist regime, in 1989. What this study does is delimit the stages of the Romanian migration to Serbia, identify the social categories taking part in these migratory processes, the preferred regions for settling in Serbia, as well as the reasons behind people’s decision to leave the country. I also show how the Romanian emigrants relate to the Romanian autochthonous communities in Serbia (the Vlachs of Eastern Serbia and the Romanians of Vojvodina), in which they usually settle. After presenting the theoretical background relating to ethnic migrations, I introduce a new theoretical concept, reverse ethnic migration, which best fits the situation of contemporary Romanian migrants to Serbia. These migrations take place from a majority (Romanians in Romania) towards a national minority (Romanians or Vlachs in Serbia), thus in an „opposite” direction. The migrations are not state supported and they are individual in most of the cases. I argue that the interwar migrations were state planned, being the result of the Yugoslav-Romanian School Convention from 1933; those taking place during communism were triggered, in many instances, by political reasons; while the post-communist migration was labour oriented.
Lud
|
2015
|
vol. 99
139-159
EN
Late in the twentieth century anthropological research on heritage, which in earlier years had focused on objects (historic monuments) and space (lieux de mémoire), started changing its perspective, concentrating mainly on heritagisation, understood as a process, and on social actors (states, associations, individuals) involved. The research presented in the article is part of this current; it is aimed at grasping characteristics of heritagisation of things related to religious cults in the Serbian Orthodox Church. In the article, I focus on a particular group of historic objects defi ned both in Serbian expert discourse of art history and by museum practices as ‘zograf icons’. I present the process of grounding their meanings constructed in heritagisation in Serbian national imaginarium. Heritagisation practices such as musealisation of icons and their conservation form the starting point for refl ection on their religious setting, as well as the relationships between two sets of practices focused on them, and subsequently two value sets in which they are called ‘heritage’. Because of their specifi c geographic provenance, some questions of heritagisation of churches and monasteries on Fruška Gora in Serbian Vojvodina have also been discussed.
EN
In this paper, we will attempt to outline the process of how the nationality/minority rights, especially the minority language rights, were changed in the former Yugoslavia in the next period of times: … and how they have changed in Serbia since 1990, and in Vojvodina. We present the most significant constitutional and legal changes, their impact on the institutional and everyday life, and the language policy tendencies. Finally, we discuss how the formation of the Serbian National Councils have shaped the linguistic rights of minorities in Vojvodina, in particularly after 2009, through examining the work, experiences, and the strategy of the Hungarian National Council and the Hungarians living there.
EN
The article is an attempt to catalogue the most interesting traces of the presence of nations which were part of the Novi Sad community throughout the ages. From the very beginning of its existence, Novi Sad was a meeting place for different ethnic and cultural groups settling down in the city. Serbs from the surrounding countryside moved to the oldest districts of Novi Sad, Podbara, Salajka, and Rotkvarija, at the beginning of the 18th century. At the same period nations from different parts of the Habsburg Empire, such as Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks and Ruthenians brought by Habsburgs to colonize Vojvodina, moved to the city. It was the time of continuous development of Novi Sad, which became an important trading and manufacturing centre, where businesses were also run by the Jews, Armenians, Aromanians (Tzintzars), and the Greeks. The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the strengthening of presence of the Hungarian community, which ended with the First World War. After the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918), the ethnic structure changed seriously with the influx of Serbs from the southern regions of the country. This trend was followed after the Second World War and most recently during the period of the so-called Yugoslav wars at the Nineties. In the meantime, under dramatic circumstances of the second World War, German and Jewish inhabitants vanished from the city.
EN
Serbian aspirations towards European structures. The situation of national minorities and ethnic minorities in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina with particular emphasis on the educational system Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (APV) is an area in the northern part of the Repub­lic of Serbia. This region is inhabited by over 26 national and ethnic minorities, making it the most diverse ethnically area throughout Serbia. On the basis of the Constitution and special statutes in APV the following languages have official status: Serbian, Hungarian, Slovak, Croatian, Romanian and Ruthenian. In addition, this area is the most economically developed throughout the country. Vojvodina is an example of a well-functioning multi‑ethnic commu­nities living in one territory, which in some regions of the Balkans remains an open problem. Therefore government in Belgrade tries to keep the European image of this autonomy to such an extent, that cyclically there appears information about the possibility of obtaining of the total independence of this territory and the separation from the Republic of Serbia. Para­doxically, such speculations can lead to the destabilization in other regions of Serbia. They did not obtain such a level of autonomy and mentioned speculations inspire some minorities into actions in order to get the certain independence (for example Boshniaks from Sandjak in western Serbia). The central authorities are aware of this fact and try to keep the control over all regions of the country that often can lead to ethnic conflicts. That raises the following question: to what extend wide autonomy of the Vojvodina is true and in corresponding to the constitutional policy, what fields of the life does this autonomy include.
EN
The main aim of the article is to explain the advantages of organizational structure of the League of Communists of Serbia, which enabled the party to remain in power after the Serbian elections in 1990. The article focuses on several factors which strengthened the central leadership of the Serbian communist party, such as the completed process of generational changes, intensive and frequent party purges, the decrease of party membership and the party’s ability to recruit new members, ethnic homogeneity among party members, the reaction of party leaders to the demands of Serbian opposition, charismatic leaders and the level of dependence on the federal authorities and the other Leagues of communists. Although the article focuses mainly on the transformation of the League of Communists of Serbia, it also deals with the party organizations of other republics and autonomous provinces as well as the party’s army organization of the League of Communists of Yugoslav People’s Army, which was also member of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. After adopting the new constitution in 1974 the republics and autonomous provinces became even more independent on the federal institutions, and even the differences among the communists during the 1980s, after the death of Tito, arose, which affected further political development of Yugoslavia.
EN
The main aim of the article is to explain the advantages of organizational structure of the League of Communists of Serbia, which enabled the party to remain in power after the Serbian elections in 1990. The article focuses on several factors which strengthened the central leadership of the Serbian communist party, such as the completed process of generational changes, intensive and frequent party purges, the decrease of party membership and the party’s ability to recruit new members, ethnic homogeneity among party members, the reaction of party leaders to the demands of Serbian opposition, charismatic leaders and the level of dependence on the federal authorities and the other Leagues of communists. Although the article focuses mainly on the transformation of the League of Communists of Serbia, it also deals with the party organizations of other republics and autonomous provinces as well as the party’s army organization of the League of Communists of Yugoslav People’s Army, which was also member of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. After adopting the new constitution in 1974 the republics and autonomous provinces became even more independent on the federal institutions, and even the differences among the communists during the 1980s, after the death of Tito, arose, which affected further political development of Yugoslavia.
PL
Znaczący udział dywizji serbskich w zwycięskiej ofensywie Frontu Salonickiego zaowocował postanowieniami Konwencji Belgradzkiej z 13 listopada 1918 roku. Umożliwiły one Zgromadzeniu Narodowemu Słowian w Nowym Sadzie przyjęcie Oświadczenia o przyłączeniu Baranii, Bački i Banatu, czyli krain Vojvodiny do Królestwa Serbii. W grudniu 1918 r. do swojego państwa Chorwaci przyłączyli również Međimurje. Ostateczny szczegółowy przebieg granic węgiersko‑jugosłowiańskich został określony w traktacie podpisanym w Trianon 4 czerwca 1920 roku.
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