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EN
State aid aimed to certain market participants, especially some of its categories, carries a risk of distortion of competition. Therefore, it is necessary to control allocation of state aid and its direction from the sectoral objectives towards more justified horizontal objectives of allocating. This paper examines the practice of assigning sectoral state aid in the European Union and in the selected Western Balkan countries by using the methods of comparative and correlation analysis. The aim is to identify deviations and point out to the preferred ways of state aid allocation.
EN
It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely.
EN
The worst contemporary refugee crisis that occurred during the summer of 2015 challenged the basic values of the European Union. There had never been a time when the need for a consistent approach, both from the individual Member States and the EU as a whole, was more urgent. The Union's response during 2015's refugee crisis was unreliable, fragmented, and it largely affected the Western Balkan countries that are now aspiring to become EU Member States. This paper analyses how the EU's response to the refugee crisis has affected and still affects the countries in the Western Balkans, which are all in different stages of their European integration. The refugee crisis created many challenges for the Western Balkan countries which are all weak democracies and which have unstable institutions. This paper also analyses the numerous domestic costs connected to these countries when faced with the refugee crisis. Finally, the paper argues that, although largely harmonised with the EU acquis, the legislative and institutional frameworks for migration management in Western Balkan countries need further adjustment.
EN
The European Union conceives IPA preaccession assistance funds as an instrument of support to the countries of the Western Balkans in the process of European integration. The components of assistance include the most important spheres of public life, embracing regional integration and service economy as segments of social development of the countries. The regional interconnection is realized through various forms of cross-border cooperation between countries in their accession to the European Union project. In order to use the funds, joint local and regional initiatives are formulated in the context of achieving sustainable economic and social development. Those projects comprise adequate arrangements for all relevant subjects with the use of modern technologies and modalities of implementation. Funds contribute to the improvement of interstate cooperation, reducing regional disparities and ensuring balanced development of the Balkan countries. The generally accepted international auditing rules and standards recognize financial statements, in order to determine the accuracy of project implementation.
EN
European Union and otherness: The case of BalkansThe aim of this paper is to analyze the relation between the EU and the Balkans in the process of othering. The main research question raised here is in what way and to what extent the Balkans as Other was used in the process of the EU identity construction. The EU is perceived as a discursive self-construction establishing its own distinct identity against Others. It is thus argued that the Balkans identity has been dis- cursively constructed in opposition to the EU identity. Through the discursive process, by virtue of asymmetry of power, the EU self-constructed its identity by stigmatizing the difference of the Balkans - Other. The paper starts with the clarification of some conceptual premises concerning Self, Other and the concept of Otherness. It then focuses on the Balkans as Other in the process of EU identity construction. Finally, the Western Balkans as Other is also examined in the process of othering. Due to the asymmetry of power in the EU - Self and Balkans/Western Balkans-Other relation and the ability of the EU to impose the constructed dominant representa- tions, this relation is about inclusion and exclusion, superiority and inferiority. Unia Europejska a inność. Przypadek BałkanówNiniejszy artykuł ma na celu przeanalizowanie relacji pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Bałkanami w procesie stwarzania inności. Zadając główne pytanie badawcze, autorka docieka, w jaki sposób i jak dalece Bałkany jako Inny zostały wykorzystane dla budowania tożsamości Unii Europejskiej. Unia postrzegana jest jako dyskursywna autokonstrukcja ustanawiająca własną odrębną tożsamość w relacji do Innych. Zatem można dowodzić, że tożsamość bałkańska jest konstruowana dyskursywnie w opozycji do tożsamości unijnej. W tym dyskursywnym procesie, wobec asymetrii władzy, UE sama stworzyła swoją tożsamość poprzez stygmatyzowanie różnicy Bałkany – Inny. Artykuł najpierw objaśnia niektóre założenia pojęciowe odnoszące się do „Ja” i „Innego” oraz pojęcie „Inności”. Następnie koncentruje się na Bałkanach jako Innym w procesie konstruowania tożsamości UE. Wreszcie analiza obejmuje Bałkany Zachodnie jako Innego w procesie powstawania inności. W obliczu asymetrii w relacji Unia Europejska jako JA -- Bałkany/Bałkany Zachodnie jako Inny oraz faktu, że UE ma możność narzucenia skonstruowanych dominujących wyobrażeń, relacja ta obejmuje włączenie i wykluczenie, nadrzędność i podrzędność. [Transl. by Jacek Serwański]
PL
Artykuł dotyczy wybranych i aktualnych problemów z zakresu środkowo- i wschodnioeuropejskiego wymiaru polityki zagranicznej Republiki Słowackiej. Państwo to, podobnie jak inne niewielkie pod względem terytorialnym państwa środkowoeuropejskie, z racji rzeczywistej pozycji jaką zajmuje, jako podmiot stosunków międzynarodowych nie ma praktycznych możliwości wpływania na decyzje innych, tj. bardziej znaczących od siebie podmiotów. Z racji takiego stanu rzeczy interesującą wydaje się kwestia, które z badanych kierunków aktywności słowackiej polityki zagranicznej mają obecnie znaczenie priorytetowe. Analiza treści dokumentów źródłowych oraz efektów działalności słowackiego rządu pozwala na dokonanie podziału na priorytety deklarowane oraz priorytety faktyczne. Te pierwsze przyjmowane są oficjalnie, m.in. z racji członkostwa Republiki Słowackiej w strukturach euroatlantyckich, te drugie wynikają zaś z samodzielnej oceny stanu stosunków międzynarodowych oraz dążenia do zaznaczenia istotnej roli Republiki Słowackiej w tej dziedzinie. W wypadku pierwszej grupy priorytetów daje się też zaobserwować bardzo wyraźna dwoistość postaw, skłaniająca do refleksji na temat rzeczywistych celów, jakie stawia przed sobą, zwłaszcza w zakresie wschodnioeuropejskiego wymiaru polityki zagranicznej, obecny rząd Republiki Słowackiej.
EN
The article is about the selected and current problems of the Central and Eastern European foreign policy of the Slovak Republic. This state, like other small in terms of territory Central European countries, due to the actual position held as a player in international relations, it cannot influence the decisions of the other states, i.e. more powerful participants. In this respect, it seems interesting which analysed activities of the Slovak foreign policy are now a priority. The content analysis of the source documents and the results of operations of the Slovak government allows us to make a distinction between 'declared priorities "and" real priorities". The first shall be adopted officially, among others, by virtue of the Slovak Republic's membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures, and the latter are the result of an independent assessment of international affairs and strive to highlight the important role of the Slovak Republic in this area. In the case of the first group of priorities a very clear duality of attitudes can also be seen, which makes you think about the real objectives, especially in the Eastern European dimension of the foreign policy that the current government of the Slovak Republic aims to meet.
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