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1
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Návštěva Josefa Broze Tita v Praze v srpnu 1968

100%
Pelikan J.
Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)
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2007
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vol. 32
131-147
EN
After the plenary session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia held in January 1968, the faction led by Dubcek maintained relations with Yugoslavia with a large degree of circumspection. The main reason was worries about a negative response from Moscow. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia decided to change this trend in the second week of July. Henceforth, Yugoslavia was to be considered the same ally of Czechoslovakia as countries in the eastern bloc. As a part of the change, the top representative of Yugoslavia was invited to visit the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Josip Broz Tito was to arrive in Prague on 31st July. However, due to the prolonged talks in Cierna nad Tisou and the meeting in Bratislava, the Czechoslovak-Yugoslav discussions at the top level started on 9th August. Josip Broz Tito did not arrive in Prague with a clear idea about the course and aims of the discussions. He knew that in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and the West, the visit itself would be perceived as a clear manifestation of sympathies towards the process of revival. Tito expected that his hosts would inform him in detail about local political situation and all circumstances of the meetings in Cierna nad Tisou and Bratislava and would seek his advice and recommendations. Yet the atmosphere of the official part of the meeting was rather awkward.
2

POLISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE FACE OF DIVERGENCES IN TRANS-ATLANTIC RELATIONSHIPS, AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF THE CONFLICTS IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA (Polish title - below)

100%
Orzelska A.
Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)
|
2009
|
issue 24
213-254
EN
(Title in Polish - 'Polska polityka zagraniczna wobec rozbieznosci w stosunkach transatlantyckich na tle konfliktów w bylej Jugosławii'). The conflicts in the former Yugoslavia provided a backdrop to numerous controversies between the Americans and their European allies. When, in the first half of the 1990s, divergences emerged, i.a. regarding the recognition of the independence of the former Yugoslavian republics and disparate concepts as to how the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina might be headed off, Polish diplomacy avoided becoming involved in the solving of these problems. However, when a position had to be taken, it supported, as a rule, the policy of the EU member countries (e.g., regarding the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia). In the twilight of the 20th century, it was the conflict in Kosovo which became a source of divergent opinions in the trans-Atlantic community. A clear difference of standpoint emerged between the US and some of the European allies, in particular with a view to the legitimacy of NATO's operations in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the carrying out of air raids and the possible involvement of the land forces in military operations. Changing its hitherto strategy, the Polish diplomacy first strongly supported the US actions, and, second, actively participated in the international efforts aimed at solving the Kosovo conflict. The Polish government was aware of the emerging divergences in trans-Atlantic relations. Their improvement was highly desirable, but it was not the focal point of attention. Being aware of the limited potential of improvement and of the geo-political situation, efforts were aimed mostly at ensuring the country's long-term security by joining NATO and the EU and it was these objectives which were accorded priority in the Republic of Poland's foreign policy. When facing those divergences in the trans-Atlantic relations which had as their backdrop the conflict in the former Yugoslavia, the strategy of Polish diplomacy was also subordinated to these objectives.
3
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Diktatura krále Alexandra a československá diplomacie (1929–1931)

100%
Chrobak T.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2008
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vol. 94
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issue 1
81-91
EN
Based on Czech diplomatic materials, the study explains the attitude of Czechoslovak governmental circles towards King Alexander's dictatorship. It was formed in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from January 6, 1929 until the autumn of 1931, when the regime was incorporated into a formal constitutional framework octroyed by the sovereign. The essay explains dilemmas, to which the Czechoslovak foreign policy was subjected. On the one hand, it was an effort to sustain a key ally for Czechoslovakia; on the other hand, it was an effort not to bog into domestic political conflicts in the South Slav state. The initial optimism regarding the potentialities of the authoritarian regime in consolidating the country (impersonated by the envoy Jan Seba and his superior Edvard Benes) was replaced by an increasing disillusion over intellectual sterility and lack of political imagination of the royal regime at resolving existential problems of the Yugoslavian state. The warning prognoses about Yugoslavia's future came to light. Behind the persisting façade of the Czechoslovak-Yugoslavian alliance, this time produced the first symptoms of mutual estrangement and incipient disintegration of the alliance.
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Josef Korbel a jeho velvyslanecká mise v komunistické Jugoslávii (Příspěvek k československo-jugoslávským vztahům 1945−1948)

100%
Dejmek J.
Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)
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2007
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vol. 32
113-129
EN
Josef Korbel (1909-1977), a Czechoslovak lawyer and diplomat, became publicly known both due to his historical and political works and as the father of the US Secretary of Foreign Affairs Madeleine Albright; the presented contribution introduces Korbel as a Czechoslovak ambassador in Yugoslavia, where he worked in 1945-1948. Yugoslavia was one of the traditional partners of Czechoslovakia and was to play an important role in the 'Neo-Slavonic Concept' by Edvard Benes. However, the state of Yugoslavia, restored after the Second World War, entrenched itself as a real communist dictatorship led by Josip Broz Tito; its policy in Central and South-eastern Europe soon rather complicated the position of Czechoslovakia. Korbel, who became familiar with the Yugoslav environment in the 1930s (he was a Press Executive at the Czechoslovak Embassy in Belgrade at that time), witnessed how the new regime strengthened its power; the initial most visible manifestations of this trend were elections (the only candidate was the National Front) and the subsequent deposing of the dynasty of Karadjordjevićs and the declaring of a federative people's republic. As a result of the initiative of Josip Broz Tito, the restored Yugoslavia became a formal ally of Czechoslovakia in May 1946; however, its aims differed a lot from the concept of foreign policy of the democratic government in Prague.
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SLOVENIAN NATIONALISM

100%
Bajt V.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2004
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issue 24-25
9-30
EN
The article presents the rise of Slovenian nationalism as an ideology founded and spread by the Slovenian national movement. As an opening remark the authoress stresses that nationalism is a modern phenomenon. She also introduces the division between ethnic nation (Kulturnation, narod) and political nation (Staatsnation, nacjia). The Slovenes first defined themselves as an ethnic nation but having gained their own nation-state in 1991, nowadays, they are free to redefine their nation in civic terms. The dynamics of Slovenian nation-building unfolded in agreement with the Czech historian Miroslav Hroch's scheme. It shows that ethnic nation states start as an idea of a handful of intellectuals, before the national message is taken up and spreads among the members of the postulated nation. Then the nation has commenced its existence indeed. Although the term 'Slovenia' is known since the 16th century, intellectuals have used it consistently for denoting the Slovenian nation only after 1848. Still the Carniolan identity persisted. The 1840 national program demanded the administrative unification of the lands inhabited by Slovenes, Slovenian as a medium of education, and it opposed the construction of a German nation-state that would include the Austrian Empire along with Slovenia. Like the Czechs of Bohemia, the Slovenes did not crave for independence but Vienna's protection. In the second half of the 19th century the mass Slovenian national movement grew frustrated by the progress of German nationalism and the continuing division of the Slovenian lands between Austria, Hungary, and Italy. Only during World War I the idea of independence gained popularity but was not actualized due to the inclusion of the Slovenes in Yugoslavia. It appeared a backward and heavily centralized state that thwarted the national goals of the Slovenes despite the administrative unification of almost all their lands. Another World War split Slovenia among Germany, Hungary and Italy so communist Yugoslavia appeared the only way to ensure national survival. Federalization of this state with a national republic for the Slovenes too, did not ensure economic stability. This bred discontent in Slovenia - Yugoslavia's richest region - and spawned systemic-cum-nationalist opposition during the 1960s and 1970s. After Tito's death (1980), in the next decade Slovenian politicians and intellectuals openly advocated independence. The establishment of the independent Slovenian nation-state finally fulfilled the program of Slovenian nationalism as well as commenced the breakup of Yugoslavia.
6

INDEPENDENCE LOST AND REGAINED: MONTENEGRO’S CONTESTED IDENTITY AND THE FAILURE OF YUGOSLAVIA (1918-2006)

88%
Poláčková Z., Van Duin P. C.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2017
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vol. 10
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issue 1
23 – 47
EN
This article examines the political evolution of Montenegro during the era of Yugoslavia (1918-1992) and the subsequent years of political conflict that eventually led to the regaining of Montenegrin independence in 2006. The First World War and the formation of the Yugoslav state not only meant the end of independent Montenegro but also the emergence of a new political context in which internal Montenegrin antagonisms were played out. While a considerable proportion of Montenegrin Orthodox Slavs supported the multinational but Serb-dominated Yugoslav state, there was also a growing number of Montenegrins who wanted to restore the country’s autonomous or even independent status. This was implemented to some degree in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia but then was endangered again during the crisis of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s. In addition there was growing unrest among the Muslim minorities and civil protests against Montenegro’s participation on the side of the Serbs in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The final result was a stronger anti-Serbian stance not only among a part of the general population but also among a significant section of the old political elite. This eventually led to Montenegro regaining independence through a referendum in 2006. However, achieving independence meant that Montenegro’s other serious problems, including corruption, uneven economic development and deficient democratisation, came even more emphatically to the fore.
7

"IF YOU WANT TO BE CLASSY, HAVE YUGOCLASS." POSTMODERN CULTURAL IMAGES OF JOSIP BROZ TITO

88%
Harasimowicz M.
Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)
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2021
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vol. 69
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issue 2
274 - 293
EN
The article deals with internet memes related to the person of the socialist leader of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito. For purposes of our research, we define internet meme as conventionalized text-iconic composition, built on a basis of a specific scheme. In intentions of contemporary narratology we also consider it as a text of its kind and its creating, reproduction, transformation and reading process – as a special discursive activity. Based on analysing the primary material occurring and spreading on internet, we provide a typology of the representations of Tito from a narratological and semiotic point of view, and regarding its function in current discourse on socialist Yugoslavia. We focus mainly on cultural meanings generated by this meme culture, its relation to the narratives formed in the context of official and unofficial representations of the leader during the socialist era and to a wider context of contemporary popular culture. Pursuant to the analysis, we try to follow the features of postmodern cultural images of the socialist Yugoslavia and its leader, and relation of these narratives to nostalgic and social-critical attitudes in the contemporary world.
8
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Reflexe událostí v Protektorátu Čechy a Morava v letech 1939–1941 v jugoslávském tisku a prostřednictvím politické elity

75%
Sovilj M.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2012
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vol. 98
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issue 3-4
321-341
EN
The text reflects on views of the Yugoslav political elite and writing of the Yugoslav press concerning the events in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia from occupation of this territory in March 1939 until the spring of 1941. The Yugoslav leadership adopted a reserved attitude towards the occupation of Czechoslovakia. The Yugoslav press wrote about events in the Protectorate mainly focusing on political events in German newspapers. Although the Yugoslav leadership avoided conflicts with Germany, the presence of the Czechoslovak culture in Yugoslavia signified positive attitudes towards the former Czechoslovakia. An analysis of relevant archival documents and the press shows how Yugoslavia affected the events in the Protectorate from 1939 to 1941.
9

NEPOHODLNÉ VZPOMÍNKY A OZVUKY TICHA. PROBLEMATICKÉ IMPLIKACE REEMIGRACE ČECHŮ Z JUGOSLÁVIE A ODSUNU NĚMCŮ Z ČESKOSLOVENSKA

75%
Pavlásek M.
Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)
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2022
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vol. 70
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issue 1
69 - 91
EN
This study deals with dissonant memory processes through the example of post-war displacements of population – 1) voluntary (re)emigration of Czechs from Yugoslavia, who replaced the original German population in the Czechoslovak borderlands, and immanently also 2) of those forcibly displaced “silenced Others”. The text observes the practice of silencing inconvenient memories and shows, through the example of the participants in the post-war (re)emigration to Czechoslovakia, how this complex memory legacy is approached. Taking Czech families displaced from Yugoslavia as an example, the research on the generational transmission of family memory offers replies through the identification of narrative strategies which they used and which lead to their cumulative victimization. This practice demonstrates historical implications – power dynamics reflecting the complex stage of the post-war social, cultural and political development in Czechoslovakia. I believe that considering historical implications allows us to problematize the established unproductive binary oppositions and analytical categories (perpetrators vs. victims; voluntary vs. forced migration), and last but not least, it suggests possible ways of bringing the silenced memory of those forcibly displaced – the “silenced Others” to mind.
10

ČESKOSLOVENSKÁ EMIGRÁCIA V JUHOSLÁVII A BELEHRADSKÁ ODBOJOVÁ CENTRÁLA V ROKOCH 1939 – 1941

75%
Druga O.
Motus in verbo: časopis mladej vedeckej generácie
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2018
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vol. 7
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issue 2
7 – 15
EN
Czechoslovak emigration in Yugoslavia in 1939 – 1941 is a complex topic exceeding to several other issues. Operation of this Balkan emigration route was mostly influenced by the Belgrade headquarters of Czechoslovak resistance movement, which was responsible for care for emigrants and organization of transports. Total number of Czechoslovak citizens emigrated by the organized transports via Yugoslavia in this period reaches to 2000. The situation in Belgrade headquarters was marked by several conflicts inside the resistance movement, both, between Hodža and Beneš fraction and between military and civil part of resistance. As we mentioned in the case of Dr. Rudinský, the Belgrade headquarters had indirect influence on the development of situation in Western European resistance movement by a different approach to arrangement of the necessary travel documents – while Beneš supporters usually reached Western Europe in relatively short time, Some Hodža supporters did not reached it at all. The cooperation of the local Czech and Slovak minority and its institutions, especially the “Czechoslovak union in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia”, was important for the activity of the resistance headquarters. Ján Bulík was the most involved person in the resistance activities among the Czechoslovak diaspora, being an important representative of Vojvodina Slovaks in the thirties of the 20th century. Special attention is to be paid to the emigration of Czechoslovak Jews, which was carried out by both, individual and mass transports. The most influential factor of the operation of the resistance headquarters was the position of Yugoslavian state authorities, which was changing in time. The authorities were tolerant, even hidden helpful in the early phase, but they were forced to harder actions after the fall of France, which led to a strong diminution of the resistance activity and departure of many resistance members and emigrants. In the late phase, the Czechoslovak emigration community in Yugoslavia consisted mostly of the military intelligence group operatives, which were in the contact with Yugoslavian general staff and departed Yugoslavia only during its fall in April 1941.
11

MATKA VLASŤ A JEJ DETI – KONŠTRUKCIA NÁRODA A GENDERU NA PRÍKLADE JUGOSLOVENČE – ČASOPISU PRE DETI V KRÁĽOVSTVE JUHOSLÁVIA

75%
Stefanovic L.
Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)
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2011
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vol. 59
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issue 1
47 – 61
EN
The aim of this paper is the analysis of the construction of the Yugoslav tradition and its folklore in the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, on the example of the journal Jugoslovence published in the period between 1931 and 1941. Title of journal (in English translation ´´Young Yugoslav“) reveals that it was aimed at young people, pupils of elementary schools. Indirectly, it also may imply youth of the Yugoslav nation, its tradition and the fact that the state was established only twelve years before the first number of the journal. This paper is the case study of the constructing of Yugoslav nation and tradition on the example of the texts from the mentioned journal with the open educational purpose. What were the mechanisms of creating tradition of the nation that was defined and conceptualized as a unitary three-named nation with planned equality (the first name of the country was the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians)? What happened to the other nations and their traditions that were not mentioned in the name of the state? Were they, and how were they integrated into the Yugoslav tradition? What are the gender aspects of the construction of nation?
12

HOUSING CONSTRUCTION AND THE ROLE OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD UNIT IN LJUBLJANA UNDER SOCIALISM

75%
Piškurić J.
Mesto a dejiny
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2022
|
vol. 11
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issue 2
117 – 139
EN
After World War II, the improvement of housing conditions was one of the Yugoslav political and social care priorities. Although the guidelines for housing development were politically planned, the authorities had to adapt to the increasing demand of the growing population. The shift in housing policy from the 1960s made it possible for Slovenian architects to apply the idea of a neighbourhood unit in organized housing construction. Planned along major arterial roads into Ljubljana, the new neighbourhood units were envisaged to meet all the workers’ needs, offering housing with the infrastructure necessary for quality living. They never fully developed into social hubs with all public services; nevertheless, they still represented a huge change in quality of life. Over the decades, new neighbourhoods significantly changed the appearance of Ljubljana.
13

„NA KRIEDLACH SLOVANSKÉHO CITU ZALETEL ROKU 1915 DO SRBSKA NA POMOC SRBOM“. SYMBOLICKÁ INŠTRUMENTALIZÁCIA M. R. ŠTEFÁNIKA A SLOVANSKÁ VZÁJOMNOSŤ NA POZADÍ DOBOVÝCH MEDZIŠTÁTNYCH VZŤAHOV

75%
Macho P.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2015
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vol. 63
|
issue 1
47 – 80
EN
The study analyses the symbolic instrumentalization of the national hero M.R. Štefánik in the context of the modified form of Slavonic community in the 20th century. In the inter-war period, the symbol of Štefánik was used to strengthen the Czechoslovak – Yugoslav alliance on the basis of Slavonic brotherhood. The political representatives of independent Slovakia and Croatia during the Second World War refused to build their inter-state relations on the basis of Slavonic community. From the point of view of Zagreb, Štefánik appeared pro-Serb and pro-Yugoslav, so he was an undesirable symbol for the Croats. Emphasis on the strong Slavonic and Serbophil identity of Štefánik became an instrument for Slovak opposition oriented circles to articulate their resistance to the Ľudák regime and the Slovak state.
14

HLEDÁNÍ VHODNÉHO SPOJENCE: KONEC SLOVENSKO-JUGOSLÁVSKÝCH VZTAHŮ A NAVÁZÁNÍ STYKŮ MEZI SLOVENSKÝM STÁTEM A NEZÁVISLÝM STÁTEM CHORVATSKO V ROCE 1941

75%
Sovilj M.
|
2018
|
vol. 66
|
issue 2
289 – 310
EN
The text analyses relations between the Slovak state and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia immediately before the German invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941, and the subsequent establishment of relations between Slovakia and the Independent State of Croatia. On the basis of primary sources, the contemporary press and relevant literature, it explains how far the Slovak state relied on cooperation with Yugoslavia and on Yugoslav support and how the Yugoslav leaders viewed Slovakia. It also presents the foundations on which Slovakia began to build relations with the Independent State of Croatia from April 1941, and the perspectives or possibilities for these relations in the further course of the war.
15

SEBEIDENTIFIKACE, STATISTIKA A JEJÍ INTERPRETACE – ETNICKY SMÍŠENÁ MANŽELSTVÍ, JUGOSLÁVCI A MUSLIMSKÁ OTÁZKA V BOSNĚ A HERCEGOVINĚ V KONTEXTU NÁRODNOSTNÍ POLITIKY SOCIALISTICKÉ JUGOSLÁVIE

75%
Žíla O.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2013
|
vol. 61
|
issue 3
513 – 532
EN
The paper analyses the co-existence of the nations of Bosnia-Herzegovina in the context of the development of the national policy of socialist Yugoslavia. Its aim is to explain some of the key aspects involved in shaping the varied mosaic of the multi-ethnic environment of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The study analyses how far the number of ethnically mixed marriages corresponded to the high level of ethnic heterogeneity. It considers the degree to which the Bosnian population identified with the non-national Yugoslav category and how this was reflected in the ethnic composition of the country. The conclusion of the text is devoted to the development of the Moslem question and the affirmation of the Moslems as the sixth nation of Yugoslavia.
16
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PRINCIPLES OF ETHNOPOLITICAL AND TERRITORIAL-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF YUGOSLAVIA. GENESIS, EVOLUTION AND CONTEMPORARY CONSEQUENCES (Polish title below)

75%
Mihaylov V.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2011
|
issue 39
61-70
EN
(Polish title: Zasady etnopolitycznej i terytorialno-politycznej organizacji Jugoslawii. Geneza, ewolucja, wspólczesne konsekwencje). The subject of the article is the principles of ethnopolitical and territorial-political organization of the Yugoslavian state. The genesis and evolution of mentioned question in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (1918-1941) and in Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia (1945-1991) are presented. One of the most important and controversial problems in Yugoslavian ethnopolitics - the relations between its ethnopolitical and territorial-political subsystems are considered. Dynamic changes and a lack of sequence in Yugoslav's ethnopolitics are emphasized in the paper. Attention has been paid to the question of territorial-political reorganization of the federation at the beginning of 1990s. The groups engaged in the struggle of division of Yugoslavia applied for various principles of delimitation of contentious areas. Susan Woodward brought out four main principles which the antagonist groups use as arguments for their 'property right' over the given territory - historical, democratical, principle of the inviolability of borders and realistic one. After the civil war during the 1990s, the Yugoslavian federation was reorganized into the sovereign states by recognizing the old internal administrative borders between the Yugoslav republics as international ones. The author discusses also contemporary problems of the ethnopolitical and territorial-political organization of post-Yugoslav countries and close relations between state-building and nation-building processes. Major current problems in the field of ethnopolitics, as a direct consequence of the influence of accumulated during the 70-year period of existence of a common state, has also been considered in the paper.
17

TENANCY VS. OWNERSHIP RIGHTS. HOUSING RENT CONTROL IN SOUTHEAST AND EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE, 1918 – 1928

63%
Miletić A. R.
Mesto a dejiny
|
2016
|
vol. 5
|
issue 1
51 – 74
EN
The article provides comparative perspectives on the development and dynamics of application of the housing rent control system in interwar Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and Poland. Specifically, the paper is focused on institutional shortcomings and anomalies of the system which came as a result of its long-term application. The paper will shed light on development of conception of tenancy right as confronted with previous conception of property ownership.
18
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Jugoslávská antititovská emigrace v Praze v letech 1954-1968. Od ukončení činnosti směrem k novým nadějím

63%
Vojtěchovský O.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
|
2012
|
vol. 110
|
issue 1
52-98
EN
During the period of the Soviet-Yugoslav split in the years 1948-1954 one of the groups of Yugoslav anti-Tito emigration was active in Czechoslovakia. This study deals with the responses of its members to the process of Normalisation which gradually gathered pace after Stalin’s death in the spring of 1953. Even then emigrants had lived in isolation for a longer period of time; their activity was formalised completely and most of them had become disillusioned and lost their political and life focus. In September 1954, alongside the ending of the anti-Tito campaign, Moscow issued a directive on the dissolution of emigrant organisations in the USSR and the countries of the Eastern bloc. Many emigrants thus lost their jobs; they found themselves in uncertain positions and feared for their futures. They responded to the new Soviet policy in a contradictory and confused manner. Two main tendencies, however, manifested themselves: to return to the homeland or to settle abroad permanently? The attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards the members of the „Inform Bureau“ prevented a large-scale repatriation. Several of the first returnees, despite being given earlier assurances, were handed out long-term prison sentences. The events in Hungary in 1956 and the consequent deterioration of Soviet-Yugoslav relations further strengthened the original attitudes of the remaining emigrants. From the late 1950s some of them began to consider the resumption of their activities and did undertake several initiatives in this direction from the early 1960s. The leading role in this was played both by emigrants in the Soviet Union – primarily the former leading personality of the Prague Group Slobodan Lale Ivanović – and new emigrants, led by Vlado Dapčević, who fled from Yugoslavia to Albania and from there to the Soviet Union in 1958. However, in Czechoslovakia these activities met with little response. The majority of the emigrants refused to become involved in politics and to have their lives complicated by activities which did not enjoy the support of the Czechoslovak regime. Within the resurrected movement Josip Milunić represented the moderate stream, whereas primarily Pero Dragila and his wife Dušanka voiced the views of the radical stream which was even prepared to criticise the USSR and voiced its support for China. The new rapproachement between Moscow and Belgrade, which started in 1963, launched a new wave of repatriation. One section of progressive minded emigrant activists linked it with the opportunity to participate in the process of re-integrating Yugoslavia amongst the Soviet Bloc countries. However, this vision soon proved to be an illusion. For this reason only several individuals returned from Czechoslovakia to Yugoslavia. Josip Milunić, the informal group leader, rejected this possibility straightaway. Any contacts with „Tito‘s men“ continued to be unimaginable for the radical group around the Dragilas - husband and wife. Both streams of the „Inform Bureau“ emigration awaited a new opportunity for their return to the political stage in the second half of the 1960s.
19

FROM THE ADRIATIC SEA TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. The Croats in New Zealand

63%
Stoffel H.-P.
Asian and African Studies
|
2009
|
vol. 18
|
issue 2
232-264
EN
The Croatian Community in New Zealand has a unique history. It is about 150 years old, its earliest arrivals were mainly young men from the Dalmatian coast of whom almost all worked as kauri gum diggers before moving into farming, and then into viticulture, fisheries and orchard business. Before large-scale urbanisation in the 1930s they lived in the north of New Zealand where there was also considerable contact with the local Maori population. The arrival of ever more women from Dalmatia, urbanisation and with it the establishment of voluntary associations, an improved knowledge of English, the language of the host society and, above all, economic betterment led to ever greater integration. After World War II migrants from areas of former Yugoslavia other than Croatia started to arrive in bigger numbers. Nowadays Croat people can be found in all spheres of New Zealand society and life, including in the arts, literature and sports. But the history of the Croats in New Zealand is also characterised by its links with the 'Old Country' whose political and social events, the latest in the 1990s, have always had a profound influence on the New Zealand Croatian community.
20
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Interpretace dějin Černé Hory na prahu 21. století

63%
Šístek F.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
|
2012
|
vol. 98
|
issue 5
575-621
EN
The paper focuses on different interpretations of Montenegrin history after 2000. It is primarily dedicated to the new surveys of this country´s history published in the first decade of the 21st century, mostly in close connection to the post-Yugoslav process of nation-building which culminated in 2006 by the declaration of independence. Critical comparative analysis of works by Thomas Fleming, Živko Andrijašević, Šerbo Rastoder, Elizabeth Roberts and Kenneth Morrison is conducted in a wider context of recent historiographical production on different periods of the history of Montenegro, Yugoslavia and the Balkans.
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