Search results

1

Trudne sąsiedztwo – wpływ relacji Turcji z sąsiadami na proces akcesji do Unii Europejskiej

100%

Adamczyk A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2013

|

issue 4

s.72-100

EN

In the first decade of the twenty-first century, Turkey strengthened its international position in the region, implementing a policy of ‘zero problems with neighbours’. Strengthening the country’s position in international rela-tions meant that Turkish politicians have fallen into self-admiration, classifying their state as a kind of regional power and hoping that they can impose a vision of building a new political structure in the region. Prime Minister Erdoğan, however, broke the principle of ‘zero problems’ and his international activities have embroiled Turkey in many international problems, as a result of which the country has fallen into isolation. The government in Ankara is in conflict or has bad relations with: Egypt, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Armenia, and Cyprus. This article presents the most important international problems of Turkey with its selected neighbours – Greece, Cyprus and Armenia.

2

The role of the Sejm in the process of Poland’s accession to the European Union

100%

Fryźlewicz M., Krawczyk K.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

|

2022

|

issue 4(76)

87-104

EN

The authors discuss the Parliament’s tasks in relation to the accession process, which can be divided into several basic areas. The first is the creation of the constitutional framework to provide a national legal basis for the membership in the European Union. The Sejm also decided on the method of ratification of the Accession Treaty in the form of a referendum, having previously adopted the necessary provisions for its execution. The power of parliamentary scrutiny over the accession process was actively exercised. The Sejm conducted political supervision of the accession negotiation process, analysed the state budget and its implementation with a special focus on expenditures on integration aims, and monitored the use of pre-accession funds. Another area of the Sejm’s activity was the preparation of the legal framework for functioning after accession to the EU. The Sejm also participated in the process of European integration through its activities in the field of parliamentary diplomacy.

3

Croatia’s Accession to the European Union – Reflections in the Light of Assumptions Relevant to International Organizations

100%

Cała-Wacinkiewicz E., Podgórzańska R., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2012

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issue 2 (2)

PL

Discussions on the methods of ratification did not undermine the existing policy on the admission of Croatia to the EU, and were merely the result of internal political disputes. Supporters of a position on the matter other than the government’s positions emphasized that they are advocates of Croatia’s accession to the EU, but the admission of a new country to the community atered, in their assessment, the strength and position of Poland in the EU and required ratification based of Art. 90 of the Constitution. After the rejection by the Sejm [the lower house of the Polish parliament] of the Law and Justice [PiS] draft resolution, which provided for the ratification of the accession treaty by a 2/3 majority vote, the government’s ratification bill was passed.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762

4

Technocracy and the questionable moral philosophy of management. A Southeast Europe inside.

88%

Musaraj A.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

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2019

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issue 19

37-48

EN

The moral philosophy of management and the effects of the dominating doctrines in public policy and decision making, in wider terms means to question what kind of relations, once applied, these doctrines and strategies created between state, groups and individual rights. The EU accession of Southeast Europe countries represents a unique chance to understand the real capability and superiority of technocratic solution, as a dominating doctrine in accession processes, exerted in situations of limited capacities in decision making, lack of established democratic institution, which presume weak capabilities in setting up long term strategies. A unique chance to test the real value of the so-called cold and rational solutions in public decision making. In this case the trade off is between the kind of society this political and managerial doctrine creates, how much the interests of those who mandates the “technocratic power” by the power transfer process are still in balance or under consideration.

5

About the Need of Euro-Amendment to the Constitution of Poland

88%

Szymanek J.

Studia Prawnicze

|

2010

|

issue 1(183)

5-30

EN

At the present moment, such background is created by e.g. the international models and general rules, and solutions applied in a democratic constitutional state. Every constitution creator wishes to form a truly modern act that will be adequate to the need of the moments and, at the same time, properly (democratically) legitimized, which must respect certain, at least the minimum requirements in the scope of defining the catalogue of principal rules or rights and freedoms of an individual. However, the proper Euro-amendment has a much more modest reach and it covers the part of constitutional matter which pertains to the participation of a state in the European Union directly. The Euro-amendment understood in this way can be divided into the widely understood Euro-amendment, which will contain procedures, e.g. of a country accession to the Union and enforcement of its rights and the narrow Euro-amendment which should be understood as adaptation of the constitution to the mechanism of a country’s accession to the Economic and Monetary Union and, in consequence, replacement of the national currency with Euro. In Poland, proper Euro-amendment has not been introduced in the wide or in the narrow sense. It seems, however, that it is more and more necessary not only owing to the deepening participation of Poland in the European Union structures but, most of all, owing to the willingness (and the need resulting from the accession treaty) to accept the Euro currency.

6

Polskie reakcje na I rozszerzenie Wspólnot Europejskich o Wielką Brytanię, Danię, Irlandię (1961-1973)

76%

Barabasz A.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2015

|

issue 9

505-525

EN

The primary objective of this paper is to examine the response of the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic to the extending scope and range of European integration in 1961–1973. The following countries applied for EEC membership in this period: the United Kingdom, Ireland and Denmark. The analysis is conducted on the basis of press releases of the Polish Press Agency (PAP) as well as features published in newspapers and magazines (“Trybuna Ludu”, “Polityka”, “Nowe drogi”, “Ideologia i Polityka”), as well as academic periodicals (“Przegląd Międzynarodowy”, “Przegląd Zachodni”).

7

PROBLEM MIGRACJI W STOSUNKACH MIĘDZY TURCJĄ A UNIĄ EUROPEJSKĄ

75%

Gąsior-Niemiec A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2012

|

issue 10

19-31 (13)

EN

The paper is focused on migration as one of the major issues that determine relations, including accession negotiations, between the European Union and Turkey. In spite of the dominant anti-Turkish discourse across the EU, the Author points out several historical and current phenomena that have resulted in building a complex migration system between the two geographical areas. The migration flows within the migration system are shown to have occurred in both directions. Both advantages and disadvantages of the flows are selectively discussed. Finally, based on demographic forecasts, economic prognoses and current migration statistics in Europe, the paper hypothesizes that in the future the much feared inflows of the Turks to the EU might be balanced, if not surpassed, by outflows of both the former Turkish immigrants and “native” Europeans from Europe to Turkey.

8

The Legality and Certain Legal Consequences of the “Accession” of Crimea to the Russian Federation

75%

Cwicinskaja N.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

|

2014

|

vol. 34

61-87

EN

On 11 March 2014 Crimea declared independence. Ukraine and international society has not recognised that act. However Crimea’s independence was recognised by Russia and on 18 March 2014 an agreement on the accession of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation was signed. Many countries and international organisations have condemned that step, viewing it as illegal annexation. Regardless of how this situation is treated however, it is at present a fait accompli. Such a situation evokes legal consequences both in the internal law of Ukraine and Russia as well as on the plane of international law. The residents of Crimea appear to be in the worst situation. Legal certainty is a fiction for them now. There are also problems on the international plane. Despite the fact that in the opinion of international society Crimea remains an integral part of Ukraine, in practice there are many conflicting problems of a legal nature that cannot be solved, at least for the time being. This article analyses the legality and certain legal consequences of the “accession” of Crimea to Russia and the effect of this accession on the legal situation for residents of Crimea. The article concludes that legal situation of Crimeans will not improve anytime soon, and that the legal problems which have arisen on the international plane will not be resolved soon either.

9

Terytorialne zróżnicowanie poparcia dla wejścia Polski do Unii Europejskiej

75%

Wasilewski J.

Studia Regionalne i Lokalne

|

2004

|

issue 3(17)

105-118

PL

Artykuł skupia uwagę na niektórych "obiektywnych" predyktorach głosowania w referendum i konfrontuje je z rzeczywistymi zachowaniami wyborczymi. Główną zmienną zależną są zagregowane dane obrazujące poparcie dla wejścia do Unii na poziomie powiatów. Tym samym uzyskujemy obraz terytorialnego zróżnicowania poparcia dla akcesji. Różnice między powiatami wyjaśniane są przez odwołanie do stopy zatrudnienia w rolnictwie i stopy bezrobocia, a także położenia powiatów w obrębie czterech historycznie ukształtowanych regionów. Analiza wykazuje, że zdecydowanie najsilniejszy wpływ na terytorialny rozkład poparcia dla UE ma zatrudnienie w rolnictwie. Słabszą, lecz istotną rolę odgrywają regiony historyczne, a także choć w jeszcze mniejszym stopniu stopa bezrobocia.

EN

The article focuses on objective predictors of voting behaviour in the EU referendum and confronts them with the actual outcomes of the referendum. Major dependent variable is support for EU entry on a county (powiat) level. The aggregate data for counties show territorial distribution of support. The differences between counties are analyzed in terms of employment in agriculture, historic regions, and unemployment. Analysis reveals an absolute dominance of employment in agriculture in explaining territorial differences in EU support. Nevertheless, historic regions preserve their significance, and, to a lesser degree, unemployment rate.

10

The enlargement of the European Union – Poland’s example. Between unity and diversity

71%

Czachór Z.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2017

|

issue 4

7-20

PL

Polska kilka razy w swej historii aktywności integracyjnej przed i po przystąpieniu do UE podjęła próbę zademonstrowania pozostałym krajom UE i unijnym instytucjom, że chce być samodzielnym podmiotem wewnątrz-unijnej gry interesów. Tym bardziej, że nie zawsze interesy Polski są zgodne z interesami pozostałych aktorów integracji. Na przykład sprzeciwiamy się postulatowi szybszego rozwoju krajów należących do „twardego jądra” UE. Z drugiej strony Polsce nadal bliskie jest uniwersalistyczne przesłanie, które brzmi: naszym wspólnym życzeniem jest uczynienie Europy kontynentem demokracji, wolności, pokoju i postępu. Unia pozostaje dla Polski nadal gwarantem redukowania linii podziału w Europie i popierania stabilności i pomyślnego rozwoju. Z uwagi na powyższe, zdaniem autora nie ma innego wyjścia, Europa (UE) musi postawić na uniwersalistyczno-partykularną syntezę jedności w wielości oraz jedności w różnorodności, która wzbogaca i rozwija, ale nie rozbija. A przede wszystkim eksponuje dobro wspólne bez zaniku (zatracania) dobra indywidualnego.

EN

The history of Poland’s integration activities, undertaken both before and after joining the EU, has featured several attempts to demonstrate its desire to become an independent entity in the internal EU game of the interests of other EU countries and institutions. This has been the case, since Poland’s interests have not always been compatible with the interests of the other actors of integration. For instance, Poland has opposed the scenario of the faster development of countries forming the ‘hard core’ of the EU. On the other hand, Poland still supports the universal postulate of making Europe a continent of democracy, freedom, peace and progress. The European Union has remained the guarantee that the lines that divide Europe will be erased and stable and consistent development ensured. Therefore, the author believes that Europe (the European Union) has no alternative, and will have to opt for a universalist-and-particular synthesis of unity in multiplicity, and unity in diversity, which enriches and develops but does not divide countries. First and foremost, this synthesis emphasizes the common good while not losing sight of (abandoning) the individual good.

11

Wspólnota wartości w Unii Europejskiej z perspektywy art. 90 ust. 1 Konstytucji RP

71%

Wójtowicz K.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2018

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vol. 80

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issue 1

111-118

EN

In the field of values, the accession to the European Union carried out pursuant to Article 90(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland was in line with the purpose of this article and met the conditions for its application. Also later, already during membership in the European Union, Polish political practice did not differ from EU axiological standards. The understanding of a democratic state governed by the rule of law as referred to in Article 2 of the Constitution was consistent with the content of values common to the Member States, which, in accordance with Article 2 of the TEU, constituted the political foundation of the Union. The essence of the system of these common values is that the fulfilment by public authorities of the citizens’ will expressed in free elections is carried out with respect for the principles of the rule of law. These principles include mainly: the separation of powers, with particular regard to the independence of courts and the independence of judges, political pluralism, protection of individual rights and respect for minority rights. Failure to observe the values referred to in Article 2 of the Constitution and Article 2 of the TEU would undermine the purpose and content of Article 90(1) of the Constitution. According to the Constitution, and in the light of EU law binding for Poland, it could expose Poland to the control mechanism provided for in Article 7 TEU.

PL

Akcesja do Unii Europejskiej dokonana na podstawie art. 90 ust. 1 Konstytucji RP była w sferze wartości zgodna z celem tego przepisu i spełniała warunki jego zastosowania. Także później, w okresie członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej, polska praktyka ustrojowa nie odbiegała od unijnych standardów aksjologicznych. Sposób rozumienia demokratycznego państwa prawnego, o którym mowa w art. 2 Konstytucji, był bowiem spójny z treścią wartości wspólnych państwom członkowskim, stanowiących zgodnie z art. 2 TUE ustrojową podstawę Unii. Istotą systemu tych wspólnych wartości jest to, by realizowanie przez organy władzy publicznej woli obywateli wyrażonej w wolnych wyborach następowało z poszanowaniem zasad państwa prawnego, na które składają się przede wszystkim: podział władzy, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem niezależności sądów i niezawisłości sędziów, pluralizm polityczny, ochrona praw jednostki, respektowanie praw mniejszości. Nieprzestrzeganie wartości, o których mowa w art. 2 Konstytucji oraz w art. 2 TUE, podważyłoby cel i treść art. 90 ust. 1 Konstytucji, a w świetle wiążącego RP prawa unijnego – mogłoby narazić Polskę na objęcie jej mechanizmem kontroli przewidzianym w art. 7 TUE.

12

Społeczne skutki poakcesyjnych migracji ludności Polski w świetle raportu Komitetu Badań nad Migracjami Polskiej Akademii Nauk

63%

Zieniuk-Cupryn E.

Facta Simonidis

|

2016

|

vol. 9

|

issue 1

109-123

EN

Post-accession migrations are extremely multidimensional phenomenon which fits into the dynamics of transformation of the postmodern world. Migrations are the subject of great interest in Poland not only for the public and the media but also institutions and state organizations. The report of the Committee of Migration Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences takes into account not only the most important aspects of the post-accession migration, showing its multidimensional effects; but also essential for the migration mechanisms, causes of migration upon leaving the structure of the society as well as contained in the migration process human assets.

PL

Poakcesyjne migracje są zjawiskiem niezwykle wielowymiarowym, wpisującym się w dynamikę przemian ponowoczesnego świata. W Polsce migracje stanowią przedmiot dużego zainteresowania zarówno społeczeństwa, jak i środków masowego przekazu oraz instytucji i organizacji państwowych. Taką właśnie próbą analizy tego zjawiska jest raport Komitetu Badań nad Migracjami Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Raport uwzględnia nie tylko najistotniejsze aspekty poakcesyjnych migracji, ukazując wielowymiarowe skutki, jakie niosą ze sobą, ale również istotne dla migracji mechanizmy, przyczyny migracji, struktury wyjeżdżających, a także zawarty w migracjach kapitał ludzki.

13

Skutki akcesji Turcji do Unii Europejskiej

63%

Pohl A.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2012

|

issue 2(343)

269-285

EN

Turkish accession to the European Union has for years been the subject of much debate. This issue is of particular importance in the context of increasingly better economic and political position of a candidate country in the international arena, and economic stagnation in the Member States of the organization. The admission of Turkey into the EU will result in many consequences. The article presents the opportunities, challenges, potential benefits and concerns related to the process of this country’s accession. The author focuses on economic, political and security issues, depicted from the perspective of both parties. The author does not try to assess the positives and the negatives or answer the question of whether Turkey should become a member of the organization.

14

Społeczne skutki poakcesyjnych migracji ludności Polski w świetle raportu Komitetu Badań nad Migracjami Polskiej Akademii Nauk

63%

Zieniuk-Cupryn E.

Facta Simonidis

|

2016

|

issue 9

109-124

EN

Social impact of the post-accession migration of the Polish population in the light of the report of the Committee of Migration Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences

15

STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL ORIENTATION OF UKRAINIAN POPULATION

63%

Tishchenko A., Bondarenko I.

Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem

|

2015

|

vol. 2(5)

53-61

EN

There is no other way to build a democratic society but with inevitable interaction between the government and overall population of the country. With regard to this the objective of the current research is to determine changes in political views of the Ukrainian population on Ukraine's accession to the EU and NATO and to define changes in the level of public trust to social institutions after the Revolution of Dignity by comparing the results of sample surveys opinion poll in July 2013 and March 2015. The results of the study showed that views of Ukraine’s population on their country’s European integration changed. Public support for Ukraine’s joining NATO has reached the highest level in recent years. Tangible changes also have taken place in the regional perspective, which might be caused by internal migration of Donbass region population. The level of confidence in the newly elected president an in the Armed Forces of Ukraine has increased.

16

EU enlargement and agricultural trade between new and old member states: any changes one year after accession?

63%

Defrancesco E., Zolin M. B.

Problemy Rolnictwa Światowego

|

2006

|

vol. 14

EN

The paper aims to evaluate whether or not the last EU enlargement to the new 10 member states (EUN-10) has influenced the intra EU trade of agricultural products. In particular, the analysis focuses on the effects on trade between two groups of countries EU-15 and EUN-8 (i.e. the Central-Eastern Europe new members countries) of the EU-accession process. The import-export flows show a noticeable increase in trade between the two areas over the last decade. This increase surely stems from the opening up process, but according to second best theory in international trade which applies to Customs Unions – it not necessarily favours efficiency as far as social welfare is concerned. The analysis shows also that the comparative advantages in certain products, which ten years ago fuelled trade, do not appear to have altered the position of the two groups of countries. Focusing on agricultural products the integration process, which was already underway during the pre-accession period, has maintained and not reduced their specific specialization.

17

Możliwości i bariery akcesji Ukrainy do Unii Europejskiej: wybrane aspekty

63%

Mykhailovska N.

Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne

|

2015

|

vol. 17

115 - 130

EN

The article includes a research about opportunities and barriers in the process of European integration in Ukraine. Three main aspects were chosen: geopolitical position, corruption and differentiation of the regions. Each of these aspects is a significant obstacle to the transformation of Ukraine, but due to successful and effective reform they can become advantages which will help to transform the country into a European state. Since its independence Ukraine has become a barrier between East and West. Its geopolitical position played a negative role in determining priorities and directions of the foreign policy. As a result Maidan appeared, Crimea was annexed, terrorist activities in Eastern Ukraine began. All these events reflected negatively on integration and transformation processes in the country. However, Ukraine has chosen Western direction of development that can give wide opportunities in future. One of the negative factors hindering Ukraine’s way to Europe is the high level of corruption. According to Transparency International Ukraine was placed 142nd on the Corruption Perceptions Index in 2014. This indicates that it is one of the most corrupted countries in the world. Following the experience of European countries, first of all Czech Republic, the Government of Ukraine has developed anti-corruption strategy for 2014–2017. If it is successful, Ukraine has a chance to reduce corruption and it will also facilitate conditions for other reforms. Another aspect which has a negative influence on effective governance are regional differences. Poland is a good example of the country which could turn this disadvantage into advantage. Ukraine has adopted National Strategy for Regional Development 2020 which will provide effective control into the regions to direct their activity on development of local and country economy. Ukraine has a chance to change its position on the political map. The experience of neighboring countries which are members of the European Union and had completed the transformation process can help Ukraine to overcome most of the obstacles on the way to Europe and become a strong and prosperous state.

18

PRL wobec II rozszerzenia Wspólnot Europejskich o Grecję (1961–1981)

54%

Barabasz A.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2017

|

issue 1

221-242

EN

The main goal of this article is to present the attitude of authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards the southern extension of the European Community of Greece between 1961 and 1981. In this article, among other things, the classified correspondence between the Polish diplomats who were allocated to posts in Athen’ s and the fourth department of Polish People’s Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been presented. This article has also presented the responses of the Polish press (i.e. “Trybuna Ludu”, “Życie Warszawy”, “Polityka”) to the cooperation of Greece to EWG.

PL

Zasadniczym celem artykułu było zaprezentowanie stanowiska władz Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej wobec południowego rozszerzenia Wspólnot Europejskich o Grecję w latach (1961–1981). W artykule przedstawiono m.in., korespondencję pomiędzy polskimi dyplomatami przebywającymi w Atenach a DEP. IV Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych PRL (Europa Zachodnia), w której przybliżono polskie oceny długiego i skomplikowanego procesu adaptacji Grecji do wymogów wspólnotowych. W artykule zaprezentowano także reakcje prasy polskiej (m.in.: „Trybuny Ludu”, „Życia Warszawy”, „Polityki”, „Prawa i Życia”) na kooperację kraju z EWG.

19

PRL wobec rozszerzenia Wspólnot Europejskich o Hiszpanię i Portugalię (1962–1986)

54%

Barabasz A.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2016

|

issue 10

317-334

EN

The main goal of this article is to present the attitude of authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards the southern extension of the European Community of Spain and Portugal between 1962 and 1986. In this article, among other things, the classified correspondence between the Polish diplomats who were allocated to posts in Rome, Madrid and Paris, and the fourth department of Polish People’s Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been presented. Those materials showed the Polish estimated assessment of a long and complicated process of adaptability of both Iberian countries to the requirements of the European Community. This article has also presented the responses of the Polish press (i.e. Trybuna Ludu, Życie Warszawy, Polityka) to the cooperation of both countries and EWG.

PL

Zasadniczym celem artykułu było zaprezentowanie stanowiska władz Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej wobec południowego rozszerzenia Wspólnot Europejskich o Hiszpanię i Portugalię w latach (1962–1986). W artykule przedstawiono m.in., tajną korespondencję pomiędzy polskimi dyplomatami przebywającymi na placówkach w Rzymie, Madrycie, Paryżu a DEP.IV Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych PRL (Europa Zachodnia), w której przybliżono polskie oceny długiego i skomplikowanego procesu adaptacji obu iberyjskich krajów do wymogówwspólnotowych. W artykule zaprezentowano także reakcje prasy polskiej (m.in., „Trybuny Ludu”, „Życia Warszawy”, „Polityki”) na kooperację obu krajów z EWG.

20

Stanowisko Rosji i Niemiec wobec akcesji Polski do NATO

51%

Fiszer J. M.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

|

2022

|

vol. 57

|

issue 1

185-215

EN

After the parliamentary elections in June 1989 and the beginning of the political and systemic transformations, Poland made efforts to join the Euro-Atlantic partnership, culminating in the accession to NATO and the European Union. However, Poland had to overcome many barriers, including overcoming Russia’s opposition and gaining the support of the United States and Germany, which, despite politicians’ declarations and promises, in practice was not so enthusiastic and unambiguous. The article shows Russia’s negative stance and Germany’s attitude toward Poland’s efforts to join NATO in 1989–1999.

PL

Po wyborach parlamentarnych w czerwcu 1989 r. i rozpoczęciu transformacji ustrojowej Polska podjęła starania o członkostwo w strukturach euroatlantyckich, które uwieńczone zostały akcesją do NATO i Unii Europejskiej. Polska musiała jednak pokonać wiele barier, w tym przezwyciężyć sprzeciw Rosji i uzyskać wsparcie Stanów Zjednoczonych i Niemiec, które wbrew deklaracjom i obietnicom polityków w praktyce nie były tak entuzjastycznie i jednoznacznie nastawione. Artykuł ukazuje negatywne stanowisko Rosji i postawę Niemiec wobec starań Polski w latach 1989–1999 o członkostwo w NATO.

Refine search results

Trudne sąsiedztwo – wpływ relacji Turcji z sąsiadami na proces akcesji do Unii Europejskiej

The role of the Sejm in the process of Poland’s accession to the European Union

Croatia’s Accession to the European Union – Reflections in the Light of Assumptions Relevant to International Organizations

Technocracy and the questionable moral philosophy of management. A Southeast Europe inside.

About the Need of Euro-Amendment to the Constitution of Poland

Polskie reakcje na I rozszerzenie Wspólnot Europejskich o Wielką Brytanię, Danię, Irlandię (1961-1973)

PROBLEM MIGRACJI W STOSUNKACH MIĘDZY TURCJĄ A UNIĄ EUROPEJSKĄ

The Legality and Certain Legal Consequences of the “Accession” of Crimea to the Russian Federation

Terytorialne zróżnicowanie poparcia dla wejścia Polski do Unii Europejskiej

The enlargement of the European Union – Poland’s example. Between unity and diversity

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