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EN
In the author’s opinion there is no legal basis for an obligation to indicate benefits from the “500+ programme” or alimony in the Deputy’s financial statement as “income obtained from employment or other gainful activity or engagement”. However, it is not prohibited to indicate them. Alimony for the benefit of a former spouse, children (both minor and adult ones) or other relatives of a Deputy should be disclosed in the point XI (money liabilities valued at over 10.000 PLN) of the financial statement. Income from rented apartment – unless it is a lease carried out within economic activity – shall be considered as “engagement” for the purpose of the financial declaration. It should be disclosed in the Deputy’s financial statement.
EN
The existence and scope of maintenance obligations between divorced spouses depend not only on their needs and income and property options, but also on the decision as to the fault for the breakdown of the marriage. Irrespective of the general reasons for the termination of the maintenance obligation as a result of the death of the entitled or obliged person, the Family and Guardianship Code provides for special cases of the termination of the maintenance obligation. The court may, at the request of the entitled person, extend this obligation if “exceptional circumstances” occur. The provisions do not provide for time limits on the obligation to pay maintenance to a spouse who had been found guilty of the breakdown of marriage. This obligation may be a burden for life if the former spouse does not remarry.
EN
Each child has been guaranteed some rights and the adults are obliged to obey them. However, the subject of children’s duties is not generally discussed, forgetting about parent’s rights or legal guardian’s rights. The obedience duty of the people excercising parental authority is widely known. The main aim of he pr esent paper is to indicate that Polish legislator imposes a bit more duties on children both in the respect of parents as well as legal guardians. What is more, these responsibilities do not expire when the child comes of age, but they remain in his/her adulthood
EN
In the paper, remarks are presented concerning the planned reform of the family law, assuming, i.a., the introduction of the institution of immediate alimony, information proceedings in divorce cases and new solutions as regards alternating custody. It is pointed that the regulations in the scope of immediate alimony are an appropriate proposal. However, doubts arise as to alternating custody being the most beneficial solution for a child of parents living separately. Solutions related to information proceedings are evaluated negatively.
PL
This publication presents the evolution of international law acts in the scope of alimony execution from the obliged one residing on the territory of Spain, for the benefit of a child, having the enforcement order and residing in Poland. In this context, it is worth noticing that in case of the discussed Polish-Spanish relations, the performance of scientific discourse concerning alimony execution seems particularly interesting, due to the fact that the prescriptive material being a kind of achievement of international diplomacy in the practical aspect, is often useless. Despite the formal introduction of other legal acts, that is the New York Convention of 1956, the Hague Convention of 1973, the Lugano Convention of 1988 and the Brussels I Regulation (regulation 44/2001), it can be stated that during the practical use of law, a jumping evolution occurred which was the fact that Polish courts only utilized the New York convention and skipped other, indicated acts herein, until the moment of implementation of the regulation 4/2009. The aim of the authors is to point the reasons of such a condition and the presentation of the process leading the obtainment of the benefits due to the entitled one.
Ius Novum
|
2022
|
vol. 16
|
issue 3
188-201
EN
The subject of the gloss is a resolution of the Supreme Administrative Court in which theCourt examined the rules of determining income in social assistance proceedings. Whilerecognising the possibility of reducing income solely by the amount of alimony provided toan entitled person under the provisions of the family and guardianship code, the SupremeAdministrative Court stated unequivocally that the privileged method of determining incomecannot be used by persons who do not pay alimony and are obliged to make payments to thealimony fund. This gloss presents arguments supporting the theses contained in the resolutionand their axiological justification. Moreover, it elaborates on the issues indirectly raised by theadjudicating panel, such as overdue alimony and amounts that are actually paid as part ofalimony. This subject is important for determining the income of persons applying for supportunder the social assistance system as well as paying for benefits.
PL
Przedmiotem glosy jest uchwała Naczelnego Sądu Administracyjnego, w której Sąd odniósłsię do zasad ustalania dochodu w postępowaniach z zakresu pomocy społecznej. Uznającmożliwość pomniejszenia przychodu jedynie o alimenty świadczone osobie uprawnionej napodstawie przepisów Kodeksu rodzinnego i opiekuńczego, NSA stwierdził jednoznacznie, żez uprzywilejowanego sposobu ustalania dochodu nie mogą korzystać dłużnicy alimentacyjnispłacający zobowiązania na rzecz funduszu alimentacyjnego. Glosa przedstawia argumentyaprobujące tezy zawarte w uchwale oraz ich aksjologiczne uzasadnienie. Ponadto zawierarozwinięcie zagadnień pośrednio poruszanych przez skład orzekający, dotyczących alimentówzaległych oraz kwot faktycznie przekazywanych w ramach alimentacji. Problematyka ta maistotne znaczenie dla ustalania sytuacji dochodowej osoby ubiegającej się o wsparcie w ramachsystemu pomocy społecznej oraz ponoszącej odpłatność za świadczenia.
EN
The gloss endorses the position of the Court of Justice of the European Union presented in the judgment issued in case C-644/20, in which the CJEU recognized – for the purposes of determining the law applicable in a cross-border maintenance case – the habitual residence of the child (pursuant to Article 3 of the Protocol Hague of 23 November 2007 on the Law Applicable to Maintenance Obligations) the country to which the child has been abducted despite a judgment ordering the return of the child under the Hague Convention of 25 October 1980 on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction. The Court, bearing in mind the best interests of the child, recognized the need to take into account the current environment in which the child currently resides in the context of assessing the real needs of the maintenance creditor. Thus, the CJEU did not adopt the concept contained in Regulation 2201/2003, according to which the jurisdictional connecting factor based on the child’s habitual residence, in principle, cannot be linked to the country to which the child was wrongfully removed or retained.
PL
Glosa wyraża aprobatę do stanowiska Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej przedstawionego w wyroku wydanym w sprawie C-644/20, w którym TSUE uznał – na potrzeby ustalenia prawa właściwego w sprawie alimentacyjnej o charakterze transgranicznym – za miejsce zwykłego pobytu dziecka (na podstawie art. 3 Protokołu haskiego z 23.11.2007 r. o prawie właściwym dla zobowiązań alimentacyjnych) państwo, do którego dziecko zostało uprowadzone, pomimo wydania wyroku nakazującego powrót dziecka na podstawie Konwencji haskiej z 25.10.1980 r. dotyczącej cywilnych aspektów uprowadzenia dziecka za granicę. Trybunał, mając na uwadze dobro dziecka, uznał konieczność uwzględnienia aktualnego środowiska, w którym dziecko aktualnie przebywa w kontekście oceny realnych potrzeb wierzyciela alimentacyjnego. Tym samym TSUE nie przejął koncepcji zawartej w rozporządzeniu 2201/2003, zgodnie z którą łącznik jurysdykcyjny oparty na miejscu zwykłego pobytu dziecka co do zasady nie może być powiązany z państwem, do którego dziecko zostało bezprawnie uprowadzone lub w którym zostało zatrzymane.
Ius Matrimoniale
|
2016
|
vol. 27
|
issue 3
81-91
EN
Nowadays, the issues of the alimony obligation is very timely. This applies not only to maintenance of parents of children, but also exists in other family relationships. The purpose of this article is present the issues of the alimony obligation between grandparents and grandchildren. This analysis is made on the basis of the case, chich happener by the District Court in Lublin. It will be shown the facts, the legal status of the case and the reasons for the decision.
PL
Celem niniejszego opracowania jest przeprowadzenie interdyscyplinarnej analizy przepisów zawartych w art. 1025 § 1 pkt 21, § 32, § 7–8 Kodeksu postępowania cywilnego w płaszczyźnie norm i wartości konstytucyjnych, wyznaczonych przez szczegółowe instytucje zasady demokratycznego państwa prawnego. Regulacja ta została wprowadzona nowelizacją z 9 marca 2023 r. jako zabezpieczenie przyszłych należności wierzycieli alimentacyjnych. W artykule omówiono zastrzeżenia dotyczące jej zgodności z konstytucyjną zasadą ochrony praw nabytych oraz przedstawiono propozycje naprawcze. Zaprezentowano również problematykę zgodności nowych przepisów z prawem do egzekucji, wywodzonym z konstytucyjnego prawa do sądu. W opracowaniu wykorzystano dogmatyczno-prawną metodę badawczą.
EN
The purpose of this study is an interdisciplinary analysis the new regulations, referred to in Art. 1025 § 1 point 21, § 32, § 7–8 of the Code of Civil Procedure, in the context of constitutional norms and values determined by specific institutions the principles of a democratic state of law. This regulation was introduced by the amendment of March 9, 2023 as a security for future alimony claims. The article discusses reservations regarding its compliance with the constitutional principle of protection of acquired rights and also presents the corrective proposals. The goal of the paper is to present the compliance of new regulations with the right to enforcement, derived from the constitutional right to a court. The study uses a dogmatic-legal research method.
EN
The year 2012 was announced the Year for Active Ageing and Solidarity between Generations in Decision No 940 2011 EU of the European Parliament and the European Council. The paper features the issue of Polish maintenance law which is an example of a legal regulation of the solidarity between generations. Basically, the support given and received by family members has very strong moral roots. The legal regulation provides for minimal protection only, which may be executed using the power of the state. The solidarity between generations, effected by the provision of the means for living, is very obvious in the relations between parents and children, especially when the beneficiary is an underage child (a minor). However, the right to claim maintenance is also guaranteed by law to parents (and grandparents). When an elderly person is not able to support herself or himself, the law gives them an opportunity to turn to descendents for help. It should be emphasised that this aspect of maintenance which has, so far, been a very rare subject of analyses, is gradually becoming more important from the perspective of the existing demographic problems and the process of ageing in our society.
PL
Decyzją Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady nr 940/2011/UE z 14 września 2011 r. ustanowiono rok 2012 Rokiem Aktywności Osób Starszych i Solidarności Międzypokoleniowej. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest analizie polskiego prawa alimentacyjnego stanowiącego wyraz prawnej regulacji solidarności międzypokoleniowej w zakresie zaspokajania potrzeb członków rodziny. Solidarność ta przejawia się z pewnością w odpowiednim uregulowaniu sposobu dostarczania środków utrzymania i wychowania pomiędzy rodzicami i dziećmi, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sytuacji dziecka małoletniego, jako istoty słabszej. Należy jednak zwrócić uwagę, że stosunek alimentacyjny istnieje w ogóle między krewnymi w linii prostej, łączy zatem także na przykład dziadków z wnukami. Celem opracowania jest ukazanie poszczególnych relacji międzypokoleniowych, z których wynika stosunek alimentacyjny, oraz przyjrzenie się przesłankom uzasadniającym możliwość dochodzenia świadczeń alimentacyjnych. Przedmiotem analizy była zatem, po pierwsze, sytuacja dziecka uprawnionego do otrzymywania środków utrzymania, zarówno w okresie małoletności, jak i po osiągnięciu przez nie pełnoletności. Po drugie, omówiono także uprawnienia rodziców (dziadków) do dochodzenia alimentów od swoich samodzielnych dzieci (wnuków). Podkreślić należy, że ten drugi aspekt, na który zdecydowanie rzadziej w doktrynie zwraca się uwagę, ma szczególne znaczenie w kontekście obecnych problemów demograficznych, sytuacji osób starszych oraz solidarności międzypokoleniowej.
EN
1. The idea of family jurisdiction is not new, yet it continues to raise animated discussion and controversy. Family courts which exist in many countries have miscellaneous and frequently rather narrow competence. Elsewhere, experiments have been made with family courts for many years now, consisting in taking observations of the works of a few family courts, the traditional orgnization of jurisdiction maintained in the entire country. The family jurisdiction, enforced in Poland on January 1st, 1978, was introduced in the entire territory, the competence of family courts outlined most broadly: all cases directly connected with family relations (affiliation of a child, alimony, nullification and dissolution of a marriage, adoption, limitation, suspension and deprivation of parental authority, institution of legal protection, etc.), cases connected with penal acts committed by juveniles, cases of compulsory treatment of alcoholics in closed hospitals, and offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, fell under competence of family courts.       Family courts which are departments of district courts, have assembled nearly half of the cases coming in a district court. At the same time, cases have been divided between the judges basing on the territorial principle: every judge hears all kinds of cases coming in from the territory he has been assigned. This way, all cases essentially connected with the functioning of a given family were always to be judged by the same judge. The broad competence of a family judge and the fact that he heard all cases concerning the members of a given family was to create conditions in which all problems appearing within that family would be treated on a broad basis in every case, to ensure that each particular pronouncement concerning that family be compact and complementary, to guarantee the correctness of decisions owing to the knowledge of the whole of conflicts which occur in that family, and to make preventive activities broader and deeper.       The creation of family courts caused the liquidation of juvenile courts, all their cases having passed to the family courts, as well as the transference of a considerable part of cases heard before by civil courts and a small number of cases from criminal courts.      Such a far-reaching reform of organization of common jurisdiction has justified the study of the effects of introduction of family courts, the more so as juvenile courts played an important part in the system of preventive measures against delinquency and other forms of social maladjustment. Therefore, it was the aim of the study to find out if family courts realize their function in practice, and what are the factors that determine difficulties or irregularities in case the courts fail totally or partially to fulfill their object.       The study embraced various sources of information about the functioning of family courts, i.e., first of all, statistical data on the jurisdiction in cases which now come within the scope of family courts from two periods: before and after they had been transferred to the family courts (years 1976-1977 and 1978-1981). Another extremely important source of information about the functioning of family courts was the analysis of cases of particular kind judged by juvenile, civil, and criminal couits, and then by family courts. Among the cases which provided a particularly great amount of information as to the way in which family courts fulfilled the goal they were planned to fulfill, were divorce suits, limitation of parental authority, penal acts of juveniles, and criminal cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth. Such cases require well-prepared materials before they are examined, comprehensive study of particular legal problems from the point of view of the interest of the family, first of all children that are brought up in it, and finally (apart from divorce suits) active execution of the sentence, as the method of execution determines the results of the entire preceding activity of the court.       A detailed study was made of a standard sample of cases now investigated by 8 family courts - small, medium, and large, each of the 4 family courts created on January 1st, 1978, matched with one of the 4 family courts which had been functioning before that day as experimental courts. In this way comparison could have been made between the functioning of new family courts and those which had been working for some years to find out if the lenght of the period of work of  the family court contributed to eliminating of various mistakes and dificiencies resulting from lack of experience during the first years of work of the family court. The standard of work of the "new" family courts emerging from the analysis of cases was also compared with that of juvenile courts, civil courts, and criminal courts which had been departments of the same district courts, by way of analysis of the same kind of cases judged before the reform of jurisdiction. This comparison was to provide information about changes which took place in preliminary proceedings, setencing, and execution of sentences, after family courts had taken over the cases which had been investigated before by other departments of district courts.       Another source of information was the examination on the spot of the conditions of work of the 8 family courts the files of which had been analysed, including their staff, the system of social probation officers, the number of different duties imposed, and the power to execute decicions.       Finally, the opinion on family courts was asked of family judges themselves, of professional probation officers of these courts, and of solicitors, whose experience in appearing before different courts in cases of the same kind seemed particularly valuable. A questionnaire examination also included the family judges who had judged in juvenile, civil, and criminal courts before the jurisdiction reform, so as to define their attitudes and opinions as regards various problems of family life. The aim of the questionnaire was to find out any differences between the attitudes of former juvenile court judges in comparison with other judges working subsequently in family courts.         2. The analysis of statistical data concerning the 6-year period (including 4 years after family jurisdiction had been introduced) did not reveal any symptomatic difference which could be related to the creation of family courts. As regards divorce suits, for instance, neither the percentage of cases discontinued due to the reconciliation of the parties increased, not that of dismissed cases; in cases concerning parental authority, the structure of decisions did not change; in cases of penal acts committed by juveniles but a small increase of less radical sentences was noticed; finally, as regards cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, the only change was a slight reduction of the number of sentences to the penalty of deprivation of liberty without conditional suspension of execution in favour of limitation of parental authority.        The results obtained through a detailed analysis of court files of cases formerly heard by juvenile, civil, and criminal courts were much the same as regards the contents of issued decisions. Nevertheless, in some spheres of activity of family courts some favourable changes occurred; unfortunately they were accompanied by a considerable regress in other spheres. In particular, family courts investigated the situation of children of divorcing parents more precisely than the civil courts, but on the other hand they neglected material problems, less frequently adjudging alimony amounting to a sum higher than demanded, less frequently deciding ex officio as to the means of using a common appartment by the divorced parties and adjudging eviction from the appartment of the party who particularly grossly disturbed the family peace. In all cases where the court's decision should be properly executed by the family court machine, a considerable deterioration of the way of execution took place. This resulted both from the lack of adequate interest in this problem on the part of family judges who were engaged mostly in jurisdiction, and from remissness of professional probation officers who were also burdened with many other tasks and whose work was supervised by family judges but in a minimal degree. In spite of their contact with many kinds of cases, family judges showed little interest in prevention. It was interesting to find out that also the former juvenile judges who had been accustomed to give a lot of attention to various preventive activities, now did not differ by any means in this respect from the former civil and criminal judges. Also the functioning of the "old" family courts was by no means superior to that of the "new”  ones, and it was even inferior in some spheres - therefore, the standard of work of the courts was determined by other factors and not by the lack of experience.        The analysis of decisions from the point of view of complexity of their approach to the whole of the problems existing within a given family gave no evidence as to any differences between decisions in the same kinds of cases issued by family courts on the one hand, and juvenile, civil, and criminal courts on the other. Also the anticipation that decisions of family courts would be more compact and complementary to each other if several different cases of members of the same family would be heard by the same court, came true but to a minimal extent. Firstly, the percentage of families towards which at least 2 decisions had been issued by a family court during its period of existence was considerably low, amounting to 25 per cent of families ever included in any legal proceedings. Even in the case of those family courts which had been functioning for 7 years, the percentage in question was not high, amounting to 32 per cent. Secondly, in spite of the principle of territorial division of cases among the judges, only in half of cases, all suits concerning a given family were heard by the same judge. Thirdly, due to the nature of a considerable number of cases, the material gathered for them during the proceedings was of no importance as regards the way of examination and the essence of decision issued in the next case (this concerns first of all suits for alimony). Eventually, only in every seventh case both the same judge had heard the former case as well as the present one, and in the former case material had been gathered which was valuable for the better knowledge of the family and the more relevant judgement. It should also be mentioned that in the case of many of the decisions, there was considerable probability that the verdict sentences would have been similar, had they been adjudged by another judge of the same court, or of civil or criminal court. Therefore, it was impossible to ascertain that the creation of family courts had considerably contributed to a greater complexity, compactness, and complementariness of judgements.            The opinions on the functioning of family courts gathered from judges, probation officers, and solicitors have confirmed a number of remarks made during the analysis of court files and the direct examination of the conditions of work of the selected family courts. In spite of the fact that the very idea of creating family courts has been estimated favourably by the majority of the examined persons (62 per cent), a considerable part of them pointed to the following defects: too wide range of tasks of family courts, the resulting overwork which hindered adequate preventive activities, the domination of jurisdiction as compared with other tasks of the family court. One third of the respondents could not see any advantage in the creation of family courts. Half of them was of opinion that the introduction of family courts failed to increase the protection of children and the youth against demoralization (this was most frequently the opinion of the family judges themselves).            The second questionnaire, concerning opinions and attitudes of family judges, revealed the statements of the former juvenile judges concerning family and its problems to be more complete and definite as compared with statements of the former civil and criminal judges, and to take into consideration more frequently the psychological, pedagogical, social in its broadest sense, and even medical, aspects of these problems. One should, however, bear in mind that, as revealed by the analysis of files, no evidence was found of better work of the former juvenile judges as compared with other family judges.          In the final part of the present article an attempt was made to draw conclusions from the results of the study. Having discussed different possible variants of changing the competence of family courts, a definite model of a family court was suggested, characterized by a different internal structure, narrowed competence and a better defined position in the system of prevention of social maladjustment of children and the youth.
PL
         1. The idea of family jurisdiction is not new, yet it continues to raise animated discussion and controversy. Family courts which exist in many countries have miscellaneous and frequently rather narrow competence. Elsewhere, experiments have been made with family courts for many years now, consisting in taking observations of the works of a few family courts, the traditional orgnization of jurisdiction maintained in the entire country. The family jurisdiction, enforced in Poland on January 1st, 1978, was introduced in the entire territory, the competence of family courts outlined most broadly: all cases directly connected with family relations (affiliation of a child, alimony, nullification and dissolution of a marriage, adoption, limitation, suspension and deprivation of parental authority, institution of legal protection, etc.), cases connected with penal acts committed by juveniles, cases of compulsory treatment of alcoholics in closed hospitals, and offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, fell under competence of family courts.       Family courts which are departments of district courts, have assembled nearly half of the cases coming in a district court. At the same time, cases have been divided between the judges basing on the territorial principle: every judge hears all kinds of cases coming in from the territory he has been assigned. This way, all cases essentially connected with the functioning of a given family were always to be judged by the same judge. The broad competence of a family judge and the fact that he heard all cases concerning the members of a given family was to create conditions in which all problems appearing within that family would be treated on a broad basis in every case, to ensure that each particular pronouncement concerning that family be compact and complementary, to guarantee the correctness of decisions owing to the knowledge of the whole of conflicts which occur in that family, and to make preventive activities broader and deeper.       The creation of family courts caused the liquidation of juvenile courts, all their cases having passed to the family courts, as well as the transference of a considerable part of cases heard before by civil courts and a small number of cases from criminal courts.      Such a far-reaching reform of organization of common jurisdiction has justified the study of the effects of introduction of family courts, the more so as juvenile courts played an important part in the system of preventive measures against delinquency and other forms of social maladjustment. Therefore, it was the aim of the study to find out if family courts realize their function in practice, and what are the factors that determine difficulties or irregularities in case the courts fail totally or partially to fulfill their object.       The study embraced various sources of information about the functioning of family courts, i.e., first of all, statistical data on the jurisdiction in cases which now come within the scope of family courts from two periods: before and after they had been transferred to the family courts (years 1976-1977 and 1978-1981). Another extremely important source of information about the functioning of family courts was the analysis of cases of particular kind judged by juvenile, civil, and criminal couits, and then by family courts. Among the cases which provided a particularly great amount of information as to the way in which family courts fulfilled the goal they were planned to fulfill, were divorce suits, limitation of parental authority, penal acts of juveniles, and criminal cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth. Such cases require well-prepared materials before they are examined, comprehensive study of particular legal problems from the point of view of the interest of the family, first of all children that are brought up in it, and finally (apart from divorce suits) active execution of the sentence, as the method of execution determines the results of the entire preceding activity of the court.       A detailed study was made of a standard sample of cases now investigated by 8 family courts - small, medium, and large, each of the 4 family courts created on January 1st, 1978, matched with one of the 4 family courts which had been functioning before that day as experimental courts. In this way comparison could have been made between the functioning of new family courts and those which had been working for some years to find out if the lenght of the period of work of  the family court contributed to eliminating of various mistakes and dificiencies resulting from lack of experience during the first years of work of the family court. The standard of work of the "new" family courts emerging from the analysis of cases was also compared with that of juvenile courts, civil courts, and criminal courts which had been departments of the same district courts, by way of analysis of the same kind of cases judged before the reform of jurisdiction. This comparison was to provide information about changes which took place in preliminary proceedings, setencing, and execution of sentences, after family courts had taken over the cases which had been investigated before by other departments of district courts.       Another source of information was the examination on the spot of the conditions of work of the 8 family courts the files of which had been analysed, including their staff, the system of social probation officers, the number of different duties imposed, and the power to execute decicions.       Finally, the opinion on family courts was asked of family judges themselves, of professional probation officers of these courts, and of solicitors, whose experience in appearing before different courts in cases of the same kind seemed particularly valuable. A questionnaire examination also included the family judges who had judged in juvenile, civil, and criminal courts before the jurisdiction reform, so as to define their attitudes and opinions as regards various problems of family life. The aim of the questionnaire was to find out any differences between the attitudes of former juvenile court judges in comparison with other judges working subsequently in family courts.         2. The analysis of statistical data concerning the 6-year period (including 4 years after family jurisdiction had been introduced) did not reveal any symptomatic difference which could be related to the creation of family courts. As regards divorce suits, for instance, neither the percentage of cases discontinued due to the reconciliation of the parties increased, not that of dismissed cases; in cases concerning parental authority, the structure of decisions did not change; in cases of penal acts committed by juveniles but a small increase of less radical sentences was noticed; finally, as regards cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, the only change was a slight reduction of the number of sentences to the penalty of deprivation of liberty without conditional suspension of execution in favour of limitation of parental authority.        The results obtained through a detailed analysis of court files of cases formerly heard by juvenile, civil, and criminal courts were much the same as regards the contents of issued decisions. Nevertheless, in some spheres of activity of family courts some favourable changes occurred; unfortunately they were accompanied by a considerable regress in other spheres. In particular, family courts investigated the situation of children of divorcing parents more precisely than the civil courts, but on the other hand they neglected material problems, less frequently adjudging alimony amounting to a sum higher than demanded, less frequently deciding ex officio as to the means of using a common appartment by the divorced parties and adjudging eviction from the appartment of the party who particularly grossly disturbed the family peace. In all cases where the court's decision should be properly executed by the family court machine, a considerable deterioration of the way of execution took place. This resulted both from the lack of adequate interest in this problem on the part of family judges who were engaged mostly in jurisdiction, and from remissness of professional probation officers who were also burdened with many other tasks and whose work was supervised by family judges but in a minimal degree. In spite of their contact with many kinds of cases, family judges showed little interest in prevention. It was interesting to find out that also the former juvenile judges who had been accustomed to give a lot of attention to various preventive activities, now did not differ by any means in this respect from the former civil and criminal judges. Also the functioning of the "old" family courts was by no means superior to that of the "new”  ones, and it was even inferior in some spheres - therefore, the standard of work of the courts was determined by other factors and not by the lack of experience.        The analysis of decisions from the point of view of complexity of their approach to the whole of the problems existing within a given family gave no evidence as to any differences between decisions in the same kinds of cases issued by family courts on the one hand, and juvenile, civil, and criminal courts on the other. Also the anticipation that decisions of family courts would be more compact and complementary to each other if several different cases of members of the same family would be heard by the same court, came true but to a minimal extent. Firstly, the percentage of families towards which at least 2 decisions had been issued by a family court during its period of existence was considerably low, amounting to 25 per cent of families ever included in any legal proceedings. Even in the case of those family courts which had been functioning for 7 years, the percentage in question was not high, amounting to 32 per cent. Secondly, in spite of the principle of territorial division of cases among the judges, only in half of cases, all suits concerning a given family were heard by the same judge. Thirdly, due to the nature of a considerable number of cases, the material gathered for them during the proceedings was of no importance as regards the way of examination and the essence of decision issued in the next case (this concerns first of all suits for alimony). Eventually, only in every seventh case both the same judge had heard the former case as well as the present one, and in the former case material had been gathered which was valuable for the better knowledge of the family and the more relevant judgement. It should also be mentioned that in the case of many of the decisions, there was considerable probability that the verdict sentences would have been similar, had they been adjudged by another judge of the same court, or of civil or criminal court. Therefore, it was impossible to ascertain that the creation of family courts had considerably contributed to a greater complexity, compactness, and complementariness of judgements.            The opinions on the functioning of family courts gathered from judges, probation officers, and solicitors have confirmed a number of remarks made during the analysis of court files and the direct examination of the conditions of work of the selected family courts. In spite of the fact that the very idea of creating family courts has been estimated favourably by the majority of the examined persons (62 per cent), a considerable part of them pointed to the following defects: too wide range of tasks of family courts, the resulting overwork which hindered adequate preventive activities, the domination of jurisdiction as compared with other tasks of the family court. One third of the respondents could not see any advantage in the creation of family courts. Half of them was of opinion that the introduction of family courts failed to increase the protection of children and the youth against demoralization (this was most frequently the opinion of the family judges themselves).            The second questionnaire, concerning opinions and attitudes of family judges, revealed the statements of the former juvenile judges concerning family and its problems to be more complete and definite as compared with statements of the former civil and criminal judges, and to take into consideration more frequently the psychological, pedagogical, social in its broadest sense, and even medical, aspects of these problems. One should, however, bear in mind that, as revealed by the analysis of files, no evidence was found of better work of the former juvenile judges as compared with other family judges.          In the final part of the present article an attempt was made to draw conclusions from the results of the study. Having discussed different possible variants of changing the competence of family courts, a definite model of a family court was suggested, characterized by a different internal structure, narrowed competence and a better defined position in the system of prevention of social maladjustment of children and the youth.
EN
Currently in the Sejm committees after the first reading work is underway on the KRO amendment. Eventually, the introduction of the family information institution proceedings is planned. It is considered that the market for mediation services will expand. In divorce proceedings, mediation will become obligatory which will in turn increase the interest of notaries in mediation. The presented article focuses on the possibilities of using the function of a notary in family mediation - at first, it aims to highlight the proposed amendments and then moves on to describing the specificity of family mediation.
13
51%
Prawo Kanoniczne
|
2016
|
vol. 59
|
issue 3
143-174
EN
One of the criminal offences against family and care is the offence of persistent avoidance of alimony as referred to in Art. 209 of the Penal Code. The offence involves persistent avoidance by the offender of the obligation of care, imposed by law or judicial order, through failure to make payments to support closest relative or another person and thereby exposing such person to the inability to meet basic necessities of life. Persistent avoidance of alimony is material constructive offence (not offence of violation). It can be committed only by the person responsible for alimony payments, hence the offence of persistent avoidance of alimony is an individual offence.  The premise of persistence determines the subject of the offence by limiting its intent only in the form of direct intent. Persistence is highly evaluative, therefore it is assumed to be of objective and subjective characteristic. For persistent avoidance is seen as long-term behaviour (objective element) the feature of which is tenacity (an in-spite action - subjective element). The prevailing view in the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court is that that avoidance of alimony occurs when the offender, despite the objective possibility meet the obligation fails to do it.
PL
Jednym z przestępstw przeciwko rodzinie i opiece jest przestępstwo niealimentacji, o którym mowa w art. 209 Kodeksu karnego. Strona przedmiotowa przestępstwa wyraża się w uporczywym uchylaniu się od ciążącego na sprawcy z mocy ustawy lub orzeczenia sądowego obowiązku opieki poprzez niełożenie na utrzymanie osoby najbliższej lub innej osoby i przez to narażenie jej na niemożność zaspokojenia podstawowych potrzeb życiowych. Niealimentacja jest przestępstwem materialnym z narażenia (a nie z naruszenia). Sprawcą może być jedynie osoba zobowiązana do świadczeń alimentacyjnych, dlatego przestępstwo uporczywej niealimentacji jest przestępstwem indywidualnym. Przesłanka uporczywości określa stronę podmiotową przez ograniczenie jej umyślności tylko w postaci zamiaru bezpośredniego. Uporczywość ma charakter niezwykle ocenny, dlatego przyjmuje się że jest to znamię obiektywno-subiektywne. Uporczywe uchylanie się sprowadza się bowiem do długotrwałego postępowania (element obiektywny), które nacechowane jest nieustępliwością (działaniem na przekór – element subiektywny). W orzecznictwie Sądu Najwyższego przeważa pogląd, że uchylanie się od obowiązku alimentacyjnego zachodzi wtedy, gdy sprawca pomimo obiektywnej możliwości jego wykonania, nie spełnia tego obowiązku.
UK
У статті описано один із найсуворіших засобів дисциплінарного стягнення з боржників аліментів в ситуації їх ухилення від аліментних зобов’язань, що регламентується Законом від 7 вересня 2007 року про допомогу особам, які мають право на аліменти, а саме – затримання водійського посвідчення. Слід підкреслити, що з огляду на діючі норми це затримання в принципі є обов’язковим, а це означає, що уповноважений орган державного управління (староста або президент міста з повітовими правами) не може відмовити у його застосуванні при дотриманні умов, передбачених вищезгаданим актом. Тому в першій частині статті розглядаються матеріально-правові умови набуття боржником аліментів статусу ухилення від аліментних зобов’язань. У наступній наводяться причини затримання водійського посвідчення та адміністративне провадження у цій справі. Ці умови включають винесення компетентним органом рішення про визнання боржника аліментів таким, що ухиляється від виконання аліментних зобов’язань, та аби рішення було остаточним. Умови перевіряються органом після отримання заяви від компетентного органу боржника про затримання водійського посвідчення. Специфіка цієї адміністративної процедури (як правило) унеможливлює отримання боржником додаткових доказів, які могли б перешкодити застосуванню цієї санкції. Відповідно до усталених поглядів судів, ухвалене у цій справі рішення є остаточним, а це означає, що орган не може винести інше адміністративне рішення, крім затримання водійських прав. Питання про надзвичайні обставини, що виникають під час провадження у справі про затримання водійського посвідчення, яке з урахуванням ст. 5 абз. 6 цитованого акту призведе до анулювання рішення про затримання водійського посвідчення. Була зроблена спроба відповісти на питання: чи може в такій ситуації орган винести рішення у вищезгаданій справі. Враховуючи постійно зростаючу кількість боржників аліментів, а також збільшення кількості дітей (зараз близько мільйона), яких торкнулася проблема неаліментів, а також низький рівень стягнення аліментних зобов’язань, важливість питання має не лише значне теоретичне, а й передусім практичне значення.
RU
Статья представляет собой описание одного из самых суровых инструментов дисциплинарного воздействия на должников по алиментам, уклоняющихся от своих алиментных обязательств, регламентированного Законом от 7 сентября 2007 года «О помощи лицам, имеющим право на алименты», а именно, лишения водительских прав. Необходимо подчеркнуть, что это лишение в свете действующего законодательства является обязательным, а это означает, что уполномоченный орган публичного управления (староста или президент города на правах повята) не может отказать в его применении, если соблюдены предпосылки, предусмотренные в вышеуказанном законе. Поэтому в первой части статьи рассматриваются материально-правовые предпосылки для получения статуса должника по алиментам, уклоняющегося от своих алиментных обязательств. В следующей части представлены предпосылки лишения водительских прав и административное производство по данному делу. К таким условиям относится вынесение компетентным органом решения о признании должника по алиментам лицом, уклоняющимся от выполнения своих алиментных обязательств, и вступление его в законную силу. Орган рассматривает предпосылки после получения заявления о лишении водительских прав от компетентного органа должника. Специфика данного административного производства (как правило) не позволяет должнику представить дополнительные доказательства, которые могли бы предотвратить применение данной санкции. Согласно устоявшимся взглядам судебной власти, решение, вынесенное в данном случае, является обязательным, а это значит, что орган власти не может вынести иного административного решения, кроме как о лишении водительских прав. В статье также обсуждался вопрос о возникновении чрезвычайных обстоятельств в ходе производства по делу о лишении водительских прав, которые в свете ст. 5 п. 6 указанного закона привели бы к отмене решения о лишении водительских прав. Была предпринята попытка ответить на вопрос: может ли в такой ситуации орган власти вынести решение по вышеуказанному вопросу. Учитывая постоянно растущее число должников по алиментам, а также растущее число детей (в настоящее время около миллиона), которых касается проблема неуплаты алиментов, и низкий процент взыскания алиментных обязательств, важность рассматриваемого вопроса имеет не только теоретическое, но и практическое значение.
EN
The purpose of the article is to characterize one of the most troublesome instruments to discipline child-support debtors evading maintenance obligations regulated in the Act of 7 September 2007 on assistance to persons entitled to maintenance which is driving license retention. It should be emphasized that this detention is in principle obligatory in the light of current regulations, which means that an authorized public administration body (staroste or president of a city with poviat rights) may not refuse to apply it if the conditions provided for in the above act are met. Therefore, the first part of the work discusses the substantive conditions for the maintenance debtor to obtain the status of a maintenance waiver. The next part of the article presents the reasons for withholding the driving license and administrative proceedings in this case. The conditions include the issuing by the competent authority a decision on the recognition of the maintenance debtor as evading his/ her maintenance obligations and its becoming final. These premises are examined by the authority after receipt of an application from the competent authority of the debtor to retain the driving license. The specificity of this administrative procedure (as a rule) prevents the debtor from taking additional evidence that may prevent the application of this sanction. The above statement confirms, among other things, that the decision issued in this case is a binding decision which this means that the authority may not issue any other administrative decision than on the retention of the driving license. The discussion will also cover the issue of extraordinary circumstances arising in the course of proceedings for the suspension of the driving license which, in the light of Article 5 (6) of the cited act, would lead to the revocation of the decision to seize the driving license. An attempt is made to answer the question whether in such a situation the authority may issue a decision in the above case. In view of the ever-increasing number of maintenance debtors, as well as the ever-increasing number of children (currently about one million) who are affected by the problem of non-maintenance, as well as the low collectability of maintenance obligations, the importance of the issue is not only of considerable theoretical value, but above all of practical matter.
PL
Artykuł stanowi charakterystykę jednego z najbardziej dolegliwych instrumentów dyscyplinowania dłużników alimentacyjnych uchylających się od zobowiązań alimentacyjnych, uregulowanego w ustawie z dnia 7 września 2007 r. o pomocy osobom uprawnionym do alimentów, jakim jest zatrzymanie prawa jazdy. Wymaga podkreślenia, że zatrzymanie to w świetle aktualnie obowiązujących przepisów ma co do zasady charakter obligatoryjny, co oznacza, że uprawniony organ administracji publicznej (starosta lub prezydent miasta na prawach powiatu) nie może odmówić jego zastosowania w przypadku spełnienia przewidzianych w powyższej ustawie przesłanek. W związku z tym w pierwszej części artykułu omówiono przesłanki materialnoprawne uzyskania przez dłużnika alimentacyjnego statusu uchylającego się od zobowiązań alimentacyjnych. W kolejnej przedstawiono przesłanki zatrzymania prawa jazdy oraz postępowanie administracyjne w tej sprawie. Do przesłanek tych zalicza się wydanie przez właściwy organ decyzji w sprawie uznania dłużnika alimentacyjnego za uchylającego się od zobowiązań alimentacyjnych oraz uzyskanie przez nią przymiotu ostateczności. Przesłanki organ bada po wpłynięciu wniosku od organu właściwego dłużnika o zatrzymanie prawa jazdy. Specyfika tego postępowania administracyjnego (co do zasady) uniemożliwia dłużnikowi przeprowadzenie dodatkowych dowodów, które mogą zapobiec zastosowaniu tej sankcji. Zgodnie z utrwalonymi poglądami judykatury decyzja wydana w tej sprawie jest decyzją związaną, co oznacza, że organ nie może wydać innej decyzji administracyjnej niż o zatrzymaniu prawa jazdy. Pod dyskusję została poddana także kwestia wystąpienia w toku postępowania w sprawie zatrzymania prawa jazdy nadzwyczajnych okoliczności, które w świetle art. 5 ust. 6 cytowanej ustawy prowadziłyby do uchylenia decyzji o zatrzymaniu prawa jazdy. Podjęta została próba odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy w takiej sytuacji organ może wydać decyzję w powyższej sprawie. Wobec stale rosnącej liczby dłużników alimentacyjnych, jak również coraz większej liczby dzieci (obecnie około milion), których problem niealimentacji dotyczy, a także niskiej ściągalności zobowiązań alimentacyjnych doniosłość podejmowanego zagadnienia ma nie tylko istotny walor teoretyczny, ale przede wszystkim praktyczny.
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