Search results

1

Anarchie, anarchismus a ruská literatura

100%

Ulbrechtová H.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2018

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vol. 104

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issue 3

599-641

EN

The study follows the relationship of the terms “anarchy” and “anarchism” in the reflection of Russian literature, namely from the perspective of cultural sciences. The author provides a synopsis of the basic manifestations of anarchy and anarchism in Russian literature from the 19th century to today and guides the reader through its metamorphoses and transformations.

2

Is the state necessary? The case of Somali Economy

70%

Szafruga P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2016

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issue 42

403-419

EN

The state is often considered a necessary condition for the existence of social order and economic development. However, except for the group of developed countries, most states are incapable of providing services which are commonly attributed to them. In this paper an approach, according to which the state is the best possible form of political organisation, is confronted with the case of stateless Somalia. Without government since 1991 this country provides an opportunity to investigate the emergence of institutions and supply of public goods in a stateless society. Using the comparative institutional approach the situation in Somalia is compared with the period before the collapse of the state as well as with the situation in other countries of the Horn of Africa region, showing a relative economic improvement after 1991. Considering economic development as an essential indicator describing the stability of social institutions, this corroborates the argument according to which a hierarchical form of political organisation not only may destabilise social order, but also that anarchy can be more successful than the state in providing stabilisation and economic development.

3

Российская провинция: практики преодоления дефицита власти

70%

Скиперских А. В.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2018

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issue 4

135-151

EN

In this article, the author, addressing different aspects of Russian culture, tries to understand how the institutions of power can function in the Russian provinces, and how they can be perceived by society. Power is distributed unevenly, which results in its deficit. From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have an important cultural basis, involving a special relation to the province, which has traditionally been reflected in political discourse. The author believes that in the Russian provinces, there is an objective power deficit in institutions, which speaks, on the one hand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of the resistance to local initiatives and the legal nihilism that has become part of the philosophy of the Russian provincial. This in turn affects a fairly critical attitude towards the political power. A person is no longer capable of trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise to serious gaps between the center and the provinces, which can lead to a specific perception of power itself, and also lead to the formation of anarchic attitudes.

RU

In this article, the author, addressing different aspects of Russian culture, tries to understand how the institutions of power can function in the Russian provinces, and how they can be perceived by society. Power is distributed unevenly, which results in its deficit. From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have an important cultural basis, involving a special relation to the province, which has traditionally been reflected in political discourse. The author believes that in the Russian provinces, there is an objective power deficit in institutions, which speaks, on the one hand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of the resistance to local initiatives and the legal nihilism that has become part of the philosophy of the Russian provincial. This in turn affects a fairly critical attitude towards the political power. A person is no longer capable of trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise to serious gaps between the center and the provinces, which can lead to a specific perception of power itself, and also lead to the formation of anarchic attitudes.

4

Towards a structural understanding of powerbrokers in weak states: From militias to alliances

70%

Bruchmann S.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2020

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vol. 31

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issue 4

53-75

EN

This article aims to contribute to a theoretical understanding and discussion of conflict in weak states. More granular than one at the level of systemic phenomena, this analysis is focused on the actors, and the political structure in weak states. The article aims to improve on efforts to accurately describe these conflicts. After a theoretical introduction, the theorem on powerbroker systems will be applied on the case studies of Afghanistan, Lebanon and Mali. Building on this, the contours of the political system in each case will be highlighted by looking at the very origins of socio-political life. The working hypothesis is that powerbrokers, built on self-governing communities, ally and bandwagon according to Balance of Threat (BoT). This working hypothesis will be tested by examining a derived hypotheses per case study and identifying a) self-rule communities, b) the political-military nexus of powerbrokers within each system, and c) the behaviour of the related BoT alliance. Afghan, Lebanese and Malian powerbrokers all confirm the hypotheses. The powerbrokers originate in a context of self-governing communities trying to maintain their internal autonomy vis-a-vis a more centralised state and world system. During conflict, the communities band together against a perceived external threat, building neo-feudal political-military bodies. Pooling military resources under skilled leadership and privileged access to outside sponsors sparks the birth of a post-conflict politicalmilitary elite. It is beneficial to maintain powerbrokers as they are better suited to distribute resources through patronage at scale. Powerbroker alliances in weak states can be well explained by a theoretical approach based on balance of threat and more research is needed.

5

International Order Maintenance Mechanisms in the Contemporary System of International Relations

70%

MAKHRAM ALI NABI I.

Historia i Polityka

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2014

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issue 12(19)

67-75

EN

The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors.

6

The Pathogenesis of the Public Sphere in Exile: Anarchy and Unity in the Political Thought and Mentality of the Great Polish Emigration

70%

Kuligowski P.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2019

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vol. 126

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issue 3

PL

The post-1831 Great Emigration created conditions that were particularly favourable for the development of Polish political thought. This development, however, would have progressed at a considerably slower tempo without the deepening of ideopolitical differences, which put paid to any belief that the émigrés would reach unity. Paradoxically, successive rifts were often justified exactly by the aspiration to implement the concept of ‘unity’. The present article focuses on an issue-based analysis of the tensions between the categories of ‘unity’ and ‘anarchy’, and discusses the mechanism which led to the emergence of the public sphere in exile.

7

Kulturowe, ideologiczne i społeczne źródła anarchii w gospodarce przestrzennej w Polsce

61%

Dutkowski M.

Studia komitetu przestrzennego zagospodarowania kraju PAN

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2018

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vol. 183

289-300

8

Człowiek trzech stuleci

61%

Szubin A., Kamiński A. A.

Nowa Krytyka

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2013

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issue 30/31

137-154

EN

The article is devoted to the views and activities of the outstanding social thinker Mikhail Bakunin. Bakunin - man three centuries. First, he was a brilliant representative of the XIX century - the century of philosophizing, barricades, romantic uprisings. Secondly, Bakunin predicted many of the phenomena of the twentieth century, such as social depth and breadth to the Russian revolutions and the basic features of totalitarian regimes. Thirdly, he created the project of a new society in which there will be neither capitalist nor state oppression, where will prevail friendly communication and self-government employees. XXI century raised questions about a new society, and futurologists have to reopen what Bakunin and others close to him theorists.

9

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Eighteen-century Alliance Treaties of the Neighbouring Countries, 1720–72

61%

Kordel J.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2017

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vol. 116

PL

When in 1719 Augustus II of Poland made an attempt to emancipate himself from the influence of the Russian emperor, the latter entered into alliance with the Prussian king, with the intent of preventing emancipation of the monarch and his country. The alliance concluded by Tsar Peter the Great with King Frederick William I of Prussia expressed the substantial interests of both monarchies. It was all about keeping watchful oversight of political and military weakness of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and rendering the country isolated in the international arena. The programme established by Petersburg and Berlin remained valid until the end of the eighteenth century and the final, third, partition of Poland. The monarchs guaranteed that they would do everything possible to prevent the Polish constitutional system from altering (keeping the king’s rights restrained against the liberties maintained – primarily the liberum veto and free election of monarch), and treasury and military reforms from implementing. The preponderance over the Commonwealth implied the participation of Russia in what is termed the concert of the European powers. For the country of the Hohenzollerns, the debilitation of the nobility-based republic was, in turn, an opportunity for increasing the its territory, which had been policy energetically pursued since the Great Elector Frederick William’s reign (1640–88). For these reasons, the whole series of Russo-Prussian alliance treaties (1726, 1729, 1740, 1743, 1764, 1769, and 1772) comprised provisions regarding Polish affairs. The range of the issues covered by these bipartite agreements was ever-broadening, extending to the dissenters’ affair, among other things. Other reasons stood behind the inclusion of clauses related to the Commonwealth in Russian-Austrian treaties. Of substantial importance was the antagonism prevalent in the Reich between Austria and Prussia, which from 1740 onwards turned into acrimonious hostility. The Viennese Burg, which solicited favour from Petersburg, endeavoured to persuade its Russian ally that it was ready and willing to replace the Prussian partner in Poland-related matters of importance to Russia (cf. the treaties of 1726, 1730, 1733, 1746). Discussed is also a never-ratified tripartite agreement of 1732 – the so-called Löwenwolde’s treaty – which was momentous for the designs of the contracting parties, as well as the partition treaties of 1772.

10

Antropofagia i stosunki międzynarodowe. Fabrykacja kanibalizmu i anarchiczności

57%

Gałganek A.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2015

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issue 1

187-204

EN

The author of the article formulates a thesis about the analogy and discursive relations between anthropophagy as well as fabrication of anarchy and study of international relations and fabrication of anarchy as the essence of internationalism. Referring to William Arens’s thesis about the necessity to consider anthropophagy as a discursive practice in relations between communities and on the basis of chosen travel stories, the article presents the causes of cannibalism and its fabrication methods as the justification of conquest, colonialism, proselytism and extermination practices. Similarly, referring to the analysis of political philosophy of T. Hobbes, the author shows the lack of legitimacy in its use to formulate the thesis about anarchy of international relations as the most important rule according to which they are organized. A thesis is formulated that fabrication of anarchy as the essence of internationalism was the product of political science, study of international relations and international law born at the turn of 20th century. Eventually, just as the discourse on cannibalism is hard to erase, it is equally difficult to remove from the study of international relations the thesis about their anarchy which defines national identities through reference to the „other”. As a result, the foundations of foreign policies are still created by fabrication of the „others” which stem from the anarchy discourse.

PL

W artykule autor stawia tezę o analogii i dyskursywnych związkach między antropofagią i fabrykacja anarchiczności a nauką o stosunkach międzynarodowych i fabrykacją anarchiczności jako istoty międzynarodowości. Odwołując się do tezy Williama Arensa o konieczności uznania antropofagii za dyskursywną praktykę w relacjach między społecznościami i w oparciu o wybrane relacje z podróży ukazano przyczyny i sposób fabrykowania kanibalizmu jako uzasadnienia dla praktyk podboju, kolonializmu, prozelityzmu i eksterminacji. Podobnie, odwołując się do analizy filozofii politycznej T. Hobbesa, ukazano brak zasadności w jej wykorzystaniu do sformułowania tezy o anarchiczności stosunków międzynarodowych jako najważniejszej regule według której są one zorganizowane. Autor stawia tezę, że fabrykacja anarchiczności jako istoty międzynarodowości była produktem rodzących się na przełomie XIX i XX wieku nauk politycznych i nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prawa międzynarodowego. Ostatecznie, tak jak dyskurs o kanibalizmie jest trudny do wymazania, równie trudno usunąć z nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych tezę o ich anarchiczności definiującej narodowe tożsamości poprzez odniesienie do „innego”. W rezultacie fundament dla polityk zagranicznych nadal stanowią wyrastające z dyskursu o anarchiczności fabrykacje „innych”.

11

„[...] endlich mal aus dem Rahmen fallen!“ Fantastik-Komik-Korrelationen in Die Geisterhand von Dieter Kühn

51%

Filipowicz M.

Orbis Linguarum

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2018

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issue 52

283-294

EN

Correlation between fantasy and humor in Die Geisterhand by Dieter Kühn This article aims to analyze the concepts of fantasy and humor in a fantasy novel for children Die Geisterhand (1978) by Dieter Kühn. Analytical part is preceded by a brief theoretical introduction (thesis of Gansel, Todorov and Heinrich). Dieter Kühn science-fiction novel in the light of the typology of Gansel can be classified as a dystopia, which takes the issue of personality disorders and the crisis of human identity of 70s of the last century. Humor of liberation remains in this work in close relation to term fantasy and primarily pursues a therapeutic function, since presented episodes on the fantastic plane are deprived of their overwhelming significance. Thus the criticism of imperfect social mechanisms and faulty relationships in the 70s is significantly eased thanks to a comical potential of the book.

12

Słowiańskie "Dzieci szatana" – profetyczna powieść Stanisława Przybyszewskiego

51%

Kaźmierczyk Z. M.

Acta Neophilologica

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2021

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vol. XXIII/1

195-214

EN

This paper discusses the relation between Stanislaw Przybyszewski’s writings and the artistic manifesto Confiteor. It demonstrates that the novel Devil’s Children in the context of the dissertation Devil’s Synagogue implements the manifesto. The analysis of the works reveals the Manichaean deposits of spiritual archeology in Przybyszewski’s characters as Slavs. The analysis demonstrates that only the author is aware of the destructive nature of the radically anti-world theological, cosmological, anthropological, and eschatological dualism. The characters are masks of his subconscious which is brought into daylight. The Slavic children of the Devil, similarly to Fyodor Dostoevsky’s characters, by destroying the world destroy themselves. Their manner of self-destruction is the destruction of the world. They commit suicide, they die of the illness of the soul, they murder, they set fires, and they long for the end of the world in the glowing of fire. Their fates are displayed as a cautionary tale against a regression into the dark subconscious. The lack of individualization, that is the restraint of driving urges and not including them in the structure of personality, is explained by the author of the article to be an eruption of destructiveness predicting the 20th century revolutions and crimes of totalitarianism.

13

Anarchie Gombrowicza. Gombrowicz na niewiele się przydał…

51%

Olejniczak J.

Rana. Literatura - Doświadczenie - Tożsamość

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2021

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issue 1 (3)

1-19

EN

This essay considers the subjects of rebellion and anarchy in the work of Witold Gombrowicz from his debut to his last pieces. Both issues are related to two of the central oppositions in his work, maturity versus immaturity and superiority versus inferiority. In his considerations, Jerzy Olejniczak does not attempt to settle any issues or to advance arbitrary claims. Rather, he assumes the authorial position characteristic of the genre of the literary essay, asking questions and suggesting routes of exploration. This position allows him to essay to read passages from Gombrowicz through the prism of the present day and to submit that Gombrowicz’s “lessons” have not been thoroughly learned in Poland, owing largely but not exclusively to political and ideological machinations.

PL

Esej jest impresją krążącą wokół problematyki buntu i anarchii obecnej w dziele Witolda Gombrowicza od debiutu po ostatnie utwory. Problematyka związana jest z centralnymi w tej twórczości opozycjami dojrzałość – niedojrzałość i wyższość – niższość. W wywodzie autor nie pretenduje do rozstrzygania i stawiania arbitralnych tez, przyjmuje raczej pozycję związaną z gatunkiem eseju literackiego – wątpliwości i próby. To pozwala także na podjęcie próby odczytywania fragmentów utworów autora Ferdydurke przez pryzmat współczesności i hipotezę, iż „nauki” Gombrowicza nie zostaływ Polsce społecznie przepracowane, co zawdzięczać należy także politycznym i ideologicznym manipulacjom.

14

Ericha Fromma utopia zdrowego społeczeństwa

41%

Szkutnik D.

Resovia Sacra : Studia Teologiczno-Filozoficzne Diecezji Rzeszowskiej

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2016

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issue 23

323-337

EN

The article focuses on the analysis of chosen fragments of Erich Fromm concerning his utopia of a healthy society based on a specific cathegory of ’’be’’. The presented problematics is built on widely understood socio-cultural conditions which had a great impact on philosopher’s works towards creation of the Utopian vision of the Better World, free from all sorts of totalitarian ideological extremism and paradoxes used in practice.

15

Między Polską Piastów i Polską Jagiellonów a Rzeczpospolitą Obojga Narodów. Refleksje „anarchologiczne” i ich miejsce w rozwoju myśli historycznej Pawła Jasienicy

41%

Mękarski A.

Kwartalnik Historii Nauki i Techniki

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2022

|

issue 1

43–68

EN

In March 1962, Paweł Jasienica, known chiefly for his books on the history of Poland, published an article entitled ‘Polska anarchia’ (‘Polish anarchy’). The article, which appeared in the weekly Przegląd Kulturalny, sparked off a heated debate on the sources of the anarchy into which the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth began to descend in the latter half of the seventeenth century. Among those who contributed to the debate were some of the leading historians of the day. Encouraged by the response to his article, Jasienica decided to expand it into a full-length book (completed in the spring of 1963). The author first presents the views expounded in the article from Przegląd Kulturalny, and then he reconstructs the debate and examines how Jasienica referred to it in his work on the anarchy. Since Jasienica’s account of the anarchy covers the period with which he was also concerned in Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów (published in English as The Commonwealth of Both Nations) – the third part of his series on the history of Poland for which he is most acclaimed – the author also attempts to compare the interpretations advanced in one work with those advanced in the other. As regards the anarchy, Jasienica traced its origin back to the reign of the last two kings of the Jagiellonian dynasty . In compliance with their commitment to securing the support of the great magnates on whom they chose to base their power, Sigismund I the Old (1467–1548) and Sigismund II Augustus (1520–1572) refused to endorse political arrangements advocated by the representatives of the Lower House of Parliament. The failure to reform the country along the lines suggested by the latter group led, in the long term, to political chaos. Unlike Jasienica, according to whom the Commonwealth degenerated into anarchy because of the errors committed almost exclusively by the rulers, the academic historians, whose views were inspired by Marxism, linked the state’s political impotence with the policy pursued by the whole nobility as a class. However, as the author shows, in Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów Jasienica radically changed his views. In his later work, all responsibility for the future anarchy was shifted onto Sigismund III Vasa (1566–1632) and his Catholic fanaticism. In revising his interpretation of what is known as the nobles’ anarchy, Jasienica drew, at least to some extent, on works by Jarema Maciszewski and Władysław Czapliński, historians who also represented the official historiography of the Polish People’s Republic.

16

Religia i krytyka – koncepcja Jacquesa Ellula w perspektywie pedagogiki ogólnej

36%

Humeniuk M.

Forum Pedagogiczne

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2018

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vol. 8

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issue 1

195-212

EN

For general pedagogy, the concept of Jacques Ellul is an important example of solving the tension between religious and critical-emancipation engagement, which are usually involved in the theory of education in a separate way. We are able to give many examples of educational trends or ideologies that are within religious education and that dogmatically defend against criticism, as well as critical education, which in principle distrusts communities that are based on confessional devotion to religious principles and practices. Hence the Ellul’s concept that links christianity and an anarchy, from the perspective of general pedagogy is an important complement to its efforts to create a map of directions and currents of contemporary pedagogy.

PL

Dla pedagogiki ogólnej koncepcja Jacquesa Ellula stanowi ważny przykład rozwiązywania napięcia między zaangażowaniem religijnym a krytyczno-emancypacyjnym, które to zaangażowania zazwyczaj traktowane są w ujęciach teoretycznych rozłącznie. Potrafimy podać wiele przykładów kierunków w pedagogice czy ideologii edukacyjnych, które łączą się z określoną edukacją religijną i które dogmatycznie bronią się przed krytyką, jak również przykłady edukacji krytycznej, której realizatorzy z nieufnością odnoszą się do wspólnot o charakterze konfesyjnym i ich członków oddanych zasadom i praktykom religijnym. Dlatego też koncepcja Ellula, która łączy „anarchię i chrześcijaństwo”, z perspektywy pedagogiki ogólnej stanowi ważne uzupełnienie czynionych przez nią wysiłków tworzenia mapy kierunków i prądów współczesnej pedagogiki.

17

Roger Scruton: consistent but surprising

36%

Hołówka J., Hołówka J.

Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria

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2020

|

issue 1

18

Idea wolności w filozofii grecko-rzymskiej

36%

Kowalczyk S.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

|

1999

|

vol. 27

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issue 1

17-31

EN

Ancient philosophy distinguished three meanings of the notion of freedom: an individual man's freedom of choice and decision, freedom of social-political life and freedom (sovereignty) of the state. This latter meaning was considered the most important form of freedom. In his conception of an “ideal state” Plato advised abolition of private property and monogamy for the political élite (the so called “guards”), which is a feature of a totalitarian state. He distinguished three models of state: monarchic, aristocratic and democratic. He accepted the latter model, but he warned against maximising individual freedom, as it leads to anarchy in social life, which in turn is a source of tyranny. Aristotle appreciated democracy more, as it best puts into effect the postulates of freedom, equality and justice. The other form of freedom, according to his approach, is freedom understood as enabling a man to choose rationally, which should be preceded by reflection. His conception of man's existential freedom (proaíresis) is close to the theory of free will (liberum arbitrium) in the Christian thought. The Stoics concentrated their attention on inner-moral freedom that they identified with the attitude of keeping a distance to man's existential vicissitudes. Some of them (Marcus Aurelius) joined the idea of inner freedom with philosophy of naturalistic pantheism, others (Epictetus) considered God as the source of moral freedom. Plotinus was also mainly interested in man's inner freedom, which he explained in the context of the pantheistic conception of the absolute.

19

Postapokaliptyczna przyszłość świata w kinematografii SF

31%

Kutyła D.

Wschodni Rocznik Humanistyczny

|

2019

|

vol. XVI (2019)

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issue 1: Filozofia: Lwów-Preszów-Rzeszów

167-180

PL

Zagłada ludzkości od zawsze była obecna w ludzkich refleksjach dotyczących losów świata i samego człowieczeństwa. W drugiej połowie XX wieku filmy o tematyce postapokaliptycznej stają się coraz popularniejsze. Wszelkie interpretacje porządku społecznego po globalnej katastrofie stają się od tego czasu nieodłącznym elementem kinematografii science-fiction. Wizje te są jednocześnie artystycznymi egzemplifikacjami postapokaliptycznej dystopii – czyli piekła, jakie człowiek sam sobie może zgotować w różnie rozumianej i ukazywanej przyszłości. Globalna pustynia staje się w nich największą obawą, egzystencjalnym lękiem, koszmarem rodzącym się w głowie człowieka, wyrastającym na bazie pesymizmu historiozoficznego. Na przełomie XX i XXI wieku człowiek jak nigdy dotąd posiadł narzędzia skłonne doprowadzić do globalnej zagłady. Dystopie postapokaliptyczne są także pewną interpretacją idei katastroficznej, doskonale znanej z historii filozofii i socjologii. Ze względu na sposób ukazania owego postapokaliptycznego świata, wizje te możemy podzielić na: technokratyczne, pandemiczne, anarchistyczne, postapokaliptyczne kino wędrówki, postapokaliptyczne kino azylu.

EN

The destruction of humanity has always been present in human reflections about the fate of the world and humanity itself. In the second half of the 20th century, post-apocalyptic films became more and more popular. All interpretations of the social order after the global disaster have since become an inseparable element of science-fiction cinematography. At the same time, these visions are artistic exemplifications of post-apocalyptic dystopia - that is, hell that man can prepare for himself in a differently understood and shown future. The global desert becomes the greatest fear in them, existential fear, a nightmare born in the head of man, arising on the basis of historiosophical pessimism. At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, man has never before had tools that would lead to global destruction. Post-apocalyptic dystopias are also a certain interpretation of the catastrophic idea, well known in the history of philosophy and sociology. Because of the way this post-apocalyptic world is portrayed, these visions can be divided into: technocratic, pandemic, anarchist, post-apocalyptic wandering cinema, post-apocalyptic asylum cinema.

RU

Разрушение человечества всегда присутствовало в человеческих размышлениях о судьбе мира и самого человечества. Во второй половине 20-го века постапокалиптические фильмы становились все более и более популярными. Все интерпретации социального порядка после глобальной катастрофы с тех пор стали неотъемлемым элементом научно-фантастического кинематографа. В то же время, эти видения являются художественными примерами постапокалиптической дистопии - то есть ада, которое человек может подготовить себя в по разному понимаемом и указываемом в будущем. Глобальная пустыня является там величайшим страхом, экзистенциальным кошмаром, рожденным в голове человека, возникающим на основе историософского пессимизма. На рубеже 20 и 21 веков у человека как никогда прежде были орудия, которые могли бы привести к глобальному разрушению. Постапокалиптические дистопии также являются определенной интерпретацией катастрофической идеи, хорошо известной в истории философии и социологии. Из-за того, как этот постапокалиптический мир изображается, эти видения можно разделить на: технократическое, пандемическое, анархистское, постапокалиптическое блуждающее кино, постапокалиптическое кино убежища.

20

Katechizm rewolucyjny

31%

Bakunin M.

Nowa Krytyka

|

2013

|

issue 30/31

227-256

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