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1

ОРГАНІЗАЦІЙНО-ЗМІСТОВІ ОСНОВИ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ДЕРЖАВНИХ ОРГАНІВ ВЛАДИ З РОЗВИТКУ ОСВІТИ У СФЕРІ ФІЗИЧНОЇ КУЛЬТУРИ І СПОРТУ В ПОЛЬЩІ

100%

Мозолев О.

Педагогічні науки: теорія, історія, інноваційні технології

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2016

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issue 1(55)

396-404

EN

The article examines the organizational activity of the state authorities for the development of education in the sphere of physical culture and sport in Poland. It describes the powers and activities of the Council of Ministers of Poland, Ministry of national education, Ministry of science and higher education, Ministry of sport and tourism, the Central and regional authorities in the development of education in the sphere of physical culture and sports. The Central body of Executive power in the Republic of Poland is the Council of Ministers of Poland. It defines the main directions of domestic and foreign policy, enforces laws, issues normative acts, coordinates and monitors the work of state authorities. The Council of Ministers includes nineteen ministries. Each Ministry performs a political function, which was to prepare regulations in a specific field of activity and reflect the interests of the state and administrative function, which is to manage the processes affected by the Ministry. The Central bodies of state administration of education are involved in the development and implementation of the state policy in the sphere of education, establishing the prospects of its development, define the requirements to its content, level and volume, financial and logistical support. They participate in the organization of training of qualified personnel, coordination of research, methodological support, organization of international relationships, innovative technology implementation, supervise training and its results, participate in the inspections, certifications and accreditations for educational institutions. The Ministry can perform several common functions. Such general functions include the development of education in the sphere of physical culture and sports, which deals with the objectives of the Ministry of national education, Ministry of science and higher education, Ministry of sport and tourism. The Ministry of national education is responsible for the quality of education in the state, provides for the development of secondary education, and promotes equal opportunity in education of citizens of the country. The Ministry of science and higher education is responsible for the quality of higher education in the state, its compliance with international and European standards of education. Local authorities give funds to institutions, define their network, and provide social protection to their employees and students.

2

The Powers of the Supervisory Body in the GDPR as a Basis for Shaping the Practices of Personal Data Processing

100%

Hajduk P.

Review of European and Comparative Law

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2021

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vol. 45

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issue 2

57-75

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyse the competences of the supervisory authority provided for in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) as a tool to shape the practice of personal data processing. This article verifies the thesis that the status of the supervisory authority formed in the GDPR, taking into account the authority’s independence, makes it possible to exercise the authority thoroughly, which is the basis for shaping personal data processing practice. Supervisory authorities have a wide range of powers to carry out the duties assigned to them. This is guaranteed by their independence. The exercise of powers resonates with all entities that fall under the jurisdiction of those authorities. The decisions of the authorities become the subject of interest of both the literature and personal data administrators. The powers connected with imposing administrative penalties might play a particular role. Their imposition causes that entities which are in similar circumstances may expect to be subject to the same penalties. In order to avoid this situation, they tend to adapt their practices to the model adopted in the decision. Opinions and recommendations, as well as codes of conduct approved by the supervisory authorities for particular sectors, which are a benchmark for administrators in those sectors, play an important preventive role.

3

Pamięć o sąsiedztwie narodowym. Wokół wystawy „Obok. Polska-Niemcy. 1000 lat historii w sztuce”

100%

Makaro J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 2(351)

23-38

EN

Normalization of Polish-German neighbourly relations includes among others a change in the memory of Poles and Germans about their common past. One of the instruments of this change is art. That is why the article makes empirical reference to the exhibition “Side by Side. Poland-Germany. 1000 Years of History in Art.” In connection with this exhibition the question is considered who and how (by what means of probing memory), by the implication of what content (of the exhibition) rebuilds (or perhaps constructs) the memory of Polish-German neighbourly relations? In expounding those crucial issues emphasis is placed on their vague dimensions – new opportunities offered by the museum exhibition, difficulties in an unambiguous reception of the message it carries, difficulties in identifying the authors of the message and the creators of this event and – what seems to be especially important – the role of state authorities in this process.

4

Obóz władzy w okresie stanu wojennego

100%

Dudek A.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2002

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issue 2

233-243

5

Rada Główna Episkopatu Polski a pierwsza pielgrzymka Jana Pawła II do Ojczyzny w 1979 r.

86%

Łatka R.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2018

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vol. 50

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issue 1

PL

Celem poniższej analizy jest opisanie stosunku Rady Głównej Episkopatu Polski do pierwszej pielgrzymki Jana Pawła II do Polski. Dostęp do dokumentacji kościelnej umożliwił odtworzenie podejścia członków tego kierowniczego gremium polskiego Kościoła do negocjacji związanych z wizytą Ojca Świętego, jej przebiegu i wreszcie efektów pielgrzymki. The purpose of the analysis presented below is to present the attitude of the Main Council of the Polish Episcopate towards Pope John Paul II’s first pilgrimage to Poland. An access to Church archival documents made it possible to reconstruct individual attitudes of members of the Polish Church authorities towards negotiations related to the pope’s visit, its course, and finally its outcomes.

6

Subjective grounds for expanding the powers of the President of the Russian Federation

86%

Nitsevich V.

Eastern Review

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2020

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vol. 9

49-62

EN

The article is devoted to a little-studied side of authority, in particular the authorities of the President of Russia. Exploring the constitutional scope of power, we can say that the President of Russia has a sufficiently large amount of power, backed up by the legal provisions of the Constitution. However, in practice, it has turned out that not only their influence but the power of the President has a wider scope. First of all, the article notes the subjective grounds and mechanisms of power over the chairman of the government and the terms of his appointment. In this case, the key role is played by the political party United Russia, which was created by the President, although the President is outside the party system of Russia. A substantial expansion of the power of the President occurred as a result of the creation of federal districts and the formation of an institution of plenipotentiaries. The rationale is given that the change of legal norms for the election of governors, where the President plays the main role in nominating candidacy, and the procedure for registering them is entirely determined by the United Russia political party under his control, ultimately expanded the scope of authority of the President. In disclosing the subjective grounds for expanding the power of the President of the Russian Federation, so-called “approvals” of candidacy for various senior positions of state and municipal service, as well as of the security and control bodies play a part. The rating of the President was a massive subjective basis that allowed him to expand the scope of his power. The study of public confidence in the President allowed one to see the dependence of the expansion of his power on the level of his support by citizens of the Russian Federation.

7

Rewolucja jako przejaw zmiany społecznej

86%

Janiszewski J.

Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe

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2012

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vol. 32

99-111

EN

Revolution can be judged as the most spectacular sign of social reforms. Revolution gives rise to common enthusiasm, gives hope, creates the vision of the future, which is often imaginated. For centuries man rebelled against anything, only the Greek mind changed it. A lot of sociologist consider that inherent century should be called the revolution. The widespread success of the revolution is dependent on social mobilization and notice that it can give a chance to change the formal social position.

8

Arcybiskup Antoni Baraniak jako członek Episkopatu Polski, cz. I (1951-1967)

72%

Łatka R.

Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe

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2019

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vol. 40

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issue 3

185-200

EN

The present article concentrates on the role of Archbishop Antoni Baraniak in the Polish Episcopate in the difficult period of the communist dictatorship. Despite numerous studies on the history of the Catholic Church in the People’s Republic of Poland, the steadfast bishop’s biography has not yet been written. The undertaken analysis is aimed at rectifying this lack of information on the activity of Polish bishops. The Metropolitan of Poznań became a recognized authority in the course of works on the forum of the Main Commission and the Plenary Conference of the Episcopate. He enjoyed the trust of other hierarchs, including Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, who regarded him as one of his most important collaborators, especially in the years 1957-1967 when he became the second important figure of the Polish Episcopate. For this reason, he was entrusted with the most delicate and difficult tasks, such as the preparation of the Statute of the Polish Episcopate Conference, or the chairmanship of the Commission for the clarification of charges against Bishop Czesław Kaczmarek.

XX

Artykuł opisuję rolę abp. Antoniego Baraniaka w Episkopacie Polski w okresie komunistycznej dyktatury. Mimo wielu prac dotyczących historii Kościoła katolickiego w PRL, ciągle brakuje pełnej biografii niezłomnego hierarchy. Podjęta w tym miejscu analiza ma wypełnić ten brak w zakresie jego aktywności wśród polskich biskupów. Metropolita poznański dał się poznać jako wybitna postać w pracach na forum Komisji Głównej oraz Konferencji Plenarnej Episkopatu. Cieszył się pełnym zaufaniem innych hierarchów i kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego, którego był jednym z najważniejszych współpracowników, szczególnie w latach 1957-1967, gdy był osobistością numer dwa w polskim Episkopacie. Z tego względu otrzymywał najbardziej delikatne i trudne zadania, takie jak przygotowanie Statutu Konferencji Episkopatu Polski czy przewodniczenie komisji ds. wyjaśnienia zarzutów stawianych bp. Czesławowi Kaczmarkowi.

9

Society divided: fear as the key factor of John Wayne style leaders

72%

Milczanowski M., Zimbardo P.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2022

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vol. 20

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issue 3

122-134

EN

Strach jest jednym z najsilniejszych motywatorów. Tworzy i zamyka granice pomiędzy narodami, grupami społecznymi, rasami, religiami, ale nawet członkami rodziny, studentami, dziećmi z sąsiedztwa. Możemy różnić się w wielu kwestiach, nawet prowadząc do ostrych konfliktów, ale bez przemocy. Natomiast gdy pojawia się strach, szczególnie spotęgowany brakiem poczucia odpowiedzialności, konflikt zmienia się, krok po kroku w spiralę, którą nazywamy "Efektem Lucyfera". Politycy, którzy dążą do kontrolowania wszystkich sfer życia społecznego, twierdzą, że ta kontrola jest im potrzebna, aby chronić "nas" przed "nimi". Tak szczególne sprawowanie kontroli jest konieczne z uwagi na tych którzy z "nami" się nie zgadzają są wrogami - "nimi", zagrażającymi naszemu bezpieczeństwu. Tacy liderzy "odgrywają" rolę symbolicznego Johna Wayne, wzmacniając poczucie strachu, co powoduje, że ludzie czują się zagrożeni, a przez to szukają silnego - bezkompromisowego lidera, który obroni "nas" przed "nimi”.

PL

Fear is one of the strongest motivators. It induces and seals the borderlines between nations, society groups, races, religions, but also family members, students, kids in the neighborhood. We can differ in many things, even strongly conflicting yet with no violence, but when fear appears, especially enforced by lack of responsibility conviction, conflicts turn, step by step into spiral we call “Lucifer Effect”. Politicians who pursue more control in all spheres of life, claim they need this control to protect “us” from “them”. Such extraordinary controlling measures must be taken because all who disagree with “us” are the enemy – “them”, who threat our safety. Such leaders “play” the role of symbolic John Wayne, inducting fear, which make people insecure and looking for strong – uncompromising leader, who will defend “us” from “them”.

10

Szalone badania i legitymizacja autorytetów — wyobrażenia nauki w horrorze lat pięćdziesiątych

72%

Kulig M.

Prace Kulturoznawcze

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2019

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vol. 23

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issue 4

75-95

EN

The aim of the article is to analyze how the cinematic images of science in the American horror movies of the decade following the creation of the nuclear bomb affect the way the viewers conceptualize the activity of scientists. The text explores four theoretical fields important for this subject — a parallel positive and negative valorization of science, the impact of 1950s horror cinema on the public’s attitude towards scientists and their research, the role of technohorror in the legitimacy of authorities and the indispensability of researchers in overcoming crises presented by films.

11

Arcybiskup Antoni Baraniak jako członek Episkopatu Polski, cz. II (1967-1977)

72%

Łatka R.

Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe

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2020

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vol. 41

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issue 1

129-140

EN

The present article describes the role of Archbishop Antoni Baraniak in the Polish Episcopate in the last decade of the metropolitan’s life. It is a continuation of the analysis published in 2019 in “Seminare”. Despite the passage of many years since the death of the steadfast bishop, his full biography still has not been written. The paper is aimed at filling this gap in the record of Polish bishops’ activity in the years 1967-1977. The Metropolitan of Poznań became known as an outstanding figure in the works on the forum of the Commission / Main Council and the Episcopal Plenary Conference. He enjoyed the trust of other hierarchs, especially that of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, being one of his most important collaborators. Archbishop Baraniak shared with the “Primate of the Millennium” a similar vision of the Church’s activity in the realities of the communist dictatorship, as well as a decisive approach to the religious policy of the authorities of the PRL. This was particularly evident in the seventies, when both hierarchs managed to see through the deceptive declarations of Edward Gierek’s political party.

PL

Poniższy artykuł opisuje rolę abp. Antoniego Baraniaka w Episkopacie Polski w ostatniej dekadzie życia metropolity poznańskiego. Jest kontynuacją analizy opublikowanej w 2019 r. na łamach „Seminare”. Mimo upływu wielu lat od śmierci niezłomnego biskupa nie doczekał się on swojej pełnej biografii. Tekst ma wypełnić ten brak w zakresie aktywności wśród polskich biskupów w latach 1967-1977. Metropolita poznański dał się poznać jako wybitna postać w pracach na forum Komisji/Rady Głównej oraz Konferencji Plenarnej Episkopatu. Cieszył się pełnym zaufaniem innych hierarchów i kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego, którego był jednym z najważniejszych współpracowników. Z Prymasem Tysiąclecia łączyła go wizja działalności Kościoła w realiach komunistycznej dyktatury oraz zdecydowane podejście do polityki wyznaniowej władz PRL. Było to szczególnie widoczne w latach siedemdziesiątych, gdy obaj hierarchowie nie dali się nabrać na złudne deklaracje ekipy partyjnej Edwarda Gierka.

12

Rola konsulów w organizacji wyborów przeprowadzanych za granicą (uwagi na tle wyborów Prezydenta RP z 2020 r.)

72%

Pyrzyńska A.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2022

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issue 1 (65)

69-79

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza zadań przypisanych konsulom w toku organizacji wyborów Prezydenta Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej za granicą. Nie ulega bowiem wątpliwości, że polski ustawodawca powierzył konsulom rolę faktycznych organizatorów wyborów przeprowadzanych poza granicami kraju, co wiąże się ze znaczącą odpowiedzialnością spoczywającą na tych podmiotach. W pracy zbadano także, jak kształtuje się nadzór nad wykonywaniem przez konsulów zadań z zakresu organizacji wyborów. W tym zakresie bowiem zauważyć należy istotną odrębność, polegającą na przekazaniu zadań nadzorczych nad wykonywaniem czynności wyborczych przez konsulów ministrowi właściwemu do spraw zagranicznych, przy znaczącym ograniczeniu kompetencji PKW, będącej przecież głównym organem nadzoru nad przestrzeganiem prawa wyborczego. W niniejszych rozważaniach wykorzystano głównie metodę formalnoprawną.

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyze the tasks assigned to consuls in the course of organizing the election of the President of the Republic of Poland abroad. There is no doubt that the Polish legislator has entrusted the consuls with the role of the actual organizers of elections held abroad, which entails a significant responsibility these entities. The study also examines the supervision over the performance of tasks by consuls in the field of the organization of elections. In this range, it should be noted that there is a significant difference, consisting in the delegation of supervisory tasks over the performance of electoral activities by consuls to the minister competent for foreign affairs, with a significant limitation of the powers of the NEC, which is, after all, the main body supervising compliance with the electoral law. In these considerations, mainly the formal and legal method was used.

13

Internationalization As A Challenge For University Management Boards On The Example Of The University Of Economics And Humanities – A Case Study

72%

Jaszczurowska E.

MIND Journal

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2017

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issue 3

1-12

EN

Summing up, it should be emphasized that in the age of globalization it is impossible to omit the learning process internationalization, and there is no other way than to promote learning of foreign languages, especially English. Globalization does not give a choice, nor does it absolve anyone from the need to deepen knowledge and skills. Regardless of whether a given organization is a large university or a small non-public institution, each one must submit to this process in order to maintain the activities on the educational services market. Otherwise, such an institution will educate graduates doomed to unemployment which, in turn, will make it unpopular and sometimes worthless. Hence, university authorities should be open to inevitable changes and introduce innovative actions in this area.

14

Civil supervision and control over special services' activities

72%

Piotrowska A., Kopczewski M., Ciekanowski Z.

Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces

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2021

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vol. 53

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issue 2(200)

354-370

PL

W artykule przedstawiono zagadnienia dotyczące systemu cywilnego demokratycznego nadzoru i kontroli służb specjalnych w Polsce od czasów przemian ustrojowych. System ten oparty jest na: nadzorze władzy wykonawczej, która także wyznacza kierunki działań; kontroli parlamentarnej – głównie za pomocą Komisji do Spraw Służb Specjalnych; nadzorze władzy sądowniczej oceniającej ich działania pod kątem ewentualnego przekroczenia uprawnień czy niedopełnienia obowiązków. Oceniono funkcjonalność niektórych rozwiązań prawnych w zakresie nadzoru i kontroli służb. Zwrócono uwagę na dominującą rolę Prezesa Rady Ministrów w sprawowaniu nadzoru nad służbami specjalnymi.

EN

The article addresses issues related to the civil system of democratic supervision and control over special services in Poland since the political transformation. The system is based on the supervision of the executive authority, which also sets the directions of activities, Parliamentary control – mainly with the help of the Committee for Special Services, judiciary supervision assessing their actions in terms of possible abuse of powers or failure to fulfill their obligations. The functionality of some legal solutions in the field of supervision and control over the services was assessed. The dominant role of the Prime Minister in exercising supervision over the special services was pointed out.

15

Comparison of Crisis Management Systems in Poland and Slovakia

72%

Brezina D.

Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces

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2020

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vol. 52

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issue 4(198)

737-748

PL

Klęski żywiołowe zajmują specyficzną pozycję pośród zagrożeń dla życia i zdrowia obywateli, środowiska oraz mienia komunalnego w poszczególnych regionach. Ich negatywne skutki mogą wpływać na znaczną liczbę ludzi i zakłócać funkcjonowanie dużych obszarów. Klęski żywiołowe najczęściej wywierają szkodliwy wpływ na obywateli, mienie oraz na przyrodę. Bardzo poważne klęski żywiołowe mogą zagrozić funkcjonowaniu i stabilności systemów państwowych lub je utrudniać. Problem ten dotyczy między innymi Polski i Słowacji.

EN

Natural disasters have a specific position in terms of threats to the life and health of citizens, the environment, and the property of municipalities in individual regions. Their negative consequences can affect a lot of people and disrupt the routine processes on a large area. Natural disasters mostly have negative effects on people, material values and nature. In the case of largescale natural disasters, the functioning and stability of state systems may be compromised and impaired, including those in Poland and Slovakia.

16

Status prawny sekt destrukcyjnych oraz nowych ruchów religijnych działających na obszarze Polski

62%

Masek C. M.

Studia Prawnicze

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2017

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issue 1 (209)

135-149

PL

Since the beginning of the 90’s there have been strong emotions associated with the emergence of many groups called cults in Poland. These groups are accused of illicit and unethical methods to recruit new members and their psychological dependence, resulting in blind obedience to leaders. Sects, carrying out their activities in the form of various types of religious formations, religious associations, churches and other religious organizations, brought to life after 1989 in Poland, operate on the basis of three acts, which include: 1. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997 ; 2. The Act on Guarantees of freedom of conscience and religion of 17 May 1989; 3. Act of April 7, 1989 r.- Law on Associations. Given the range of opinions and concerns regarding the issue of regulation of sects in Poland this question , posed in particular by the lawyer, of the legal status of the activities of religious sects , and in a broader aspect of their place in the modern world, seems to be reasonable, what is confirmed by the media , but mostly by the facts of the activities of these groups in society. As for the international standards, nowadays there are more and more information about the negative effects of the activity of sects throughout the world, what raised interest of social institutions and the authorities of individual countries in this subject. It encouraged the authorities to create an overall analysis to assess the degree of harmfulness of newly established movements, both in a national and international level. Especially in the late eighties of the twentieth century all kinds of reports and other documents devoted to the problem of sects and new religious movements began to appear. The theme was taken also by the representatives of Communities: Council of Europe, the European Union, as well as organs of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. These acts are only recommendations. They are mainly opinion- forming acts and have no legal force. However, in countries, they are crucial, because they are issued by important authorities To sum up, the activity of sects arouses interest in Europe. Although each country has different guidelines and varied range of impact, collaboration is indispensable nowadays.

17

Francuski »peuple« i polski »lud«. Dwa pojęcia – dwa paradygmaty językowo-kulturowe

58%

Abramowicz M., Bartmiński J.

Etnolingwistyka. Problemy Języka i Kultury

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1996

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vol. 8

41–56

PL

Zdefiniowawszy paradygmat językowo-kulturowy jako społeczny model poznawczy, leżący u podstaw języka i związany ze specyfiką kultury narodowej, autorzy prezentują kontrastywną analizę słów-kluczy, polskiego ludu i jego francuskiego „odpowiednika” peuple według założeń lingwistyki antropologicznej, wyodrębniając ich aspekty semantyczne (fasety), badając ich wypełnienie i stawiając pytanie o cechy dominujące. Analiza koncentruje się na znaczeniu ‘nieuprzywilejowane warstwy społeczne’, zarówno ze względu na jego najwyższą frekwencję w obu językach, jak i na ideologiczną funkcję przypisywaną mu w historii i chwili obecnej. Poddany analizie materiał został podzielony według cezury czasowej: na historyczny – do końca XIX wieku – i aktualny. Oba języki wykazują istotną zbieżność: zarówno we Francji, jak i w Polsce słowa te są używane przez ludzi stających poza i ponad społecznością, o której mówią. Ale analiza ukazała również szereg rozbieżności. Różne jest odniesienie każdego z rzeczowników: w języku polskim lud oznacza głównie chłopstwo, w języku francuskim peuple odnosi się do niższych warstw społecznych i dotyczy przede wszystkim miejskiego proletariatu. Różna jest także struktura aspektowa obu pojęć: o ile w peuple dominuje aspekt materialny i moralny, to w ludzie – aspekt społeczny i kulturalny. Inne jest wreszcie wypełnienie faset: peuple cechuje niższość intelektualna, ludowi zaś przypisuje się swoistą mądrość. Te różnice warunkują pojawienie się innych konotacji i wartościowania w obu językach (bardziej pozytywnego w języku polskim), a także odmienny kierunek ich historycznej ewolucji: francuski wyraz peuple stał się synonimem ‘narodu’, polski lud zmierza do znaczenia ‘społeczeństwo’, przeciwstawionego elitom i władzy.

EN

Firstly, the linguistic-cultural paradigm is defined as a social cognitive model. It constitutes the basis for language and is connected with the specificity of national culture. Then a contrastive analysis of key-words, the Polish lud and the French peuple is presented. It has been carried out according to the principles of anthropological linguistics, by establishing their semantic aspects (facets — fasety) and studying their realization. The analysis is focused on the meaning: “unprivileged social strata” because of its highest frequency in both languages and its historical and current ideological function. The material analyzed has been divided into two parts: the historical (up to the end of the 19th c.) and the present-day. There is a significant parallelism between the two languages: in both, the respective words are used by people from beyond and from above the community about which they talk. However, several divergencies have also been discovered. The reference of the two nouns is different: the Polish lud mainly designates peasantry, whereas the French people primarily refers to lower social strata, in particular to the urban proletariat. The aspectual structure of the two concepts is different as well. In peuple the dominant aspects are the material and the moral ones, whereas in lud the social and cultural aspects are the most prominent. Finally, the realization of facets is different: peuple is characterized by intellectual inferiority but a certain kind of wisdom is attributed to lud. The differences are responsible for different connotations and values which emerge from behind the concepts discussed, the Polish lud being more positive. They are also responsible for the different directions of their respective historical evolutions: the French peuple has become synonymous with nation, whereas the meaning of the Polish lud is closer to “society”, as opposed to the elite and the authorities.

18

Prymas Józef Glemp wobec opozycji politycznejw latach 1983–1984

58%

Łatka R.

Warszawskie Studia Teologiczne

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2019

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vol. 32

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issue 1

120-139

EN

Card. Józef Glemp's attitude towards political opposition was critical and sceptical throughout the entire decade of the 1980s. The above mentioned analysis sheds some light on the attitude of the primate to the underground in years 1983- 1984. The author presents the primate's approach to this problem in the period of preparations for the second pilgrimage of John Paul II to the Homeland and the tightening of religious policy by the authorities of the Polish People's Republic, which took place as a result of the evaluation of the effects of the papal visit. It should be emphasised that the detachment from the activity of the opposition also resulted in the primate's critical approach to cooperation of the clergy with the political underground. This article discusses it on the example of the attitude of card.Glemp to priest Popiełuszko. However, the detachment and scepticism towards the opposition did not mean that the primate and the Polish Episcopate did not stand up for the repressed by the authorities. They did it regularly and the chairman of the Polish Episcopal Conference addressed this issue, among others, during the talkswith W. Jaruzelski.

19

Lokalny i ponadlokalny charakter konfliktu w Lubogórze

58%

Osękowski C.

Dzieje Najnowsze

|

2020

|

vol. 52

|

issue 4

73-116

EN

The article addresses the conflict in the Agricultural Facility at Lubogóra, part of the Świebodzin Agricultural Conglomerate in the Zielona Góra Voivodeship. It was one of the most widely known and last conflicts between the state authorities and the Solidarity Trade Union before martial law was declared in Poland. The conflict passed through several interrelated stages and involved both commonly known expectations and goals of both parties to the conflict as well as the basis and aims not known to a larger group of people. The strike at Lubogóra, between 13 October and 12 November 1981, was an external expression of the conflict, which reached public opinion. After a month, the strike was suspended without final resolutions.

PL

Tematem artykułu jest konflikt w Zakładzie Rolnym w Lubogórze, który był częścią Świebodzińskiego Kombinatu Rolnego w województwie zielonogórskim. To jeden z głośniejszych i ostatnich sporów pomiędzy władzą a NSZZ „Solidarność” przed wprowadzeniem w Polsce stanu wojennego. Przebiegał w powiązanych ze sobą etapach i miał zarówno powszechnie znane oczekiwania i dążenia stron sporu, jak też nieznane szerszemu kręgowi ludzi podłoże i cele. Zewnętrznym wyrazem konfliktu, który docierał do opinii publicznej, był strajk w Zakładzie Rolnym w Lubogórze trwający od 13 X do 12 XI 1981 r. Po miesiącu strajk został zawieszony bez ostatecznych rozstrzygnięć.

20

Rada Główna Episkopatu Polski wobec opozycji przedsierpniowej (1976–1981)

58%

Łatka R.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

|

2017

|

issue 29

110-136

EN

In the above analysis, I have discussed the attitude of the Main Council of the Polish Episcopate towards the pre-August opposition. The approach of the leading body of the Polish Church to the opposition groups that originated in 1976–1977 has not been the topic of a separate and comprehensive study. The former part of the article outlines the increasing social importance of the Church in the 1970s and the role of that institution during the 1976 strikes. The introductory section is followed by the presentation of Primate Wyszyński’s and the most important Polish bishops’ attitudes towards opposition groups that originated in the latter half of the 1970s. The author focused on the position on the issue taken by the members of the Main Council as the most important decision-making body in the Polish Church after 1945. This is followed by a description of the Episcopate’s opinion on ordinary clergy’s cooperation with the pre-August opposition in order to highlight the Council member’s stance on the opposition more. A separate fragment of the analysis is devoted to the discussion of the bishop’s attitude towards the risk of “politicisation” of academic ministries. It is particularly important due to the fact that the origin of certain opposition organisations can be seen in the activity of specific ministries. The next part of the article shows the attitude of the Council members towards the role of the opposition during the first papal pilgrimage. The final section outlines how the most important hierarchs of the Church felt about the role of the pre-August opposition during the legal existence of the “Solidarity” with particular attention to the circles related to the former Workers’ Defence Committee, which the members of the Main Council of the Episcopate were most passionate about.

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