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1
100%
EN
In the recent years, a turn towards interdisciplinary research in which proper names are presentedas an interpretation of reality and a mirror of historical, political, social and cultural processes has been observed in onomastics. Names can reflect a popular vision of the world presenting its anthropocentric conceptualization reconstructed on the basis of knowledge, beliefs, valuation systems and cultural experiences of people. Thus the cultural analysis of onyms comprises notions of a linguistic image of the world, point of view, profiling, conceptualization and categorization of ideas, valuation, stereotype and prototype, connotation, metaphor and metonymy. Special attention is also paid to the secondary functions of proper names which, apart from indicating and identifying objects, can also perform metaphorical, expressive, ludic, pragmatic and marketing functions. The so-called cultural onomastics focuses on the study of proper names in this aspect. The analysis of onyms is shifted in it towards the creator and interpreter, presenting the manner of conceptualizing a selected fragment of reality in the categories of a consolidated mental pattern. Interdisciplinary research develops in many directions, making use of the methods and notions of such sciences as sociology, psychology, folk medicine, cognitivism, ethnology, folkloristics, anthropology, religious studies, neurology. Cultural onomastics concentrates on a variety of proper names belonging to the fields of anthroponymy, toponymy, media onymy and chrematonymy. Furthermore, the new research fields necessitate changes in the traditional methodology as well as consideration of a broad social and cultural context within a particular system of values.
Onomastica
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2014
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vol. 58
183-191
EN
A LINGUISTIC IMAGE OF THE WORLD OF THE RURAL COMMUNITY SOLIDIFIED IN POSSESSIVE TERRAIN NAMES (EXEMPLIFIED BY MICROTOPONYMS OF TRUSKOLASY NEAR CZĘSTOCHOWA AND NEIGHBORING VILLAGES) The article is an attempt to reconstruct a linguistic image of the world of the rural community solidified in possessive terrain names. A collection of 110 microtoponyms was analyzed (along with their morphological justifications, indicated by respondents), which were collected from the area of Truskolasy near Częstochowa and neighboring villages. Names distinguished in the material studied were, among others, those motivated by anthroponyms, by the ethnicity and religion of the owner, and also by historical legal-proprietary relations. Designations of a possessive nature record, among other things, the need to emphasize the ownership of a physiographic object by the individual, and in addition expose the popular opposition we/they. Possessive terrain names commemorate the history of the “small fatherland,” which has particular value for members of the microcommunity studied and makes up an important component of their identity.
PL
The article is dedicated to description of proper names functions in chosen narrative poem of Passion literature of Polish Baroque. Analyzed proper names in Pamiątka krwawej ofiary Pana Zbawiciela naszego Jezusa Chrystusa (1610) by Abraham Rożniatowski are mainly connected with metaphysical sphere of culture, majority of them is conventional, primarily drawn from Bible. The main function of proper names is to describe the Passion in influential way and to show the people how grievous and savage it was. The onomastic field of the narrative poem is strictly related to religious cult of Kalwaria Zebrzydowska popular in Poland in Baroque times.
EN
This paper focuses on the issues of translating personal proper names in Polish versions of Lewis Carroll’s novel “Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland”. The main intention of this work is to present cultural connotations of names invented by the author and describe their specificity and significance. It is also an attempt to analyze translation strategies applied in the texts to explain possible reasons for the translators’ decisions. The basic corpus consists of an original version of the novel with the footnotes made by Martin Gardner and four new Polish versions of “Alice...”, issued after 1990.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł skupia się na tematyce przekładu na język polski wybranych osobowych nazw własnych w powieści Lewisa Carrolla pt. Alicja w Krainie Czarów. Głównym celem pracy jest pokazanie konotacji kulturowych oraz etymologii nazw stworzonych przez autora, a więc zaprezentowanie ich specyfiki oraz nierzadko bardziej złożonego znaczenia. Artykuł stanowi również próbę analizy wybranych przez polskich tłumaczy strategii tłumaczeniowych pod kątem zgodności znaczeniowej z oryginałem. Podstawowy korpus badawczy składa się z oryginalnej angielskiej wersji książki z przypisami Martina Gardnera oraz czterech wydanych po 1990 roku przekładów na język polski.
Onomastica
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2021
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vol. 65
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issue 2
237-254
EN
The article analyzes several dozen anthroponymic nicknames of politicians, which arose as a result of contamination and are motivated by the name of a politician and a common noun. I consider them not as isolated units, but formations within messages which include multimodal texts. The present analysis has been conducted within the framework of discourse onomastics and draws on the methodological tools of cultural linguistics. The examined structures are not so much a reflection of the extra-linguistic reality as an interpretation of the political, economic and social situation in Poland. The aim of the article is to answer the question: What image of Polish politicians is created in anthroponymic nicknames obtained by contamination. The conducted analyses prove that these onyms are the carrier of judgments concerning, for example, the intellect (Donald Półmusk, Paligłup), or the character and disposition (Bucek, Cykorski, Fałszydło) of politicians. Their behavior is sometimes compared to that of animals (Bydłoszewski, Szyszkodnik). Most of the surveyed individuals express emotions related to e.g. the artifacts attributed to politicians (Ryszard Swetru, Vateusz Morawiecki) or the event they became famous for (Andrzej Cuda). Some of the studied names are motivated by more than one anthroponym, e.g. the onym Vateusz Maowiecki was formed as a result of contamination of such units as: Mateusz Morawiecki, Mao Zedong and VAT. The interpretation of this type of units is possible only thanks to the knowledge of the extra-linguistic context and taking into account semiotic codes other than the verbal code.
PL
W artykule zanalizowano kilkadziesiąt przezwisk antroponimicznych odnoszących się do polityków, które powstały w wyniku kontaminacji i są motywowane nazwiskiem polityka oraz rzeczownikiem pospolitym. Rozpatruję je nie jako izolowane jednostki, ale formacje będące składnikiem komunikatów, w tym również tekstów multimodalnych. Przeprowadzona analiza wpisuje się w nurt onomastyki dyskursu i czerpie z narzędzi metodologicznych językoznawstwa kulturowego. Badane struktury stanowią nie tyle odbicie rzeczywistości pozajęzykowej, ile interpretację sytuacji politycznej, gospodarczej i społecznej w Polsce. Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie: Jaki obraz polityków polskich kreowany jest w kontaminacyjnych przezwiskach antroponimicznych. Przeprowadzone analizy dowodzą, że są one nośnikiem ocen dotyczących, np. intelektu (Donald Półmusk, Paligłup) oraz charakteru i usposobienia (Bucek, Cykorski, Fałszydło) polityków. Ich zachowanie się bywa porównywane do zachowania się zwierząt (Bydłoszewski, Szyszkodnik). Większość badanych jednostek jest wyrazem emocji związanych np. z przypisywanymi politykom artefaktom (Ryszard Swetru, Andrzej Juda, Vateusz Morawiecki) lub ze zdarzeniem, z którego zasłynęli (Andrzej Cuda). Niektóre z badanych nazw motywowane są więcej niż jednym antroponimem, np. formacja Vateusz Maowiecki  powstała w wyniku kontaminacji takich jednostek, jak: Mateusz Morawiecki, Mao Zedong oraz VAT. Interpretacja tego typu jednostek możliwa jest wyłącznie dzięki znajomości kontekstu pozajęzykowego oraz uwzględnieniu innych kodów semiotycznych niż kod werbalny.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza chrematonimów w realiach historycznych oraz ich roli jako symboli tożsamości kulturowej. Omawiane w tekście niemieckojęzyczne chrematonimy z okresu Wolnego Miasta Gdańska (WMG) 1920–1939 nie były dotąd przedmiotem analizy kulturowej. Podstawę podziału i analizy chrematonimów wyekscerpowanych na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu z druków ulotnych WMG stanowi model badawczy Artura Gałkowskiego (2011) wraz z podziałem chrematonimów w funkcji kulturowo-użytkowej na chrematonimy marketingowe, społecznościowe i ideacyjne. Analiza wykazała, iż nazwy zakodowane w drukach ulotnych są odzwierciedleniem obrazu otaczającego świata mieszkańców WMG oraz utrwalonym symbolem ich tożsamości kulturowej.
EN
The aim of the following article is the analysis of chrematonyms in historical reality and of their role as the symbols of cultural identity. The German language chrematonyms from the period of the Free City of Danzig covered in the following article have not been the object of the cultural analysis so far. The basis of the division and analysis of chrematonyms excerpted on the needs of the following article from the advertisement prints of the Free City of Danzig is constituted by the research model by Gałkowski (2011) together with the division of chrematonyms into marketing chrematonyms, social chrematonyms and idea-creating chrematonyms in the culturally usable function. The analysis showed that names coded in advertisement prints mirror the surrounding world of the inhabitants of the Free City of Danzig and create a fixed symbol of their cultural identity.
Onomastica
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2016
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vol. 60
317-332
EN
Wine is a crucial part of the cultural history of the territory within the current borders of Bulgaria from the earliest times until now. It plays an important role in the life of Bulgarians and is a multiethnic heritage of this land. Bulgarian toponyms only archive a lexicon associated with wine in a small degree, with more toponyms found regarding vines and vineyards which were characteristic elements of the native landscape. The Bulgarian enonyms constitute a “multilingual patchwork”, where the locality (present, but not dominant) is mixed with globality. Locality is mainly reflected in the detoponymic and deanthroponymic names referring to the Bulgarian heritage and also the Thracian, Greek and Roman legacy of those lands. Globality is revealed in the linguistic “hybridity” manifested by the free use of foreign models, naming vocabulary and intertextuality appealing to a global experience. This part of Bulgarian enonymy derives mainly from the English and French language, as well as Spanish, Italian, Greek and Latin.
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Onomastica
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2017
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vol. 61
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issue 2
381-400
EN
The aim of this article is to present the analysis of the proper names of trees - natural monuments in comparison with other onyms motivated by appellative descriptions of trees. The article also analyses names of forests and tries to standardise Polish dendronyms. The analysis of the onymic material is accompanied by terminological studies concerning names such as phytonym (plant name), drymonym (forest name) or dendronym (tree name).The first proper names for trees appeared in the 19th century and their number increased in the 20th century due to many christenings of natural monuments. Tree names are usually chosen by a local community or authorities and they are accompanied by an appropriate legal act recognising the status of the tree. The article analyses about 2,000 tree names based on proper names and appellatives.Dendronyms are strongly anthropomorphised - over half of the names of trees with the status of a national monument have been formed on the basis of anthroponyms: names of public figures (and lesser known people as well), rulers, owners of local estates, saints, clergy, artists, local social activists, heroes and gods known from Greek, Roman and Slavic mythology, protagonists of Slavic or Norse myths, independence fighters and literary characters. Sometimes they are also based on ethnonyms, toponyms - especially those connected with the area, and on chrematonyms. Tree names derived from appellatives are also created from personal nouns related to different semantic fields, such as family, religion, professions, the fight for freedom and descriptions of various traits of trees themselves. Dendronymy mostly uses the cultural heritage of the Piast and Jagiellonian Poland and Christian traditions. It is immersed in local traditions and legends.
EN
The author analyses onymic practices of Poznań–based craftsmen forming guilds. In the names of the inhabitants of Poznań, which stabilised until the end of the 18th century, she seeks traces of the so-called cognomens, i.e. secondary personal designations granted to apprentices who were becoming masters. The names resulted from community acts of creation, which were of ludic nature. Referring to German onymic practices and pointing to the so-called Schleifnamen, the author discusses specific codes of European middle-class culture. She focuses on the transfer of models and patterns to Polish urban communities.
EN
The main purpose of this article is an attempt at the description of the role of roadside shrines and crosses in geographical names. The study encompasses more than 1,000 microtoponyms collected in the years 2011–2017 in the area around the village of Wręczyca Wielka near Kłobuck (Silesian voivodeship). The analysis also offers a justification for the onyms, as well as stories and legends elicited during informal conversations with the middle and the oldest generation of inhabitants of the explored area. The author uses the research tools of cultural onomastics.The objects of sacral architecture which appear in geographical names frequently have a number of functions. Mostly, roadside shrines and crosses help to locate or mark fields, meadows, forests and paths. Furthermore, the data that shed light on the motivation of microtoponyms document the relationship between the abovementioned examples of sacral architecture with the surrounding physiographic objects, highlighting the role of these forms in folk culture. Both roadside crosses and shrines commemorate past events and preserve the elements of rural customs. The few specimens of sacral architecture functioning as the motivation for microtoponyms also confirm the fact that, for the oldest generation of village inhabitants, religion is still one of the most important values.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest próba określenia roli kapliczek i krzyży przydrożnych w nazwach terenowych. Przykładowy materiał badawczy stanowi ponad 1000 mikrotoponimów zgromadzonych w trakcie prowadzenia badań terenowych (2011-2017) na obszarze gminy Wręczyca Wielka w powiecie kłobuckim, w województwie śląskim. Do analizy włączono również uzasadnienia nazwotwórcze poszczególnych onimów oraz podania, historie i legendy, które uzyskano podczas prowadzenia nieoficjalnych rozmów z przedstawicielami średniego i najstarszego pokolenia mieszkańców eksplorowanej gminy. W artykule wykorzystano narzędzia badawcze onomastyki kulturowej. Małe obiekty architektury sakralnej, które pojawiają się w nazwach terenowych, pełnią często po kilka ról. Najczęściej krzyże i kapliczki przydrożne są lokalizatorami, względem których desygnuje się pola, łąki, lasy, dukty itp. Ponadto „dane przyjęzykowe” zawarte w uzasadnieniach nazwotwórczych mikrotoponimów dokumentują związek małych form architektury sakralnej z okolicznymi obiektami fizjograficznymi i uwypuklają rolę tych form w kulturze ludowej. I tak krzyże i kapliczki przydrożne upamiętniają dawne wydarzenia oraz utrwalają elementy wiejskiej obyczajowości. Małe obiekty architektury sakralnej wpisane w mikrotoponimy potwierdzają również to, że dla najstarszego pokolenia mieszkańców współczesnej wsi religia wciąż stanowi jedną z najwyższych wartości.
11
47%
EN
The paper deals with geographical names in Silesia deriving from the names of tree species. An analysis of the names derived from appellatives, allows for a reconstruction of the categorization methods of the world, anthropological conceptualization, and a popular image of reality. Name creators choose names derived from the appellatives which are for certain reasons important and valuable for them, from the existing collection of names. For example, the following names of trees and shrubs become a productive toponymic base: oak, birch, alder; they belong to the basic categorization level and are important for the rural community due to their usable and practical significance (in construction and economy), as well as medicinal and ritual-religious significance. Suffixes, fulfilling the function of creating new words and names, indicate the methods of categorization; they draw attention to categories such as collectivity (e.g. Dębie, Buken), size (Brzezinke, Grabinka), description of the object (Lipica, Birkberg), place and direction (Na Jedlinie, Do Dęba).
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