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EN
Armed forces and police in dysfunctional states of Sub-Saharan Africa are usually weak, both in terms of training, discipline, equipment and morale. The army is frequently dragged into political conflicts, especially as there is a rule that who controls armed forces has power, and the loss of control of the army is tantamount to the loss of power. A similar problem concerns the police, which is even more corrupt and dependent on political influence. The police is often more preoccupied with supporting the ruling party than with protection of the public order, and citizens associate it with forcing various types of bribes. The analysis of the relation between the weak statehood challenges and the condition of the armed forces and police presented in the article is a result of the author’s long-term research on dysfunctional states in Sub-Saharan Africa, based, inter alia, on the fieldwork conducted in more than twenty African states.
EN
The analysis of Ukraine’s dysfunction and dependence, both in national and international dimension, presents a clear picture that the dilemma of whether we are faced with a consolidation of a truly liberal democracy or its non-liberal (hybrid) variety, is still valid. Debates in political sciences are dominated by the view that independent Ukraine ought to be considered a specific case of the so-called “hybrid state”. Such countries are characterized by stagnation, corruption, and a dominant position of elites, who offer few benefits to the state and have little public support. In addition, the following are clearly visible in Ukraine: little representation of public interests by state institutions; little political involvement of the society and little social activity in between elections; no respect for regulations of the state under the rule of the law; little public legitimization in elections; little public trust in state institutions/the institution of the state; inadequate operation of the state in general. Therefore, the fact that transformation processes which have been emerging in Ukraine, ought not be considered linear, should be acknowledged. Consequently, describing the character of these processes in view of their complexity and multidimensionality seems more relevant.
EN
Bad governance can very quickly ruin the economic situation of the whole country. However, in the conditions of the Western world, even though they can cause a lot of damage, more or less developed administrative apparatus is able to minimize the effects of bad decisions, and the society has a chance to rebuff the rulers in the next elections. In so-called dysfunctional states bad governance can damage an already weak country’s economy. In the reality of Sub-Saharan Africa we can divide the countries engulfed by a serious state dysfunctionality those which were already dysfunctional at the moment of their creation and those that in the period of gaining independence in the sixties of the 20th century were on the right track to build an efficient state. The first group includes: Central African Republic and Democratic Republic of Congo. The second consists of the countries which, as for the conditions of the Sub-Saharan Africa, coped quite well at the beginning of an independent statehood, and the infrastructure and administration left by the colonizers were in a relatively good shape. In this group we can place: Kenya and Zimbabwe. Nevertheless, among dysfunctional states the majority are ones which never step off this dysfunctionality. These are the countries in which bad governance is not only a bad president or a team of ministers, but also the entire state machinery – a corrupted, inefficient, and unprepared to act multitude of lower officials, as well the lack of the society’s thinking in the categories of state (which is not surprising in the society with tribal and clannish nature).
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