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EN
The purpose of this paper was to specify what is the share of narrowly understood micro-ideology in the political thought of Law and Justice. Embarking on the analysis of the above-stated problem, we first and foremost fixed particular methodological assumption. As a point of departure for our analysis we adopted the conception of the ideological morphology by Michael Freeden. In line with it, we assumed that ideologies are not fully distinct entities but they interact with one another. They are also partly overlapping and thus they share some contiguous points. In accordance with the concept of populism, as worked out within our framework, we focused our attention on the problematics of elites and the people. As conceived of by Law and Justice, elites did not discharge their duties, alienating themselves from the society and caring mainly about their own socio-economic interest. Furthermore, the critique of elites was mainly related to their non-democratic genesis and artificially created putative “super-expertise”.Eventually, we proved that populism may be regarded as one of the phenomena characterizing the political thought of Law and Justice.
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The discussion about elites is part of a cumbersome and long debate. In the context of a globalized world, the task becomes even more complex to understand. It is because national borders no longer define or, at least, do not define completely, all the loyalties and actions of powerful groups. Meanwhile, the transnational space opens new fields of activity and, along with, gives them new opportunities. In first place, this paper aims to understand the very meaning of a power elite: its significance and its possible implications for some selected economic and historical processes. Secondly, since the elites are largely defined by their social environment, the present paper seeks to understand the particularity of the American case. Finally, we try to explain how this ruling class influenced the consolidation of the United States as the leading world power, participating in the creation of a specific international system, based on institutions and the global regulation.
EN
The rulers of Scythia left kurgans instead of palaces. We know 17 Scythian kings and 14 of them are associated with the steppes of the Northern Pontic area. The period of active kurgans’ building in the steppe began by the time of the Ariapeith dynasty. About 6 or 7 kings can be related with it. At the same time the number of kurgans, that could be looked at as “candidates” for the Scythian ruler’s tombs, reaches six dozens. We can identify centers of regional structures using these kurgans as bearing points of the spatial structure of Scythia. The political centre of Scythia (5 – 3 c. BC) was located near the rifts of the lower Dnieper river. The importance of this area is emphasized by 4 most famous kurgans, probably tombs of the supreme kings. There are also 3 barrows of the second level, two or three times smaller than the royal ones and 10 graves of the third level, which are dozen times smaller than the giant tombs of the kings. The remaining 40 – 45 barrows could be divided in 11 or 12 local groups apparently marking regional centers of the Herodotus`s and Post-Herodotus`s Scythia.
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The paper offers a synthetic overview of the historical and social sciences writings on 19th and 20th century Romanian elites. Following the original local sociological constructs developed during the interwar period, the early socialist regime stopped almost all research on the topic for the next two decades. The interest rose again slowly in the 1970s and 1980s, when preliminary investigations highlighted some of the future research subjects: intellectuals, economic, and political elites. After 1989, historians were the first to enter the field, opening workshops on the previously mentioned categories, and more recently on ecclesiastical, military, and administrative elites. Social and political scientists followed shortly, focusing mainly – but not exclusively – on the socialist and post-socialist elites. Despite the flourishing period of the last two decades, and the generally positive trend, the historical research on elites in Romania produced mainly empirical studies. The methodological and theoretical framework was left unapproached, partly due to a lack of tradition, partly because of the low level of collaboration between historians and social scientists.
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In this article, the author presents a claim that, in parallel to the end of mass parties, it is possible to observe the progressing decline of elites within political parties. This phenomenon manifests itself on the following three levels: 1) a theoretical level-less and less attention is paid to elites in the theory of political parties as their place is being taken over by other approaches, in particular leadership theory; 2) a terminological level-the notion of elites is being removed from analyses devoted to political parties and supplanted by other terms such us “leaders.” They are sometimes considered as the synonyms of the word “elite”; 3) a factual level-there are strong reasons to presume that the decline in the importance of elites within political parties is an objective phenomenon related to the general revaluations taking place in contemporary political parties. Such revaluations cause changes in the distribution of power within political parties-party leaders and narrow groups of decision makers gain in importance at the expense of elites.
EN
The article examines the influence of the social status of university graduates in the Czech Republic on their situation in post-mass higher education. More specifically, it tests the validity of hypotheses concerning the impact of family background, income level, reselection of the field of study, and the extent of saturation of prestigious fields (medicine, law) with individuals from elite backgrounds by applying the socio-economic status (SES) concept and the theory of maximally maintained inequality. The hypotheses are tested on the Graduate 2018 survey dataset. The research results confirm the persistent importance of parents' education on graduates' SES. The income security of graduates affects their life satisfaction to a certain degree but has no effect on the reselection of their field of study. The results also show the above-average saturation of medical and legal disciplines by graduates with elite status.
EN
The I National Congress of Delegates of Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity [NSZZ “Solidarnos´c´”] meeting in Gdan´sk in September and Ocober, 1981 is considered the crowning achievement of the “Solidarity’s” organizational and ideological development. No serious and comprehensive monography has yet been written, historical or sociological. The lack of a complete text of the eighteen days of talks was one of the reasons. A shorthand report of the first tour which has been made available recently makes it possible to make some preliminary analyses of the Congress’ topics and dynamics, behaviour of the delegates and mechanisms of their decision-making. It also permits to describe their “union-like” way of thinking as well as understanding and practicing democracy. The author of the article recalls the basic statistics of the community of delegates-a sui generis trade union elite. He moreover poses questions regarding the scale of the secret services’ [SB] controlling the course of the Congress. The author favours the assumption that it was surprisingly negligible.
EN
The status and role of the elite in society primarily depends on the specific political context. Therefore also on the dramatic times, including the ability to “demonstrate” the culture creating elite. Limiting the sovereignty of a people and repressive policies in relation to its citizens provide a unique opportunity for the intelligentsia to fulfil its vocation. After 1945 in countries belonging to the “Eastern Bloc” art people have been given a special status, making them the formation of a great influence. The year 1956 ended the “romance” of elites with power, and those who owed their recognized position to supporting the communist ideology became its greatest opponents. Paradoxically, the beginning of the end of elites came with the advent of democracy. The modern world is geared mainly towards entertain­ment and it cannot afford too much elitism because the role of the elites falls on the so-called celebrities.
EN
The author has introduced an anti-reformatory concept of Jaroslav Borzita of M artinice, which he applied on his estates and whose partial processes he tried to enforce throughout the kingdom. The nobleman’s practices bore many traces of explicit violence. In his study, the author seeks to illustrate the gradual development and refinement of the concept, introduction of new anti-reformatory elements, but also responses of his contemporaries whom he provoked with his opinions. The author also attempts to reconstruct an argumentation through which Jaroslav Borzita of Martinice tried to legitimize his cause.
EN
The article defines the term „security elites“ (security sector elites) and presents three possible approaches towards its perception. The first defines security elites as people who use their authority and position to provide general security. The second approach perceives them as persons whose authority and position provide security in a particular realm of the society. The third approach describes elites as people providing security in a particular field using their positon and authority they gained through specific training (so-called elite groups).
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The Ruling Elite in Russia: Continuity or Change?

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EN
The third Vladimir’s Putin presidential term (2012-2018) was a significant period for the Russian Federation political security. Social protests, the annexation of Crimea, conflicts in eastern Ukraine and Syria, as well as economic sanctions and the deepening Russian isolationism - these are just some of the problems that Russian authorities had to face to ensure political stability. The aim of this article was to examine the changes and conflicts that occurred within President Putin’s inner circle between 2012 and 2018. The research was conducted according to content analysis method. It revealed that in 2012-2018 the attempts to weaken the decision-making power elite as a whole failed.
EN
The purpose of this article is to show the actuality of the problems described in the work „Thoughts of a Modern Pole” by Roman Dmowski in the context of the thesis that the notion of strategic culture has been distorted in Poland after 1989 and that there is a lack of a real debate on the formation of Polish foreign policy. First, the author defined the concept of strategic culture itself. The term „strategy” was explained and characterized, along with its various elements. Special attention was also given to state strategy, for, as the author points out, states are the primary actors that shape international relations. Another element addressed by the author is cultural factors and their influence on the formation of state strategy. Among the most important elements the author mentions are historical experiences. Also important are the type of society and the outlook of a given society on the role of the state in international relations. The main part of the article is an attempt to analyze the problems with the formation of Polish strategic culture. The starting point is the considerations of Roman Dmowski contained in the work „Thoughts of a Modern Pole”. The first problem addressed in this article, is the issue of the lack of correlation, or even division between the elites of Polish society and the lower strata. The author puts forward the thesis that today’s social division, which appeared after 1989, is an extension of the historical division described by Roman Dmowski. The second issue addressed is the extreme approach to international politics present in Polish society. The author points out that our (i.e. Polish) historical defeats have led to a situation in which the view of Poland’s role in international relations is distorted. According to the author, just as at the time of the creation of the work „Thoughts of a Modern Pole,” today we also face two views of the Polish issue, which, according to the author, are wrong. The last problem the author draws attention to is the passivity of the Polish political elite. The author puts forward the thesis that the characteristic that links the elites of the Third Republic with those elites described by Roman Dmowski is passivity. In order to support this thesis, the article points out the manifestations of this passivity using examples of the Third Republic’s actions in the international arena. The author also points out the problem of the lack of search for autonomy in the international policy of the Third Republic, which, according to the author of the article, is the result of passivity. The article concludes with the statement that Roman Dmowski can be called „a man of our time”, because, according to the author, most of the problems described by Dmowski are still present in today’s socio-political life.
EN
This paper focuses on a copper-alloy goad discovered in 2017 in Lubniewice in Lubuskie Voivodeship, Poland. An interdisciplinary analysis has shown that the goad was originally part ofa lavishly decorated copper-alloy spur representing a type known from high-status West Slavic graves (e.g. Lutomiersk, Ciepłe) and settlement sites. Because objects of this kind are made of costly material, and because expert skills were required to produce them, it is argued that they were commissioned by a very specific group of people who used them as “material markers” of their distinct cultural and religious identity. It is not unlikely that the owners of such spurs were members of the elite retinue of the Piasts who played important roles on and off the battlefield.
EN
GenghisKhan is highly valued among peoples ofCentralAsia, a radical departure fromRussia, and other nations across Europe, where he is regarded as the embodiment of savagery, barbarism, destruction and ruthlessness. Yet, another image exists among the Buryats, who accept theirMongolian origin and find support for their ethnos in it. The article concerns the functioning of Genghis Khan’s image in popular culture and the everyday lives of Buryats living in the ethnic Buryatia.We are, therefore, interested in how the nation’s elite succeeds in constructing a vision of the past, its golden age, to guarantee cultural and political entity in the modern time.
Studia Hercynia
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 2
9-29
EN
Two issues regarding the social status of Archaic Greek (and other Aegean) mercenaries are discussed. The historiographical issue consists in exploring the reasons why the image of a limited participation restricted to the elites has until recently prevailed. The influence of social anthropology, which contributed to the development of a series of conceptual automatisms, is seen as the main cause for the emergence of the elitist thesis. The historical and anthropological issue consists in a summary re‑evaluation of the most appropriate and persuasive sources that provide clues for the broader social participation in mercenary activities.
EN
This paper considers the impact of shared imaginaries of mobility among so-called elite, mobile professionals - early-career expatriates living in Nepal for a period of one to three years. Based on 18 months of fieldwork among expatriates in Kathmandu, I explore the ways in which these actors construct, navigate and narrativise the boundaries between themselves and the many tourists who visit Nepal each year. While in some transnational contexts, these guests may seek to align themselves with other guests such as tourists and foreign residents as a means of asserting and expressing shared commonalities of transnationality and mobility, expatriates in Kathmandu are keen to highlight perceived distance between themselves and other guests as much as they are the perceived proximities between themselves and native Nepalis. In focusing on this former interaction, I show that tourist imaginaries become important means for expatriates to negotiate difference as they learn their new local identities in a context of spatial and temporal transience. Though the academic literatures of migration and tourism have developed more or less in isolation from one another, these two spheres of mobility are in fact very much interrelated. I suggest that anthropological research into the self-conceptions of mobile professionals take into consideration other non-local groups with whom they share local spaces, since these actors can be used instrumentally as a means of strengthening both group and individual identities. If anthropology engages effectively with the interactions between hosts and guests in colonial spaces, I argue that just as much can be gleaned by looking at engagements between guests and other guests. Through a consideration of these border zones of encounter, anthropologists can illustrate ethnographically how individual expatriate identities are negotiated within communities of elite, mobile professionals.
EN
O. Almgren in his 1897 published study on nordeuropean forms of brooches characterized known specimens from the region and classified them in seven groups. His group VI matches brooches with inverted foot as well as their derivative forms with full catch-plate. They are main forms of the late Roman and early Migrations periods Shape and form of those brooches breaks with the early Roman Period’s stilistical traditions, showind differences in construction, because catch-plate is being made by bending the foot downwards, its and is then wrapped around the bow. This key for the studies on late antiquity group of brooches is one of the less published forms of the Barbaricum. O. Almgren himself have had treated them unfairy, whereas later studies didn’t gave precise arrangements. However the homogenity of this goup of artefacts; especially type 158 characteristic for the Przeworsk Culture, have been emphasized. Therefore new classificaton of brooches of the Almgren’s VI Group with taking into consideration all of the deriverative forms and variations was an absolute necessity. It was also essential due to the significance for the chronology of early and late Roman Period. The min assumption of the paper was to work out the one piece brooches of the type 158. The method used for the division is based upon the system proposed by O. Almgren. It is still up to date, however some detailed assumptins are necessery. It is due to the fact that some of O. Almgren’s forms have been described unaccuratelly, therefore determination of arefacts according to his division in chefly uneasy. It is also imprtant to ephasize the fact that since the firt publication of Almgren’s study, the have been noted enormous growth in number of known specimens, some of them are therefore not preciselly represented in typology of the swedish scholar. Main characteristics of brooches taken under consieration by division of sub-types and variants are construction of the specific specimen, shape of the bow as well as its decoration. Such characteristics as form of ornamentation and stilistic criterion i.e. proportions of the appropriate parts of the brooch were also considered. In the process a clusters of broches with some variants within have been archieved. Main part of the paper is the classification of O. Almgren’s type 158 brooches. The study is based upon 799 specimens. The final effect of this analise is the stilistic division of variants with main goal in tighening the chronology of characterized clustes of artefacts.
Kwartalnik Historyczny
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2023
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vol. 130
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issue 1
151-174
EN
The article discusses a recently published book on the attitudes of Lithuanian elites towards the election of Kings Władysław IV and Michał I. Among other things, the methodology used for the publication and the author’s selection of the interregna have been criticised. The reviewed book also became a pretext to recall the thesis on the dynamics of patron-client relations in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and to emphasise the specificity of those relations in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
PL
W artykule omówiono najnowszą pracę na temat postaw litewskich elit wobec elekcji Władysława IV i Michała I. Krytyce poddana została m.in. metodologia zastosowana na potrzeby publikacji oraz dobór bezkrólewi. Recenzowana książka stała się również pretekstem, aby przywołać tezę o dynamiczności układów klientalnych w Rzeczypospolitej oraz podkreślić specyfikę relacji patron–klient w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim.
EN
The history of the “Leopolis” lodge in Lwów (Lviv, Lemberg, Lemberik) concentrates all the most important processes and phenomena transpiring among the local Jews from the end of the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Thanks to the enfranchisement introduced in 1867 numerous Jews (in particular among the assimilated Jewry) enjoyed social promotion and successful professional careers. A considerable number evolved from involvement in the pro-assimilation current to fascination with Zionism. Those who maintained bonds with the Jewish community and felt responsible for its progress made use of a new organizational formula, namely, the Independent Order of B’nai B’rith. This organization, universally known as “B’nai B’rith”, was founded in New York by the German-born émigré Heinrich Jones in 1843. The Order’s objectives included the moral and intellectual elevation of its members. Both the latter and their families could rely on assistance in assorted difficult situations (e.g. illnesses or involuntary financial problems). The statute of the “Leopolis” Humanitarian Society was registered on 5 October 1899 with a rescript issued by the Lwów Governorship, and the foundation meeting took place on 29 October of that year.“Leopolis” was created mainly by representatives of the free professions, the intelligentsia, and entrepreneurs functioning both locally and abroad. The former activity took place in the seat of the lodge and included routine and special-occasion sessions, with debates about crucial problems of the Jews of Lwów and across the world. In addition, the lodge held scientific, popular, and world outlook lectures. The “Leopolis” seat also hosted assorted social and special-occasion events (e.g. celebrations of Hanukkah and Purim). A major part of the work conducted by the Order’s members took place outside the lodge, with mention due to efforts pursued for the sake of the orphaned, the poor, and the ailing as well as material and financial help rendered to these beneficiaries, who included primarily Jews; in certain instances assistance was also provided for the Christians, as exemplified by the new Israelite Hospital erected by members of “Leopolis”. The projects proposed by the organization responded to the material problems faced by the Jews of Lwów at the turn of the nineteenth century. Better familiarity with this issue also facilitates closer insight into the life of the community.
PL
Statut Stowarzyszenia Humanitarnego „Leopolis” zarejestrowano 5 października 1899 r. reskryptem namiestnictwa we Lwowie. Spotkanie założycielskie odbyło się w dniu 29 października tego samego roku. „Leopolis” stanowiło część międzynarodowego Niezależnego Zakonu Synów Przymierza (Independent Order B’nei B’rith), który założył 13 października 1843 r. w Nowym Jorku emigrant pochodzenia niemieckiego Heinrich Jones. Organizacja ta stawiała sobie za cel moralne i umysłowe uszlachetnianie swoich członków. Zarówno oni, jak też członkowie ich rodzin mogli liczyć na pomoc Zakonu w sytuacjach trudnych (np. podczas chorób, niezawinionych kłopotów finansowych).„Leopolis” tworzyli głównie reprezentanci wolnych zawodów, inteligenci i przedsiębiorcy. Ich działalność miała charakter wewnętrzny i zewnętrzny. Ta pierwsza rozstrzygała się w siedzibie loży. Należą do niej rutynowe oraz uroczyste posiedzenia, podczas których debatowano o kluczowych sprawach Żydów we Lwowie i na świecie. Oprócz tego wygłaszano odczyty naukowe, popularno-naukowe, refleksyjne i poglądowe. W lokalu „Leopolis” urządzano również zabawy towarzyskie i świąteczne (np. z okazji świąt chanuki i purim). Gros aktywności członków Zakonu objawiało się jednak poza dosłownie rozumianą lożą. Wymienić trzeba przede wszystkim prace na rzecz sierot, biednych, chorych oraz udzielane im wsparcie materialne i finansowe. Odbiorcami tej pomocy byli przede wszystkim Żydzi. W niektórych wypadkach pomoc otrzymywali również chrześcijanie, przykładem tego jest wybudowany przez członków „Leopolis” nowy Szpital Izraelicki, gdzie przyjmowano ich na leczenie. Wykonywane przez tę organizację projekty stanowiły odpowiedź na realne potrzeby Żydów lwowskich u schyłku XIX i na początku XX w. Lepsze poznanie tego zagadnienia to także wgląd w życie wewnętrzne tej społeczności.
EN
Krzysztof Grzymułtowski was one of the most influential politicians of 16th-century Poland not only due to his social background but also his school education. The aims of this article are to present the role of school education he obtained at the Lubrański Academy in his public activity as a politician and examine the effects of education in one of the most prominent secondary schools of that period. The text refers to published studies of the school curriculum, which were confronted with Grzymułtowski’s publications from the school period, written under the supervision of his educators, and from the time of his later public activity. The conducted analysis showed that his school education had a clear impact on his later activities, especially in terms of rhetorical skills, legal and state-related knowledge and cognitive competencies acquired through philosophical studies.
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