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Terrorism and Right-Wing Extremism: History and Comparative Definitions

100%
Antwi-Boasiako K. B., Hill C. G.
Political Preferences
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2020
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issue 26
77-94
EN
Recent narratives on terrorism have focused on the definitions. Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, but the problem resides in its definition and who is defining it. Conceptualizing terrorism depends on which framework one utilizes. The use of different lenses to define the term has contributed to the lack of global acceptance of what constitutes terrorism, hence the difficulty of gathering data for analysis. It is also a conundrum when powerful nations legitimize their terrorist activities against weaker ones. This, unfortunately, has led to the subjectiveness of every attempt in the literature to objectively provide a globally acceptable definition. Using meta-analysis as the methodological approach for the study a number of definitions were scrutinised. This article provides a brief examination of the intersection between right-wing terrorism and ethnic nationalism, and how accelerationism escalates ideology into violence. The paper compares two acts of violence, one traditionally viewed as terrorism and the other labelled solely as a mass shooting. It concludes with a comparative analysis of the definitions provided, utilizing a case study to examine how labels of a terrorist or a freedom fighter impact on one’s view of a group’s motivation. This is pertinent when analysing ideologically motivated violence.
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Enhancement of constructivist and procedural concepts of good citizenship and civic identity in the Czech educational framework

75%
Květina J.
Society Register
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2022
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vol. 6
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issue 2
35-60
EN
This paper identifies the main flaws, dilemmas and challenges concerning the concept of civic education and teaching democracy in the Czech schooling system after 1989. Special focus is placed on the urgent need for the application of more pluralist, constructivist and procedural approaches that would enhance the traditional concepts of social science education based on facts and typologies. In this regard, methods and trends promoting the principle of civic education as a multidimensional and everyday phenomenon are applied, since such understanding of civic identity has become even more urgent in recent two years with the reflection of issues concerning the SARS‑CoV‑2 situation. To suggest and analyse possible means to this end, the study outlines two dominant causes of the low prestige and effectivity of civic education in the Czech Republic: first, the implicitly ideological and universalist character of the current national curriculum, which is not able to accept social values as a permanently flowing and contextually based discourse; second, the prevalence of ethnic attributes in the process of national identification which impede any relevant efforts to treat collective identity and citizenship in an open pluralist way. Nonetheless, the main focus of the paper lies in its empirical part where the fundamental pillars and particular activities from the current EU project-realised at several Czech universities and grammar schools in recent three years-are both presented and analysed. On the basis of this project analysis, the paper aims to demonstrate that together with the implementation of procedural, interpretative and constructivist understanding of social reality, even more radical questions-linked to postmodern democratic theory-such as the notion of agonist democracy, the impact of social networks, the reflection of instrumental manipulative behaviour as well as more unbiased interpretations of human liberty should be addressed in the Czech current educational discourse as well.
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Was the United Kingdom's policy of pushing for the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar following ethnic cleansing in 2017 realistic?

75%
Holmes A. J.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2019
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issue 51
EN
Was the United Kingdom's policy of pushing for the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar following ethnic cleansing in 2017 realistic?This article explores the United Kingdom’s response to the Rohingya Crisis which began in August 2017, resulting in the ethnic cleansing of 600,000 Rohingya Muslims in the first nine weeks of violence, with a minimum of 6,700 people being killed in the process. The United Kingdom reacted with condemnation, and began immediately calling for the safe return of refugees who had fled the violence, to their homes in Rakhine state, Myanmar. Using the testimony from Mark Field MP, Minister for Asia, in a Foreign Affairs Committee meeting, this essay assesses this policy of pushing for the return of the Rohingya to their homes. Using primary sources available to Britain at the time its policy was formed, this essay argues that Britain’s approach was not only unrealistic with regards to providing an environment in which Rohingya refugees would be provided safety, but also in relation to Burmese authorities’ desires to take back Rohingya refugees. Myanmar’s campaign of ethnic cleansing intentionally created the environment in which either the Rohingya would never return, or they would return to state-controlled concentration camps. Secondary material expires the history of violent state policies against the Rohingya in Myanmar, and Britain’s policy is shown to not only be unworkable due to such policies, but would actively endanger those refugees who chose to return. Czy polityka Wielkiej Brytanii w kwestii powrotu uchodźców Rohyngia do Birmy po czystkach etnicznych w 2007 roku była realistyczna?Artykuł omawia kryzys, który rozpoczął się w sierpniu 2017 roku i spowodował czystki etniczne obejmujące około 600 000 muzułmanów z ludu Rohyngya, przy czym w pierwszych 9 tygodniach gwałtownych zamieszek śmierć poniosło co najmniej 6700 osób. Zjednoczone Królestwo potępiło czystki i natychmiast wezwało do umożliwienia uchodźcom bezpiecznego powrotu do ich domów w Birmie. Na podstawie wyjaśnień ministra ds. Azji Marka Fielda, członka parlamentu, Komitet ds. Spraw Zagranicznych na swym posiedzeniu dokonał oceny tej polityki, polegającej na nakłanianiu ich do powrotu do Birmy. Opierając się na źródłach dostępnych w Wielkiej Brytanii w chwili, gdy tworzyły się zręby tej polityki, autor eseju dowodzi, że ten kierunek polityczny był nie tylko nierealistyczny w odniesieniu do możliwości zapewnienia uchodźcom bezpieczeństwa, ale także sprzeczny z zamiarami władz Birmy w kwestii przyjęcia uchodźców. Birmańska kampania czystek etnicznych świadomie stworzyła sytuację, w której Rohingya nigdy nie powrócą bądź wracaliby do kontrolowanych przez państwo obozów koncentracyjnych. Dostępne opracowania analizują historię przemocy wobec ludności Rohyngya w Birmie i ukazują politykę Wielkiej Brytanii nie tylko jako nieskuteczną z powodu takich posunięć politycznych, ale także wskazują, że zagrażałaby ona życiu decydujących się na powrót uchodźców.
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Western (civic) versus Eastern (ethnic) Nationalism. The Origins and Critique of the Dichotomy

75%
Jaskułowski K.
Polish Sociological Review
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2010
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vol. 171
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issue 3
289-304
EN
The author focuses on Hans Kohn (1891–1971) who is generally regarded as the founding father of modern Anglophone academic research on nationalism. He was first to adopt a more neutral stance toward nationalism, one that made sustained attempt at dispassionate analysis of the phenomenon in order to define, classify and explain it. However, not only did he bring in a innovative and novel perspective to the subject by producing broad comparative studies but he was responsible for introducing one of the basic and long-lasting themes to the study of nationalism, namely a strongly moralistic distinction between a good nationalism, which he associated with the West, and a bad nationalism allegedly typical for the non-Western world. The paper discusses three questions: first, how did Kohn conceptualize the differences between the two types of nationalism? Second, how and why did he come to his conclusions and, finally, if it can be argued as many authors claim, that his discrimination between the two types of nationalism are valid and useful?
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Pisarz i jego język. Przypadek Iva Andricia

63%
Darasz Z.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Linguistica
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2017
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issue 12
51-60
EN
A complex biography of Ivo Andrić (1892–1975) was shaped in a wide net of identity references: ethnocultural, religious, political, and linguistic. He was born to a Croatian Catholic family in Bosnia, he was a convinced supporter of Yugoslavism and a writer of the language defined as Croato-Serbian / Serbo-Croatian diasystem. In the period of his links with the cultural environment of Zagreb (1912–1919), he was writing according to the Croatian standard, later basically, in Serbian, but using environmental and stylistic diversity of the diasystem in order to stress its cognitive and artistic potential. Currently, when four national language standards are developing on the basis of the diasystem: Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian and Montenegrin, reading Andrić in accordance with post-Yugoslav linguistic ideas, that is with the awareness and conviction about the „break-up” of the Serbo-Croatian language, would necessarily lead to an absurd conclusion that the writer created his works using the content of various languages. Literary heritage of the great writer of Serbo-Croatian language, which remains a sociocultural fact, has been used not only by Serbian culture and language, but also by global culture – thanks to translations of the works of this Nobel laureate into numerous world languages.
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