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PL
The main aim of the article is the return to the historical events which happened on the Turkish territory of the Ottoman Empire in 1915 and to identify traces of the past. During the First World War the attempted extermination of the Armenian nation took place, and those tragic occurrences remain a literary theme until now. An interpretation of the novel written by Elif Şafak – almost a hundred years after those events – leads to some rather pessimistic cultural conclusions. The author creates, in The Bastard of Istanbul, a mournful vision of the common tendency to forget and the mutual agreement to inherit prejudices against members of other nations, but especially those who live in neighbouring areas.
EN
The text is a review of a collective work devoted, as the title indicates, to the extermination and suffering of Polish children during World War II. The content of the chapters focuses on the fate of Polish children in the General Government and East Prussia of the Third Reich as well as in the territory of Germany after 1945. The individual chapters contain documented crimes against Polish children not only in concentration camps but also in places of residence (Łódź, Zamojszczyzna, CONFIDENTIAL: FOR PEER REVIEW ONLY Białystok, and others). The book includes 12 chapters presenting the effects of the policy of the occupant towards the youngest generation in the period indicated by the caesura, and 2 chapters devoted to the fate of Polish children, who the end of the war found in Germany. The publication of this monograph in English enables the dissemination of knowledge about the fate of Polish children during World War II among a wide range of English-speaking readers. It also fosters reflection on the long-term consequences of wars and the paradox of the 20th century as the “Centenary of the Child” that was announced by Ellen Key
EN
The Polish population of Volhynia and Eastern Galicia was gripped by fear of ethnic cleansing at the hands of Ukrainian nationalists in the years 1943‑1944. This fear varied in form and intensity depending on the perceived aims which ranged from their physical extermination to simple eviction. This article attempts to analyse the fundamental determinants of Polish defensive actions in response to those fears.
EN
Is there any witness to death? As detailed by Jacques Derrida, any testimony is detached from the direct perception of the event it reports. Thus, a testimony may report one’s encounter with death, not only with the death of the other, but also with one’s own death, even though it can never by experienced as such. In particular, reports from “survivors” ought to be taken un-metaphorically as they confront us with what Maurice Blanchot related as “the encounter of death with death.” In line with such testimonies, Donald Woods Winnicott helps us here in considering an “anterior death,” a death that already happened without being experienced as such and which may haunt the subject until it remembers it. But how may one remember a past that has never been present? And how may one remember death without dying? In dialogue with Maurice Blanchot, we are guided toward a manner of considering silence as an oblivious remembrance of that which can be brought back from death.
EN
The author of the article carries out an analysis of texts by two writers who present the Shoah from different perspectives. At the onset he points out two layers of looking at theHolocaust in fantasy writing. The first one results from the said theme filtering through into the genre directly, the second is an intermediary one, namely, through the popular after the Second World War post-apocalyptic narratives where the Shoah is thematised as, for instance, the annihilation of the human race resulting from nuclear conflict or the spread of a deadly virus. The article analyses both mentioned layers using particular examples. Polaroidy z Zagłady [The Shoah/Annihilation Polaroids] by Paweł Paliński is a tale of an individual Shoah. What constitutes the analytical framework here are the titular pictures, which translate into a genre, nowadays rarely practised, called the literary picture. In the course of reading one recognises the triangle of attitudes: victim – witness – torturer. Even if the said triangle has been criticized by historians, it nonetheless decisively appears in the text owing to its layout. Requiem dla lalek [Requiem for Dolls] and Holocaust F written by Cezary Zbierzchowski are, respectively, a short-story collection and a novel, set in the fictitious world of Ramm. It is known from the very beginning that the world is doomed to be annihilated, the harbinger of which is God’s departure. In the short stories other signs of extinction are, among other things, euthanasia, the problem of immigration etc. The plains of annihilation recognized in the course of interpretation: metaphysical, social, and personal, compose a part of philosophical reflection on consequences of catastrophes being one of the spheres of the analysis undertaken. What also arrests our attention, and thereby is reflected upon, is the highly intertextual background of Zbierzchowski’s oeuvre. A prominent place is given to the analysis of the novel’s final chapter entitled Heart of Darkness, both referring to the famous novella written by Joseph Conrad and more than sufficiently justified by the text composition itself. The article’s conclusions both position the texts in relation to other works of Polish fantasy genre and indicate their role as examples of various absorption by popular culture (here fantasy) of the Shoah-related issues.
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EN
The article is dedicated to an analysis of the Holocaust uniqueness against the backdrop of other genocides. Most of all, the text follows the clues from Berel Lang, who interpretsthe Nazi Crime as a perfect genocide, that is, such a genocide that implemented its ideological assumptions fully for the first time in human history. What transpired then was in fact a comprehensive synthesis of “idea” and “actions.” Therefore, the relation between the Holocaust and other genocides turns out to be one-sided: the Holocaust is a genocide but no other genocide is the Holocaust. The category of genocide was, first of all, introduced into international circulation by a Polish lawyer of Jewish origin Rafał Lemkin during the final decade before the outbreak of World War Two. Genocide has become an almost universally acknowledged term, reinforced by the UN declaration of 1947. Mass crimes occurred in human history since the time immemorial. However, their character fundamentally changed with the advent of modernity, when powerful nation states within the framework of ideological postulates managed to give a new dimension to their politics, the one including actions meted out against entire communities: ethnic groups or nations. The Nazi crime of the Holocaust seems to be a unique exemplification of “modernity” (the term introduced in this sense by Zygmunt Bauman), that is, the combination of technicalisation and mass production with strong bureaucratic structure, which resulted in an unimaginable deed of murdering millions of Jews while utilising technical methods. The killing took a form of “production tasks,” which made the moral problems of responsibility and guilt appear in a different light. In the article an attempt is made to show implications stemming from the acceptance of the Holocaust’s uniqueness as “a perfect genocide,” both in its political and social as well as philosophical and moral dimensions.
EN
The article outlines briefly the circumstances and phases of the extermination of the Roma population of Europe carried out by occupying German forces in Polish territories in the years 1941–1945. It opens with a description of the notorious Gypsy Family Camp in Auschwitz-Birkenau, followed by an account of the incarceration of Gypsies in the Łódź Ghetto, and a presentation of selected execution sites of Polish Gypsies scattered across the country. e descriptions and analyses of monuments commemorating the victims are based on the author’s examination of all the works in situ and on interviews with the artists.
EN
The article is an attempt to analyse two novels written by Szczepan Twardoch, which were published recently and have not been specifically analysed by literary scholars. The author is focusing on the main topic, which is Jewish identity and self-awareness. The first part of the article concentrates on the main character, who is torn between Jewish and Polish identity. The author on the basis of both novels shows a way of betraying Jewish identity and its consequences. Recognises correlations between identity breakdown and narrative form. In the second part of the article, the author interprets the metaphorical figure, which is the mystical creation of the whale – Litani. The figure represents all important issues: identity and extermination.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą analizy dwóch powieści Szczepana Twardocha, które ukazały się niedawno i nie były szczegółowo analizowane przez literaturoznawców. Autorka skupia się na głównym temacie, jakim jest żydowska tożsamość i samoświadomość. Pierwsza część artykułu koncentruje się na głównym bohaterze, rozdartym między tożsamością żydowską a polską. Autor na podstawie obu powieści ukazuje sposób zdrady tożsamości żydowskiej i jej konsekwencje. Rozpoznaje korelacje między rozpadem tożsamości a formą narracji. W drugiej części artykułu autorka dokonuje interpretacji metaforycznej postaci, jaką jest mistyczna kreacja wieloryba – Litani. Postać przedstawia wszystkie ważne kwestie: tożsamość i eksterminację.
EN
The aim of this paper is to depict the motif of Extermination in autobiographical women’s prose after 2000. The paper demonstrates that in recent years more and more authoresses of the second and third post-Holocaust generation have been writing down their traumatic experiences and the reason for this lies in the social stigmatization of Jewish people. It is stressed in the paper that the Holocaust issues are part and parcel of a cultural taboo and – similarly to women’s prose – they are frequently ignored or evaluated negatively. The Holocaust issues are tackled by contemporary young writers of Jewish descent who – contrary to the authors of the previous generation – did not experience the mass murder of Jews; however, they feel its effects today. The paper proves that in Poland we fail to carry out research on trauma studies, and devoting attention to the woman’s viewpoint is very rare. The quoted examples from the autobiographical novels written by Ewa Kuryluk, Agata Tuszyńska, Roma Ligocka and Magdalena Tulli show that this kind of writing is becoming more and more important within the literature focused on annihilation. In comparison with the autobiographical works of Marek Bieńczyk, Jan Tomasz Grossa and Michał Głowiński, the women’s holocaust stories are distinguished by authenticity, emotionality, intimacy and honesty of narration. The stories are devoid of pathos and they highlight the figure of a mother. Moreover, the confessions are based on the physical feeling of a legacy which has remained in their hearts and minds after the trauma their loved ones had to experience. We attempt to describe post-Holocaust women’s prose in comparison with Jewish literature in Poland as well as draw the reader’s attention to the characteristic features of these issues in comparison with the autobiographical works by men.
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RU
The article describes cultural life in Kielce at the threshold of independence. The local theatre played a prominent role at that time, since it was the only professional scene on which the Regency Council’s manifest was read. After this event the institution had its name changed into the Polish Theatre. The directors in those days were struggling with financial and logistical problems, lack of permanent crew, and even the outbreak of typhus. The history of the theater is described in the context of provincial, poor and clerical town, in which the intelligentsia accounted for a small percentage of the population. The audience wanted some entertainment both from the theatre and the expanding world of the cinema. Therefore, the creators were trying to meet those expectations through productions based on comedy and operetta. The local amateur theatre was the only group involved in politics, staging several patriotic plays. The conclusions of the article are based on the materials published in ”Gazeta Kielecka”, a local newspaper of that time, and collections available in the branch of National Archive in Kielce (unfortunately, no documents have been preserved in Żeromski Theater), as well as the research done by regional historians. Year 1918 turned out to be just a glimpse in the long process of changing the mentality of local community. It was just the first step to rebuild its national identity.
EN
The Third Reich’s attack on Poland on September 1, and the Soviet Union’s on September 17, 1939 – without declaring of war – was another attempt to erase the Polish state from the map of Europe. Both the invaders justified their actions, with persecution of national minorities by Polish authorities. Under the German-Soviet agreement of September 28, 1939, the Polish lands were divided between the two states as a part of a secret protocol to the non-aggression treaty between Berlin and Moscow (23 August 1939), known as the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact. Both totalitarian ideological systems: Stalinism and Nazism began to execute extermination policy against the citizens of the Republic of Poland. This policy was aimed at destroying the leadership layers of the nation, separation from national culture and tradition (in the case of Poles, also from the Roman Catholic religion) and transforming into Knechte, a cheap working-class – in the case of Germans, and a free labour force – in the case of Soviet Union. One of the basic instruments in the implementation of anti-Polish policy was an unprecedented on such a scale forced displacement of the population. As far as Germany is concerned, so far no such manifestations of anti-Polish policy has ever taken place. During the reign of the Hohenzollern (until November 28, 1918), ethnic assimilation was accomplished by the Germanisation of the population, while in Nazi rule (starting January 30, 1933) it was decided to demote the land and to displace or to murder the population. In total, during the occupied of Poland, about 1.71 million Polish citizens have been displaced by the German authorities, more than 3 million Jews were killing, as well as 0.5 a million ethnic Poles and more than 20,000 Gypsies.
RU
Нападение Третьего Рейха 1 сентября и Советского Союза 17 сентября 1939 г. – без объявления войны – на Польшу был очередной попыткой смести польское государство с карты Европы. Оба захватчика обосновывали свое поведение в том числе притеснением польскими властями национальных меньшинств. В силу немецко-советского соглашения от 28 сентября 1939 г. польские земли поделили между собой оба государства агрессора, как воплощение в жизнь тайного протокола к договору о ненападении, подписанного Берлином и Москвой 23 августа 1939 г., известного как пакт Риббен-тропа – Молотова. Обе тоталитарные идеологические системы – сталинизм и гитлеризм приступили к реализации политики истребления населения Речи Посполитой. Эта политика была направлена на уничтожение ее правящих слоев, отмежевание от национальной культуры и традиции (в случае поляков также от римо-католической религии), превращение в батраков (Knechte) и дешевую рабочую силу – в случае Рейха и на русификацию и превращение в бесплатную рабочую силу – в случае Советского Союза. Одним из основных инструментов осуществления антипольской этнической политики были не встречавшиеся до сих пор в таком масштабе принудительные переселения и выселения населения. Если речь идет о Германии, то до того времени не наблюдались такого рода проявления антипольской политики. В период господства Гогенцоллернов (до 28 ноября 1918 г.) этническая ассимиляция проводилась прежде всего путем онемечения, а от 1871 г. – германизации населения. В период правления нацистов (от 30 января 1933 г.) было принято решение германизировать землю, а население выселить или истребить. Всего в оккупированной Польше немецкая власть выселила около 1,71 млн польских граждан и уничтожила свыше трех миллионов евреев, пол миллиона этнических поляков и свыше 20 тыс. цыган.
EN
One of the basic instruments in the implementation of an anti-Polish nation policy was an unprecedented on such a scale forced displacement of population. In the case of Moscow, it was a reference to the tsarist policy of mixing the peoples of the empire. It has been systematically implemented since the days of Tsar Ivan the Terrible (1530–1584), and under Joseph Stalin’s rule, it has grown into the official ethnicity policy of the Soviet state. The extermination policy of the Soviet Union was aimed at full unification of the looted territories with the rest of the Soviet empire. It was realized through physical liquidation of Polish intelligentsia, officials of Polish state administration, police and army. Already on September 18th, right after the invasion of Poland, several thousand Poles were shot by Soviet soldiers and military police; without a trial. Forced deportations, public executions, mass murders and concentration camps are a common feature of both murderous systems: Nazism and Stalinism. Except for the gas chambers, all methods of destroying humans were already earlier applied in the East (since November 1917), and later in Nazi Germany (since January 1933). The only difference was that from June 22, 1941, Stalin was counting on emergence of a territorially unspecified Polish state, which Hitler had never planned. Poland as the only member of the Allied side in World War II was shifted territorial (and reduced by 100 thousand sq. Km compared to August 31, 1939) and forced to exchange population, and became a satellite of the Soviet Union for 45-year – all at the request of Moscow.
RU
Одним из основных инструментов реализации антипольской этнополитики были не встречавшиеся до сих пор в таком масштабе принудительные пере- селения и выселения жителей. В случае Москвы это перекликалось с царской политикой смешивания народов империи; она систематически проводилась со времен царя Ивана Грозного (1530-1584), а период правления Иосифа Сталина стала официальной этнической политикой советского государства. Политика истребления Советской Союза была направлена на полную уни- фикацию захваченных земель с остальной территорий советской империей. Ее воплощение проводилось путем физической ликвидации польской ин- теллигенции, служащих польской государственной администрации, поли- ции и армии. Уже 18 сентября, то есть непосредственно после нападения на Польшу от пуль советских солдат и военных жандармов погибло несколько тысяч поляков. Расстреливали их без судов. Принудительные переселения, депортации, публичные экзекуции, мас- совые расстрелы и концлагеря – это общая черта обеих губительных систем: гитлеризма и сталинизма. За исключением газовых камер, все методы и спо- собы уничтожения людей были применены раньше на востоке (от ноября 1917 г.), а лишь позже в нацистской Германии (от января 1933 г.). Единствен- ная разница заключалась в том, что от 22 июня 1941 г. Сталин допускал воз- можность возникновения ближе неопределимого территориально польско- го государства, чего Гитлер никогда не планировал. Польша как единственный союзник альянтов во II мировой войне – по требованию Москвы – была территориально перемещена (и уменьшена на 100 тыс. км2 сравнительно с 31 августом 1939 г.) и была вынуждена пойти на обмен населения, а также на 45 лет стала страной, зависимой от СССР.
Studia Żydowskie. Almanach
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2012
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vol. 2
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issue 2
209-224
EN
This paper presents the tragic fate of the Jewish community of Lubycza Królewska during World War II. It also discusses issues relating to memorialization of those representatives of the Jewish community who lost their lives in the Nazi concentration camp in Bełżec. Efforts to memorialize the Lubycza’s Jews met with considera-ble opposition of some representatives of the local authorities and other members of the commune. They successfully blocked the project to erect a memorial monument for the Jewish victims of the camp. In this way, the idea of ecumenism and multiculturalism (between the Poles, Ukrainians and Jews) was strongly undermined. The celebrations that were planned for 4 October 2012 to commemorate the 70. anniversary of the pacification of the towns of Lubycza Królewska and Kniazie have been cancelled.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono tragiczne losy społeczności żydowskiej Lubyczy Królewskiej w czasie II wojny światowej. Omówiono także kwestie związane z upamiętnieniem tych przedstawicieli społeczności żydowskiej, którzy stracili życie w hitlerowskim obozie koncentracyjnym w Bełżcu. Starania o upamiętnienie lubyczańskich Żydów spotkały się ze zdecydowanym sprzeciwem niektórych przedstawicieli lokalnych władz i innych członków gminy. Skutecznie zablokowali oni projekt budowy pomnika upamiętniającego żydowskie ofiary obozu. W ten sposób idea ekumenizmu i wielokulturowości (między Polakami, Ukraińcami i Żydami) została mocno podważona. Zaplanowane na 4 października 2012 r. uroczystości upamiętniające 70. rocznicę pacyfikacji Lubyczy Królewskiej i Kniazia zostały odwołane.
EN
In 2009, an important publication about the extermination of Jews in the Lublin region, entitled November 3-4, 1943. Erntefest. A forgotten episode of the Holocaust edited by Dariusz Libionka and Wojciech Lenarczyk, employees of the research department of the State Museum at Majdanek. It concerns a significant episode of the Holocaust – the events that took place in the concentration camp at Majdanek and in the labor camps in Trawniki and Poniatowa on November 3-4, 1943. The operation codenamed „Erntefest” (Polish harvest festival) was the final stage of the in the early spring of 1942, Operation Reinhardt. In just two days, more than 42,000 were murdered at that time. Jewish prisoners. The publication published by the State Museum at Majdanek is a collection of articles written by historians professionally dealing with the subject of the Holocaust: Tomasz Kranz, Wojciech Lenarczyk, Piotr Weiser, Alina Skibińska, Witold Mędykowski, Ryszard Gicewicz, Dariusz Libionka, Robert Kuwałek, and Jochen Böhler. The article neatly draws the most interesting observations and threads from it, introducing the recipient to the issues related to the Operation „Erntefest”.
PL
W 2009 roku na rynku książkowym ukazała się ważna publikacja traktująca o Zagładzie Żydów na Lubelszczyźnie pt. 3-4 listopada 1943. Erntefest. Zapomniany epizod Zagłady pod redakcją Dariusza Libionki oraz Wojciecha Lenarczyka, pracowników działu naukowego Państwowego Muzeum na Majdanku. Rzecz dotyczy istotnego epizodu Zagłady – wydarzeń, które miały miejsce w obozie koncentracyjnym na Majdanku oraz w obozach pracy w Trawnikach i Poniatowej w dniach 3-4 listopada 1943 r. Operacja oznaczona kryptonimem „Erntefest” (pol. dożynki) była etapem finalnym prowadzonej od wczesnej wiosny 1942 r. operacji „Reinhardt”. W ciągu zaledwie dwóch dni zamordowano wówczas ponad 42 tys. więźniów żydowskich. Publikacja wydana przez Państwowe Muzeum na Majdanku stanowi zbiór artykułów, których autorami są historycy zajmujący się zawodowo tematyką Holokaustu: Tomasz Kranz, Wojciech Lenarczyk, Piotr Weiser, Alina Skibińska, Witold Mędykowski, Ryszard Gicewicz, Dariusz Libionka, Robert Kuwałek, Jochen Böhler. Artykuł zgrabnie wyłuskuje z niej najciekawsze spostrzeżenia i wątki, przybliżając odbiorcy zagadnienia związane z Operacją „Dożynki”.
EN
The main aim of this article is to analyse the fundamental issues, which affected the Polish population hiding in the cities of Volhynia, and Eastern Galicia from the massacres carried out in the years 1943‑1944 by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. This article proves that the issues of finding accommodation, food (including risky to home towns), and shelter from sub­sequent assault were as important as finding an occupation that would allow to the most modest subsistence while averting the risk of deportation by the German‑Ukrainian administration to forced labour in the Third Reich.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza podstawowych problemów, z jakimi zmagała się ludność polska chroniąca się w miastach wołyńskich i wschodniogalicyjskich przed ekstermina­cją ukraińską w latach 1943‑1944. Wynika z niej, że kwestie zakwaterowania, wyżywienia (w tym niebezpiecznych wyjazdów po żywność w rodzinne strony), ubezpieczenia przed powtórnym napadem były równie istotne, co znalezienie sobie na miejscu zajęcia umożliwiającego zdobycie środków na najskromniejszą wegetację, a jednocześnie blokującego możliwość wywózki przez administrację niemiecko‑ukraińską na roboty przymusowe do III Rzeszy.
PL
Polscy lekarze ginęli od pierwszych dni września 1939 roku biorąc udział w walkach z Wehrmachtem jako zawodowi ofi cerowie oraz jako lekarze cywilni. W kampanii polskiej 1939 roku zginęło około 66 000 polskich żołnierzy i ofi cerów. Wielu z nich dostało się do niewoli sowieckiej i zostało rozstrzelanych w Katyniu, Charkowie czy Miednoje. Wśród nich znaczną część stanowili lekarze pochodzenia żydowskiego. W 1940 roku niemieckie władze okupacyjne rozpoczęły na terenach okupowanej Polski tworzenie gett przeznaczonych dla ludności żydowskiej. W obrębie zamkniętych dzielnic znaleźli się także żydowscy lekarze. Szacuje się, iż w murach największego getta – getta warszawskiego – znalazło się od 750 do 1000 lekarzy Żydów. Większość kontynuowała pracę na terenie getta. Warunki panujące w żydowskich szpitalach i przychodniach pogarszały się dramatycznie z tygodnia na tydzień z powodu olbrzymich niedoborów środków leczniczych i żywności. Niestety, z biegiem czasu leczenie ograniczyło się do podstawowych czynności pielęgnacyjnych, a szpitale i poradnie stopniowo zamykano. Mimo wszystkich trudności lekarze Żydzi pracowali z prawdziwym poświęceniem, nauczali na tajnych kursach medycyny, a nawet prowadzili badania nad przewlekłym głodzeniem, które nazwano wówczas „chorobą głodową”. Zarówno w trakcie masowych akcji deportacyjnych, jak i w późniejszym okresie, niektórzy żydowscy lekarze zbiegli z getta i ukryli się po „stronie aryjskiej”. Niejednokrotnie było to możliwe dzięki pomocy przedwojennych przyjaciół. Pozostali zginęli w gettach i obozach zagłady. Podobny los spotkał lekarzy z getta lwowskiego oraz wszystkich gett tworzonych na zajmowanych przez Niemców ziemiach. Literatura wspomnieniowa oraz powojenne relacje ocalonych pozwalają dziś na odtworzenie historii grupy zawodowej lekarzy urologów jako uniwersalnego przykładu losu ludności żydowskiej w Polsce podczas II wojny światowej.
EN
Polish physicians died from the earliest days of September 1939, taking part in battles with the Wehrmacht as professional offi cers as well as civilian doctors. In the Polish Campaign 1939 about 66 000 Polish soldiers and offi cers were killed. Many of them got captured by the Soviets and were executed in Katyń, Kharkov and Miednoje. Th ere was a large part of Jewish physicians among them. In 1940, the Nazi authorities decided to establish a “Jewish residential districts” and forced all Jewish inhabitants to move there. When the Warsaw ghetto was sealed, there were between 750 and 1000 physicians among its Jewish population. Most of the physicians continued to practice their profession in the ghetto. Unfortunately the conditions of hospital care and outpatient treatment in the ghetto deteriorated virtually from week to week due to dramatic shortage of medical supplies and food. Over time, the scope of medical services off ered became limited to basic nursing tasks, and the number of hospitals and clinics dwindled dramatically. In this truly desperate situation, the ghetto doctors worked with fortitude, training medical students and even pursuing research on the eff ects of persistent starvation (which they termed “hunger disease”). During the mass deportations and in the period following them, some doctors managed to escape “to the Aryan side” and went into hiding thanks to the help of Polish doctors (usually former colleagues from the pre-war days.) Th e others, almost all of them, perished in the ghettos and concentration camps. A similar fate befell the doctors of the Lviv ghetto and all the other ghettos created by the Germans in occupied Poland. Literature of memoirs and post-war survivors relationships allow to create the history of a small professional group of urologists as a universal example of the fate of the Polish Jews during World War II.
EN
The experience of the Holocaust is hard to express in the present, free world by people who have never experienced life in the ghetto or in the concentration camp. The best way to make the experiences of the extermination period is reference to the tradition shaped by the symbolism of hell. The metaphor of “The Dante’s hell”, ho-wever, seems to be too narrow in relation to the victims of the Holocaust. Neverthe-less, the use of the hell metaphor in relation to the experience of the Holocaust is mo-tivated. By delving into what is common to humanity becomes more likely, though not quite possible, to understand the experience of the Shoah.
PL
Doświadczenie Holokaustu jest trudne do wyrażenia w dzisiejszym, wolnym świecie przez ludzi, którzy nigdy nie doświadczyli życia w getcie czy w obozie koncentracyjnym. Najlepszym sposobem przybliżenia doświadczeń okresu zagłady jest odwołanie się do tradycji ukształtowanej przez symbolikę piekła. Metafora „piekła Dantego” wydaje się jednak zbyt wąska w odniesieniu do ofiar Holokaustu. Niemniej użycie metafory piekła w odniesieniu do doświadczenia Holokaustu jest bardzo interesujące. Poprzez zagłębienie się w to, co wspólne dla ludzkości, staje się bardziej prawdopodobne, choć nie całkiem możliwe, zrozumienie doświadczenia Zagłady.
EN
This article is an attempt to outline the conflict situations in the bosom of the Judenrat in Lublin. Time span covers the period since the establishment of the Council in January 1940 to the end of March 1942, when the number of members has been reduced from 24 to 12 people. Reducing the number of members were directly related to the ongoing operation, „Reinhardt”, aimed at subjecting the biological elimi-nation of the Jewish population. As a result, a significant part of Lublin deportations of Jews to the extermination camp at Bełżec, German authorities decided to limit the composition of the Judenrat. All those councillors who have not entered into a new composition were subjected to extermination. In the article consists of a selection of conflicts, whose task is to illustrate their diversity. They ran on the line: councillors-councillors, but also the councilors-officials of the Judenrat. It can be presumed that their cause was due to different social backgrounds, but also differences in the social or economic position. They usually assume a character argument, but there have sometimes even physical attacks.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą nakreślenia sytuacji konfliktowych w łonie Judenratu w Lublinie. Zakres czasowy obejmuje okres od powstania Rady w styczniu 1940 roku do końca marca 1942 roku, kiedy to zmniejszono liczbę członków z 24 do 12 osób. Zmniejszenie liczby członków było bezpośrednio związane z trwającą operacją „Reinhardt”, mającą na celu poddanie ludności żydowskiej biologicznej eliminacji. W związku z tym, że znaczną część lubelskich Żydów wywieziono do obozu zagłady w Bełżcu, władze niemieckie postanowiły ograniczyć skład Judenratu. Wszyscy ci radni, którzy nie weszli w nowy skład, zostali poddani eksterminacji. Na artykuł składają się wybrane konflikty, których zadaniem jest zobrazowanie ich różnorodności. Przebiegały one na linii: radni-radni, ale także radni-urzędnicy Judenratu. Można przypuszczać, że ich przyczyną były różne środowiska społeczne, ale także różnice w pozycji społecznej czy ekonomicznej. Zazwyczaj przybierały one charakter kłótni, ale zdarzały się nawet ataki fizyczne.
EN
Lublin Ghetto was the first near Lviv Ghetto which was liquidated as part of „Operation Reinhardt”. Before the Germans began to biological extermination, the Jews applied to a number of obligations and prohibitions, which were eliminated from the social, political, cultural, and lead to impoverishment. One method was a group of Jews in separate parts of the city, officially called ghettos. Not in every case the ghetto was fenced, which is often affected by the placement of routes. In Lublin, the Germans began to enclose with a fence a couple of weeks before the start of deportations to the extermination camp at Bełżec. The liquidation of the Lublin ghetto Germans began on the night of 16 to 17 March 1942, the Jewish quarter was surrounded by German troops and auxiliary units composed mainly of prisoners of the Soviet Army so-called Ukrainians. During the liquidation, which lasted until mid-April were sent to the Bełżec death camp about 28 000 Jews, and another 800 people were shot in the ghetto. In the process of the extermination, Germans joined the Jewish Police, the Judenrat, and even the inhabitants of the ghetto. Some Jews survived the liquidation of the Podzamcze district and was transferred to the newly created ghetto in Majdan Tatarski. Go there could only those who have held J-Ausweis. At the same time the Germans began the demolition of the historic Jewish quarter, which was symbolically end the centuries-old existence of Jews in Lublin. This article is based on the literature, published reports and diaries, as well as archival material deposited in the State Archive in Lublin, the Archives of the State Museum at Majdanek, the Archive of the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw and Yad Vashem Archive in Jerusalem.
PL
Getto lubelskie było pierwszym obok lwowskiego gettem, które zostało zlikwidowane w ramach „Akcji Reinhardt”. Zanim Niemcy przystąpili do biologicznej eksterminacji, wobec Żydów stosowano szereg obowiązków i zakazów, które eliminowały ich z życia społecznego, politycznego, kulturalnego i prowadziły do zubożenia. Jedną z metod było skupienie Żydów w wydzielonych częściach miasta, oficjalnie nazywanych gettami. Nie w każdym przypadku getto było ogrodzone, na co często wpływało umiejscowienie tras komunikacyjnych. W Lublinie Niemcy zaczęli ogradzać getta na kilka tygodni przed rozpoczęciem deportacji do obozu zagłady w Bełżcu. Likwidację getta w Lublinie Niemcy rozpoczęli w nocy z 16 na 17 marca 1942 r. Dzielnica żydowska została otoczona przez oddziały niemieckie i oddziały pomocnicze złożone głównie z jeńców Armii Radzieckiej, tzw. Ukraińców. W trakcie likwidacji, która trwała do połowy kwietnia, wywieziono do obozu zagłady w Bełżcu około 28 000 Żydów, a kolejne 800 osób rozstrzelano na terenie getta. W proces eksterminacji Niemcy włączyli działania policji żydowskiej, Judenratu, a nawet mieszkańców getta. Część Żydów ocalała z likwidacji Podzamcza i została przeniesiona do nowo utworzonego getta na Majdanie Tatarskim. Udać się tam mogli tylko ci, którzy posiadali J-Ausweis. W tym samym czasie Niemcy rozpoczęli wyburzanie historycznej dzielnicy żydowskiej, co symbolicznie kończyło wielowiekową egzystencję Żydów w Lublinie. Artykuł powstał na podstawie literatury, opublikowanych relacji i pamiętników, a także materiałów archiwalnych zdeponowanych w Archiwum Państwowym w Lublinie, Archiwum Państwowego Muzeum na Majdanku, Archiwum Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego w Warszawie oraz Archiwum Yad Vashem w Jerozolimie.
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