Search results - CEJSH

1

Męskie fantazje – od freikorpsów do wszechpolaków [rec. Klaus Theweleit: Męskie fantazje. T. 1: Kobiety, strumienie, ciała, historia. T. 2: Męskie ciała. Przyczynek do psychoanalizy białego terroru. Przeł. Mateusz Falkowski, Michał Herer. Przekład przejrz

100%

Śmieja W.

Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne

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2016

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vol. 8

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issue 1-2

247-256

EN

The classic study of the German social anthropologist is discussed in the context of different trends in “masculinity studies”. The reviewer demonstrates that “male fantasies,” analysed by Theweleit, are not solely a historical phenomenon, but nowadays – in a slightly modified form – can urge young men to (often dangerous) actions. Moreover, Theweleit’s book is also worth reading because throughout almost the whole previous century the Polish variant of masculinity has been referring to the hegemonic German masculinity as its antithesis.

2

Retroaktywna „defaszyzacja faszyzmu” w interpretacji Emilio Gentilego

94%

Sondel-Cedarmas J.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2017

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vol. 39

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issue 1

123-139

EN

The text is devoted to the concept of “retroactive trivialization of fascism” developed at the beginning of the 21st century by an Italian historian — Emilio Gentile. According to Gentile, the phenomenon of “banalization of fascism”, inaugurated in the postwar years in neo-fascist memorialism and continued by some of the contemporary historians, consists in: 1) negation of totalitarian character of Italian fascism and presenting it as an authoritarian dictatorship of traditionalistic type; 2) challenging the existence of “positive” fascist ideology, and in 3) characterizing Mussolini’s regime as a personal “duce” dictatorship created on the basis of traditional elites. In the Gentile’s concept, fascism constituted “an Italian road to totalitarianism”, was atotalitarian experiment having its own positive ideology and forming ademonstration of new, revolutionary, and totalitarian nationalism.

3

Recenzja: Czy Mussolini był butny? Refleksje wokół pewnej biografii Benita Mussoliniego

94%

Sondel-Cedarmas J.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2016

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vol. 38

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issue 1

71-80

EN

The article is a review of a book by the Swedish writer and journalist Göran Hägg entitled Mussolini. En studie i makt published in Poland in 2015 as Mussolini. Butny faszysta [Mussolini. An Arrogant Fascist]. By focusing on elements which distinguished Mussolini’s dictatorship from Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich and Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union, Hägg subscribes to the view, present in contemporary historiography, that the Italian version of totalitarianism was “incomplete”. Stressing the mass support for the regime in 1925–1936, the author links the Duce’s gradual fall from power to mistakes in internal and foreign policy in the second half of the 1930s, especially to the adoption of the racist laws of 1936 as well as Italy’s accession to the Anti-Comintern Pact and participation in the Second World War on Germany’s side. What the author considers to have been unquestionably misguided moves which sealed the fate of the Italian leader on 25 April 1945 were his decisions taken during the existence of the Italian Social Republic, namely: 1) creation of internment and concentration camps for Italian Jews; 2) ruthless fight against the anti-fascist resistance movement; and 3) massacres of civilians by SS troops and fascist republicans in northern Italy in 1944–1945.

4

Przestępstwo publicznego propagowania faszystowskiego lub innego totalitarnego ustroju państwa (art. 256 k.k.). Analiza doktrynologiczna wybranych wypowiedzi piśmiennictwa i judykatury. Część szczególna III

94%

Scheffler T.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2019

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vol. 41

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issue 2

5-28

EN

The paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 (The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental/state system), which were developed amid amendment in 2009. The most difficult problem for commentators, much like authors, about whom we have deliberated earlier, was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the state system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997. In this paper we prove that the Polish Supreme Court and even Polish Constitutional Tribunal also had the same problem with the interpretation of the content of art. 256.

5

Education Policy as Proto-fascism: The Aesthetics of Racial Neo-liberalism

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Webb P., Gulson K.

Journal of Pedagogy

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2011

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vol. 2

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issue 2

173-194

EN

We argue that neo-liberal educational policy has emerged as a proto-fascist governmentality. This contemporary technology relies on State racisms and racial orderings manifested from earlier liberal and neo-liberal practices of biopower. As a proto-fascist technology, education policy, and school choice policies in particular, operate within a racial aesthetics that connects ultra-nationalisms with microfascisms of racialized bodies. We discuss historical examples of liberal school segregation and residential schools in relation to contemporary examples of chartered ethnic-identity schools to illustrate the complexities of proto-fascist education policy.

6

Giovanni Preziosi i Generalny Inspektorat do spraw Rasowych (1944-1945)

94%

Sondel-Cedarmas J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 1(23)

193-217

EN

This article is devoted to the analysis of the ideas of Giovanni Preziosi (1881‑1945), an Italian journalist and director of the main anti‑Semitic journal in Italy, “La Vita Italiana”, in circulation from 1921 to 1945. He also served as Minister of State from 1942‑1943, as well as the head of the General Inspectorate of Race in the period of the Italian Social Republic. He is regarded as one of the foremost theorists of Italian anti‑Semitism in the XX century, as well as one of the main representatives of Fascism in the period preceding the March on Rome. Preziosi also played a leading role in the implementation of racist policies in Italy in the years 1938‑1945. In his famous Memoriale, which he developed in January 1944 and then sent to Mussolini and Hitler, he blames Jews and Masons for the fall of Fascism on 25 July 1943 and proclaims the “final resolution of the Jewish problem” in Italy. As the head of the General Inspectorate of Race in the years 1944‑1945, he attempted to adopt the German model in Italy, particularly in the project of bills he wrote in May 1944, which were based on the Nuremburg Laws from 1935 and which were to be a revision of the decrees from 1938‑1939.

7

Przestępstwo publicznego propagowania faszystowskiego lub innego totalitarnego ustroju państwa (art. 256 k.k.). Analiza doktrynologiczna wybranych wypowiedzi piśmiennictwa i judykatury. Część szczególna II

94%

Scheffler T.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2019

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vol. 41

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issue 1

109-151

EN

The paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 (The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental system), which were developed before 2009. The most difficult problem for commentators, much like authors, about whom we have deliberated earlier, was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the governmental system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997. In this paper we prove that the Polish Supreme Court also had the same problem with the interpretation of the content of art. 256.

8

Rozprawy Wiesława Kozuba-Ciembroniewicza w „Studiach nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi”

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Maciejewski M., Scheffler T.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2019

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vol. 41

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issue 3

7-26

EN

Professor Wiesław Kozub-Ciembroniewicz was one of the most often published authors in the journal Studies on Fascism and Nazi Crimes. Undoubtedly, it was related to the fact that the issues raised by him were new or relatively little known in Polish scholarly thought. The research effort of this Cracow scholar has left a clear mark not only on his direct pupils and successors but also on the vast circle of Polish researchers, especially those with doctrinal and historical-legal inclinations. The Authors believe that the scientific legacy of Professor Kozub-Ciembroniewicz will continue to be an inspiration for successive generations of lawyers, political scientists and historians for many years.

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Przestępstwo publicznego propagowania faszystowskiego lub innego totalitarnego ustroju państwa (art. 256 k.k.). Analiza doktrynologiczna wybranych wypowiedzi piśmiennictwai judykatury. Część szczególna I

94%

Scheffler T.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2018

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vol. 40

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issue 4

145-159

EN

The paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 (The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental system), which were developed in the years 1998–2001. The most difficult problem for commentators was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the governmental system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997.

10

Swastyka i seksualność faszyzmu w koncepcji Jarosława Mogutina

94%

Ojcewicz G.

Acta Neophilologica

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2005

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issue VII

31-49

EN

The article features Yaroslav Mogutin’s (1974) conception of fascist sexuality, in which fascist attributes are very important, particularly swastika and S&M homosexual experience. Mogutin says that if there was no fascism in history, followers of S&M would invent it in their „politically incorrect” fantasies. The post-war fascist culture continues to shock decent citizens in modern times producing in their frightened bourgeois consciousness the apocalyptic visions of the end of the world. Mogutin accentuates the special place and considerable implications of the fascist theme for works of authors recognized in the world of contemporary literature.

11

Literaturgeschichte im Zeichen des Rassenwahns: Nordmythos in Perversion

94%

Hartmann R.

Colloquia Germanica Stetinensia

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2013

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issue 21

53-68

EN

The myth of the North, which stems from the 18th century, was in the Sturm und Drang [Storm and Stress] literary movement a manifestation of protest against the feudal culture and the increasing German nationalism. In the time of Romanticism the myth lead to the rejection of thinking about money and about gaining profits since it was conceived of as a pre-capitalist utopia. Thus, it was always perceived as a manifestation of social criticism. This state of affairs changed after the myth had been included in the fascists’ racist ideology, which in the context of the ‘Nordic thought’ caused its instrumentalization in the sense of folk ideology. The myth consequently degenerated because of its inhuman aggressiveness.

12

La Révolution comme catastrophe chez André Malraux et Georges Bataille

94%

Bowd G.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

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2020

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vol. 9

245-254

EN

In his review of La Condition humaine, Georges Bataille asserts that André Malraux’s novel shows how revolutionary power is based, in its psychological structure, on a catastrophe, on the lasting consciousness of a catastrophe upon which has depended the fate of multitudes. From this reading of Malraux, we will explore the catastrophic vision of Bataille himself in his novel Le Bleu du ciel and his essays for Contre-Attaque, written in the course of the 1930s, but, in the case of Le Bleu du ciel, only published more than twenty years afterwards. In the face of a “rising tide of murder” that seems to make the triumph of fascism and war inevitable, the failure of his dream of a “Popular Front in the street” is embodied in the political and erotic impotence of the troubling character of Henri Troppmann. Bataille’s dead-end contrasts brutally with the publicly committed work of Malraux, who seems to offer an alternative vision of revolutionary fate. But are there similarities between the “committed” novelist Malraux and the “shameful” one that is Bataille? Both writers show a profound interest in the sacred, which transcends a narrowly political frame.

13

THE CENTRE AND STUDIES OF COLLECTIONS AT THE MUSEUM OF DECORATIVE ARTS IN PRAGUE WITH ATTENTION PAID TO CULTURAL ASSETS OF VICTIMS OF THE HOLOCAUST

83%

Krejčová H.

Muzealnictwo

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2013

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vol. 54

83-87

EN

The Museum of Decorative Arts in Prague (UPM), established in 1885, is a specialist institution collecting, studying and presenting the history and contemporaneity of Czech art. After the onset of fascism and at the time of the Second World War UPM became the owner of works of art from former collections of citizens of Jewish descent, many of whom, aware of the threat posed by further residence in Central Europe, decided to leave. According to the then prevailing law art collection owners were obligated to demand state consent (an export license) for taking their works of art with them. The classification of artworks was determined by representatives of such cultural institutions as the National Gallery but also museums in Prague (e.g. UPM), Brno, Opava and other cities. Citizens of Jewish descent were compelled to pay for permits for emigrating by entrusting part of their collections as museum deposits. Some made the deposits in 1938 but soon regained them and the further fate of these artworks remains unknown. Others handed over their artistic assets in a clear-cut arrangement with the museum. Artworks from personal property belonging to citizens of Jewish descent were entrusted to UPM, the National Gallery and other institutions also from the amassed collections of the Board for Third Reich Property in 1944 and February 1945. It is precisely those collections and prewar deposits that decades later could be identified and connected with the history of concrete persons. After November 1989 one of the first acts compensating years of injustice suffered by the legitimate owners of real estate and mobile monuments was restitution based on resolution no. 87/1991Sb. The claimants were individual persons and Church institutions. In 2001 the Czech Republic established the Documentation Centre for Property Transfers of Cultural Assets of WW II as part of the Academy of Sciences. Archival material at home and abroad was rendered accessible to members of the staff for the purpose of provenance studies regarding Czech museum exhibits. The Centre research encompasses also the UPM collections in Prague with due attention paid to the cultural assets of victims of the Holocaust. The outcome has been issued in the publications: Memories Returned and Ransom for a Life, and in 2008 UPM held an exhibition: “Memories returned” upon the occasion of an international conference on Holocaust Era Assets on show in Prague. The Centre attempts to present to the public the results of its research, to determine the location of exhibits originating from the property of the victims of the Holocaust, and to draw the attention of present-day owners that their collections contain objects originating from property stolen from the Jews.

14

Hermanna Brocha analiza faszyzmu

83%

Lichański J. Z., Ganczar M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

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2017

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vol. 41

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issue 3

7-26

EN

Like many other German-speaking writers, Hermann Broch was forced to emigrate from Nazi Germany at the end of the 1930s. It was partly due to the criticism of the fascist movement that he had presented in the then-titled Bergroman [Mountain Novel], which took its final shape as Der Versucher [The Seducer] and was published posthumously under the title The Spell [Die Verzauberung]. Another novel depicting the development of fascism is Broch’s Die Schuldlosen: Ein Roman in elf Erzählungen [The Guiltless Ones. A Novel in Eleven Stories]. Broch also wrote Adolf Hitler’s Farewell Address, an essay that can be read as a sort of completion to the abovementioned books since it providesan even more directinsight into the Nazi mind, portraying it from within. In his works, Hermann Broch describes spiritual as well as specifically social roots of fascism: any autocratic movement characterized by the rejection of Platonic idealism and thus, inevitably, of the Christian tradition itself.

15

Ruch Narodowo-Socjalistyczny (NSB) w Niderlandach i jego koncepcja polityki zagranicznej w latach 1931–1945

83%

Kołek P.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2018

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vol. 40

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issue 4

31-57

EN

The National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands (NSB), established in 1931, was the most important collaborating political party in that country during World War II. The movement developed its own concept of foreign policy, which differed from the policy of Nazi Germany. The party aimed at upholding Europe’s dominant position in the world. To achieve that, the European system should be reconstructed and Germany’s leading role within it needed to be acknowledged. Close cooperation of nation-states should form the basis of the continental order. The prospective Dutch national state — “Dietsland” — was to be composed not only of the Dutch people, but also of the Flemish and the Afrikaners. This united country was also supposed to secure its colonial possessions overseas. This concept of foreign policy was maintained during the whole period of the movement’s existence, even though some minor modifications did occur in the meantime.

16

CONSUMERISM AND THE AESTHETICISATION OF VIOLENCE IN J.G. BALLARD’S KINGDOM COME

83%

Macsiniuc C.

Concordia Discors vs Discordia Concors: Researches into Comparative Literature, Contrastive Linguistics, Cross-Cultural and Translation Strategies

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2016

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vol. 8

89-105

EN

Ballard’s late fiction explores obsessively the processes which engender uncontrollable violence and various forms of social psychopathology in the contemporary society of affluence. The present paper focuses on the representation, in his last novel, Kingdom Come, of consumerism as an aestheticised form of violence, with a fascist-like, totalitarian ethos, a characteristic product of an age of de-differentiation and loss of meaning, dominated by media-generated messiahs.

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(Nie)udany projekt. Vidkun Quisling i paradoks norweskiego faszyzmu lat 30. i 40.

83%

Sobczak P. M.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

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2018

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vol. 62(2 (461))

29-34

PL

The article discusses the history of the Nasjonal Samling party (founded in 1933) and its leader Vidkun Quisling – a military, politician and prime minister of the collaborative government of occupied Norway in 1942–1945. Currently, Norwegian fascism of the 1930s and 1940s does not serve as a popular exemplification of fascist ideology, although unlike many other European movements of this type, it managed to gain power in its own country. However, this happened only after Quisling entered into an alliance with Germany and the Third Reich attacked Norway. The history of Quisling and his party seems to prove the bankruptcy of his ideas, which never gained popularity in Norwegian society.

18

Idee Carla Schmitta w dorobku Wiesława Kozuba-Ciembroniewicza

83%

Citkowska-Kimla A.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2019

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vol. 41

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issue 3

27-35

EN

The article aims at presenting Wiesław Kozub-Ciembroniewicz’s interest in Carl Schmitt’s ideas. First, the possibilities of getting acquainted with Schmitt’s political philosophy by Kozub-Ciembroniewicz were described. Then, the academic activity of Kozub-Ciembro niewicz is presented in which Schmitt’s inspirations were visible. The next part discusses the works in which Kozub-Ciembroniewicz wrote about the German philosopher of law.

19

‘Schools of Hatred’. The Essence of Totalitarianism in Jerzy W. Borejsza’s Approach

83%

Ceran T.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2021

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vol. 123

57-72

PL

Jerzy W. Borejsza regarded the term ‘totalitarianism’ as a helpful tool in describing the political systems in Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and the Bolshevik/communist Soviet Union, but opted for restricted use of the term. Apart from the classical determinants of a totalitarian system, he believed that the mobilisation of hatred against the predefined ethnic/national, racial, or class enemy was essential to any totalitarianism. Rather than adding a new distinguishing feature of the totalitarian system, the Polish historian carried out a series of multi-aspect comparative analyses of its earlier-defined traits and characteristics. He has drawn a precise distinction between a totalitarian and authoritarian system. Not satisfied with apparent similarities, he tried to explore the issue more deeply, identifying different intensities of the phenomena specific to totalitarian systems. He stressed a gradation of totalitarianism in the different totalitarian systems, at the different stages of their functioning. To his credit goes the introduction in the historiography of the concept of ‘anti-Slavism’ and, as part of it, anti-Polonism, as essential traits of the National Socialist ideology. He opposed the simplifications tending to appear in broadly used terms, the attempts to ‘ideologise’ and ‘politicise’ the history, particularly in describing the communist totalitarianism. According to Borejsza, fascism, Nazism, and communism had once frequented the same school of totalitarian hatred and took there the same classes – but they were differently evaluated when it came to the finals.

20

Intellectual limitation of freedom? The issues of libertas in the nationalistic reception of Italian fascism in the Second Polish Republic (based on the examples of journalistic publications)

83%

Sobczak P.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

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2017

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vol. 45

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issue 7

25-48

EN

The limiting of personal freedom in interwar Italy resulted directly from the fascist approach to the state-individual relationship. The idea of leaving the citizens the broadest individual freedom, and limiting state law activities to the minimum was completely alien to fascist ideologies. The goal of the article was to consider how the problem of freedom in a fascist state was treated by right-wing supporters of that ideology in Poland. For the analysis, I use, e.g. the journalism of W. Jabłonkowski (Amica Italia), R. Rybarski (articles published in Myśl Narodowa), A. Łaszowski (Analiza łez krokodylich), K. Zbyszewski (a column series Ryżową szczotką), A. Nowaczyński (Sempre avanti), J. Waldorff (Sztuka pod dyktaturą), and F. Goetel (Pod znakiem faszyzmu). As the interpretative context, I also used the poetry of A.M. Swinarski, and a play by Nowaczyński entitled Cezar i człowiek.

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