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EN
The functioning of the border courts established in the second half of the seventeenth century, which were to settle border disputes between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Russia, depended mainly on the relations between the two states. The military strength of Russia, growing in the eighteenth century, as well as the progressing anarchization and weakness of the Polish-Lithuanian State had an influence on the functioning of border courts. It was also influenced by events related to the haidamaka rebellion, and Bar Confederation, which caused the suspension of their operation in the early days of the reign of King Stanislaw August. Another problem was the progressive expansion of the Russian state, trying to make the border areas of the Commonwealth an economic base needed to develop the lands conquered in Turkey. For this purpose, attempts were also made to use border courts in which the Polish nobility was requested to hand over several thousand Russian runaways as a condition to any concessions to the Polish nobility claiming their rights in these courts. The article presents – on the example of the Bratslav and Kiev Provinces – the collapse of the border judiciary which occurred in 1779, at the time of growing tension due to the policy pursued by Grigory Potemkin, seeking, if not partial annexation of the southern provinces of the Commonwealth, at least to establish a buffer zone between the two countries, which would probably be quickly absorbed by Russia. Attempts undertaken by the Polish side at the time to appoint a delimitation commission were combined with efforts to prepare a new ordinance of border courts that would guarantee their effective functioning. To this end, the Polish side unsuccessfully tried to make appropriate arrangements in the form of agreements between the two states. 
RU
Функционирование, учрежденных во 2-ой половине XVII века пограничных судов, которые должны были решать пограничные споры между Речью Посполитой и Московским государством, зависело, прежде всего, от взаимных отношений обоих государств. Усилившаяся в XVIII в. военная мощь России, а также прогрессирующая анархизация и слабость польско-литовского государства повлияли на функционирование пограничных судов. Влияние на них оказали также происшествия, связанные с мятежом гайдамаков, Барской конфедерацией, которые были причиной того, что их функционирование было приостановлено в начале правления Станислава Августа. Отдельной проблемой была прогрессирующая экспансия российского государства, пытавшегося образовать из приграничных территорий Речи Посполитой экономический тыл, нужный для освоении земель, завоеванных на Турции. Для этой цели пытались воспользоваться и пограничными судами, в которых от польского дворянства требовали выдачи нескольких десятков тысяч беглых российских подданных, обуславливая исполнением этого условия какие-либо уступки в пользу польского дворянства, добивавшегося своих прав в пограничных судах. В статье представлена – на примере Брацлавского и Киевского воеводств – недееспособность пограничных судебных органов. Это случилась в 1779 г., в момент нарастающего напряжения, связанного с политикой, которую вел Григорий Потемкин. Он стремился, даже если не к частичной аннексии южных воеводств Речи Посполитой, то, по крайней мере, к установлению буферной зоны между обоими государствами, которая, вероятно, была бы быстро поглощена Россией. Предпринимаемые тогда польской стороной попытки учредить делимитационную комиссию пытались соединить с усилиями, которые должны были привести к подготовке нового устава пограничных судов, который гарантировал бы их эффективное функционирование. Поэтому, польская сторона безуспешно хлопотала о том, чтобы соответствующие договоренности были сделаны в форме соглашений между обоими странами.
PL
W artykule omówiono problemy w funkcjonowaniu polsko-rosyjskich sądów pogranicznych dla województw kijowskiego i bracławskiego w latach siedemdziesiątych XVIII w., których źródeł należy upatrywać w dążeniu Rosji do wykorzystania surowcowego i demograficznego potencjału wspomnianych województw przy zagospodarowywaniu ziem zdobytych kosztem Turcji. 
EN
The article is a contribution to knowledge of the parliamentary election campaign in 1773. An analysis of reports by diplomats of the partitioning powers and dispersed Polish sources allows for better identification of political forces active during the first partition of the Commonwealth and fuller appreciation of the political involvement of people with a passive attitude attributed to them in the scholarly literature on the subject.
PL
Artykuł stanowi uzupełnienie dotychczasowej wiedzy na temat kampanii przedsejmowej z roku 1773. Wykorzystanie relacji dyplomatów mocarstw rozbiorowych oraz rozproszonych źródeł krajowych pozwala na lepsze rozpoznanie sił politycznych w okresie I rozbioru Rzeczypospolitej oraz na większe docenienie zaangażowania politycznego osób, którym dotychczasowa historiografia przypisywała bierną postawę.
PL
During the partitions of Poland in 1772, 1795 and 1815 its southern part was annexed by the Habsburg Monarchy and integrated into the Austrian Empire as the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria. Till the end of World War I the inhabitants of Galicia were citizens of the Austrian Empire and their lives were influenced by the political and social ideology of the Austrian government. One of the most significant changes were connected to the language issue. Austrian or German-speaking officials came to Galicia and so did German as it became the main administrative language. This was also the case for the Austrian education system, which mainly focused on teaching German language as they wanted to integrate the multilingual and multicultural inhabitants of the Austrian Empire under the leadership of the Austrian rulers.This article deals with the issue how the Austrian education system influenced the development and understanding of national consciousness of the Polish population in Galicia in the first half of the 19th century by analysing which role the Polish language played in the primary and secondary school system. This period is important because it shows the main intentions of the Austrian educational system and also because the first important School Laws were passed, which influenced the education system in Galicia for over half the century.This article is structured in two parts. The first part contains an analysis of the most important School Laws. The aim is to show the intentions and the ideology which guided the Austrian government in creating the education system and to analyse which role the Polish language played in it. The second part deals with the actual effects of the Austrian education policy for the young Polish generations of Galicia. This will allow a more realistic interpretation of the influence the education system in Galicia had on building or suppressing the development of a Polish national consciousness. This part includes analyses of school statistics and most importantly memories from schooldays from former Galician school children which gives an inside on the role the Polish language played in the school and in their own lives.
EN
Grimaldi’s letters, written from 26 May 1767 to 28 April 1777, provide us with an overview of international affairs. They give us information about many topics such as English politics, the European system of alliance and Spanish problems. The author of the letters also mentions Poland because its partition had been decided then as a result of the war between Russia and Turkey. The author also focuses on the role of Catherine II in the election of Stanislaw II August Poniatowski to become the new King of Poland and the influence of Russia on Polish politics. Grimaldi does not believe in the partition of Poland until 24 June 1772 when the agreement about the Polish partition was signed by the three powers. The following Grimaldi’s letters describes the further history of Poland under rule of the invaders.
PL
Listy Grimaldiego, napisane od 26 maja 1767 do 28 kwietnia 1777 roku, przedstawiają nam w ogólnych zarysach międzynarodowe wydarzenia. Informują nas o wielu tematach, takich jak angielska polityka, system sojuszu europejskiego i hiszpańskich problemach. Autor listów wspomina również Polskę, ponieważ jej rozbiór nastąpił w wyniku wojny między Rosją a Turcją. Autor koncentruje się także na roli Katarzyny II w wyborze Stanisława II Augusta Poniatowskiego na nowego króla Polski i na wpływie Rosji na polską politykę. Grimaldi nie wierzy w rozbiór Polski, aż do 24 czerwca 1772 roku, kiedy umowa o polskiej partycji została podpisana przez trzy mocarstwa. W kolejnych listach Grimaldi opisuje dalsze dzieje Polski pod panowaniem zaborców.
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