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“Kui me tulime Rootsi...” Eesti joulutraditsioonidest voorsil

100%

Hiiemae M.

Mäetagused

2012

vol. 50

141-158

The focus of the article is on the cultural adaptation of the Estonian community that left Estonia during World War II and found refuge in Sweden. The important starting point of the article is an interview with a former journalist (born 1937), who settled with her family in Kristinehamn (South Sweden) in the year 1947 and moved to Stockholm later on. The interview took place in 2004 and concentrated on the most important and meaningful days and times in Swedish as well as Estonian folk calendar. In Sweden, the beginning of the Christmas period is calculated from St Lucia’s Day (December 13), yet in the 20th century Estonia, this day had only a marginal meaning. By the middle of the 20th century, it was already a tradition in Sweden to choose a blond Lucia-maiden and have ceremonial processions as an introduction into the Christmas time. In Finland and Norway this tradition was a way to preserve the feeling of national belonging for the local Swedish population. The interviewee, who went to a Swedish school at the age of ten, remembered that she was impressed by the special role of the Lucia-maiden, yet the adult Estonian population consciously ignored the “foreign culture”. In Estonia as well as in Sweden, the friendly dwarfs were not yet a part of Christmas traditions in the mid-20th century. In Sweden, tomte, who was known as the protecting spirit of home in the older peasant culture, took over this role in the course of the growing urbanisation. Tomte lost its previous position in folk belief, got a red hat and became a member of the Lucia-procession. The attempt to preserve the old identity could be observed in the Christmas time room design, the decorating of the Christmas tree, etc. Taking over the traditions of the new homeland was perceived as surrender to the other culture. In the Lutheran Sweden as well as in Estonia, going to church was an established tradition. The Swedish Estonians also gathered in St Jacob’s Church in Stockholm with the wish to perceive the feeling of togetherness; yet, for homeland Estonians going to the church was rather an act of protest against Soviet ideology. Also, sending Christmas cards helped to preserve the feeling of keeping in touch and belonging. If we compare the Christmas traditions of the Swedish Estonians to those of the deportees and those in the Estonian villages in Siberia, which were established already in older times, we come to the conclusion that the topic of identity should deserve much more attention than it has been the case so far.

Heimat- und Vaterlandsliebe als Identitätskonstituenten des frommen Ermländers. Ein Beitrag zum Konstrukt der ermländischen Identität im „Ermländischen Hauskalender“ (1857-1938)

45%

Barbara S.

Studia Warmińskie

2016

issue 53

403-420

Wydając „Warmiński Kalendarz Domowy“ przedstawiciele warmińskich elit pragnęli stworzyć medium dostosowane do potrzeb i mentalności lokalnej ludności. Uzyskali tym samym narzędzie o wysokim potencjale ideologicznym, dzięki któremu można było kształtować nie tylko postawy religijne, ale także polityczne i społeczne czytelników. Model tożsamości warmińskiej od początku promowany na kartach „Warmińskiego Kalendarza Domowego” składał się z trzech podstawowych elementów, które były ściśle ze sobą powiązane i wzajemnie się warunkowały. Obok wiary katolickiej wyrażającej się w specyficznych dla Warmiaków formach religijności, to miłość do ziemi rodzinnej i ojczyzny stanowiła podstawę owego konstruktu tożsamościowego. Analiza dostępnych roczników Kalendarza pokazuje jednak, że ów pożądany, wsparty na trzech kolumnach model warmińskiej tożsamości nie był stabilny, a jego poszczególne elementy ulegały modyfikacjom przede wszystkim w zależności od zmieniającej się sytuacji politycznej.

Representatives of the Warmian intellectual elite, who published the “Warmian Home Calendar”, intended to create a medium adjusted to the needs and mentality of the local community. They developed a tool which had great ideological potential and could be used for shaping religious as well as political and social attitudes. From the very beginning, the model of Warmian identity promoted by the “Warmian Home Calendar” had three main interrelated components. Apart from the Catholic faith, based upon forms of religious belief specific to the Warmia region, these identity constructs are comprised of love for the homeland (Heimat) and love for the motherland. However, an analysis of the available volumes of the “Calendar” revealed that the desired model of Warmian identity, based on the above three pillars, was unstable, and its components underwent modifications in response to the changing political situation.

Mit der Gründung des Ermländischen Hauskalenders verfolgten dessen Herausgeber, Vertreter der lokalen Elite, das Ziel, der ermländischen Landbevölkerung ein Medium zu geben, das an ihre Mentalität und Bedürfnisse angepasst wäre. Damit hatten sie ein Instrument von hohem ideologischem Potenzial geschaffen, mit dessen Hilfe religiöse aber auch sozial-politische Haltungen der Leser gestaltet werden konnten. Das über den Ermländischen Hauskalender von Anfang an vermittelte Modell der ermländischen Identität bestand aus drei sich gegenseitig bedingten Hauptkomponenten. Neben dem katholischen Glauben mit typisch ermländischen Volksfrömmigkeitsformen waren Heimat- und Vaterlandsliebe die zwei weiteren im Rahmen des vorliegenden Beitrags analysierten Konstituenten des Identitätskonstrukts. Eine genaue Analyse der zugänglichen Jahrgänge zeigt jedoch, dass dieses Identitätskonstrukt nicht stabil war.

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“Kui me tulime Rootsi...” Eesti joulutraditsioonidest voorsil

Heimat- und Vaterlandsliebe als Identitätskonstituenten des frommen Ermländers. Ein Beitrag zum Konstrukt der ermländischen Identität im „Ermländischen Hauskalender“ (1857-1938)