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1

Stosunek elektoratu do rozwiązań ustawowych wyrównujących szanse kobiet i mężczyzn w obsadzaniu list wyborczych

100%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Political Preferences

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2013

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issue 6

47-59

EN

The research carried out allowed to look at social assessment of both already implemented statutory quotas and the proposed gender parity on electoral lists. The findings of the research showed that over half of the surveyed left-wing political party-in-the-electorate acknowledged the implementation of statutory quotas as reasonable and the proposal of introducing gender parity on the electoral lists as worth-implementing (Palikot’s Movement – 42.2% and Democratic Left Alliance – 37.9%). Among the Civic Platform and Polish People’s Party adherents a substantial percentage are the adherents of quotas rather than gender parity (Civic Platform – 44.1% and 38.9% respectively, Polish People’s Party – 48.7% i 34.2% respectively) but there are substantially fewer adversaries of this solution. At the same time among the adversaries of Law and Justice only 35.6% acknowledge the solution implemented as reasonable whereas only 35.5% consider the proposal for introducing gender parity as worth-implementing. Nevertheless the percentage of adversaries of such solutions is even smaller – in the case of quotas it is 28.1% and in the case of gender parity – 35.1%. The rest of the Law and Justice adversaries do not have an opinion on this issue. The division into adherents and adversaries of the decision about implementing statutory quotas or proposals for gender parity with reference to ideological views is even clearer. Among the respondents expressing their views as leftwing more than half of them acknowledge the implementation of quotas as reasonable (51%) and 38.5% consider the proposals for gender parity as worthimplementing. 48% of the persons sympathising with the centre were in favour of quotas, while 34% were for gender parity. On the other hand among the respondents defining their views as right-wing only 31.8% acknowledged the implementation of statutory quotas as reasonable whereas 29.8% considered the proposal for gender parity as worth-implementing. It is worth-emphasising that irrespective of political sympathies the respondents assess the implemented statutory quotas much favourably than the proposal for implementing gender parity on electoral lists.

2

Ekonomiczne następstwa wprowadzenia parytetów płci w radach nadzorczych spółek publicznych

100%

Sitz-Kuleszo J.

International Business and Global Economy

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2015

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vol. Volume 34

175–183

EN

The purpose of the article is to present the economic aspects of the implementation of gender parity in public companies. The test method used involves the analysis of Polish and foreign source literature. The starting point for considerations are two European Commission documents: ’Strategy for equality between women and men 2010–2015’ and ’Green Paper – EU corporate governance framework,’ which commit public companies to implementing gender parity in the countries of the European Community. The article also quoted examples from outside the European Union. Furthermore, it presents a brief outline of the stages of the implementation of gender parity in the supervisory boards of European companies and attempts to show the wider context of the problem of equality between women and men in the labour market. The analysis of the issues of gender parity and the availability of supervisory board member positions in public companies also became a contribution to the consideration of the position and role of women in the modern economy.

3

Rhetorical Styles in Internet-Mediated Political Discourse Concerning Polish Gender Parity Debate 2009/2010

88%

Molek-Kozakowska K.

Stylistyka

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2010

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vol. 19

145-160

EN

The aim of this study is to describe the stylistic features of Internet-mediated political discourse, basing on two samples of hypertextual materials authored by organizations promoting (Kongres Kobiet the Congres of Women, abbr. KK) and criticizing (Antyparytety - Antiparity, abbr. AP) the Polish gender parity initiative of 2009/2010. Firstly, the notion of rhetorical style is introduced in the context of political discourse analysis. Accordingly, rhetorical styles are understood here broadly as emergent properties of texts characterized by clusters of linguistic devices used strategically for persuasive purposes. Next, the methodological framework for the ensuing stylistic analysis is delineated and the “critical” angle of the present study is elucidated. In the course of analysis of two samples of texts (KK - approx. 2080 words; AP approx 1930 words) representing antagonistic positions in the gender parity debate, it is demonstrated that there are more similarities than differences between their rhetorical styles. By focusing on the interrogation of such categories as generic frames, strategies of addressing the reader and pervasive rhetorical figures, it has been shown that both styles exemplify a high degree of saturation with persuasion-oriented linguistic devices. This makes both analyzed styles to some extent manipulative, since they tend to efface rational argumentation for the sake of appeals to emotions and employ some classic propagandists tricks (e.g. glittering generalities, stereotyping, simplification or testimonials). Yet, it seems that the opponents of the gender parity initiative (AP) rely on such devices more heavily, as their texts are mainly oriented towards discrediting the project by arising readers’ doubt and anxiety. The proponents (KK), after all, must also inform the readers about the details of their initiative and present sound reasons why it should be embraced. That is why the rhetorical style emerging in AP corpus seems to be shaped primarily by linguistic devices of pathos, while the rhetorical style of KK’s texts relies on logos and ethos.

4

Guarantee of Equality in Politics? The Media Discourse Analysis on the Subject of Introducing the Gender Parity into Electoral Law in Poland

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Strzemecka S.

Journal of Gender and Power

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2014

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vol. 1

81-97

EN

The project is aiming at the quality analysis of a media discussion about introducing the gender parity to electoral law and the analysis of the activities of the Association of Congress of Women. Selected press publications are the basis of the quality analysis (according to the Critical Discourse Analysis) taken from the most opinion-creating journals. The objective of this paper is to identify the discourse (civil; non-civil) of analyzed journals.

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Wokół koncepcji demokracji. Parytet płci w świetle polskiego dyskursu prasowego

63%

Krzyżanowska N.

Studia Socjologiczne

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2012

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issue 1(204)

199-223

EN

This article analyses Polish media discourse about gender parity by arguing that the latter is not only a call for the increased participation of women in Polish public life but also a reason for the discursive redefinition of different visions of Polish democracy. The analysis focuses on a period between the first and second Polish Women’s Congress (2009–2010) when the idea of gender parity – and, later on, of the related official legal acts – became one of the central elements of Polish public debates. Anchored in the Discourse-Historical Approach in critical discourse analysis (CDA), the qualitative discourse analysis focuses on the constructions of arguments against gender parity in selected articles from key Polish broadsheet newspapers. The systematic analysis of those arguments allows establishing that gender is, in fact, treated as a decisive factor for one’s participation in the Polish public life. By the same token, the article explicates that media-based perceptions of parity as vital or marginal are directly related to broader definitions of gender as either social/cultural or biological. These, as the article shows, influence relevant conceptions of democracy and constructions of its key principles in acts of either discursively supporting or rejecting gender parity.

PL

Artykuł skupia się na analizie dyskursu medialnego o parytecie płci jako kwestii, która odnosi się zarówno do sposobów zwiększenia udziału kobiet w sprawowaniu władzy oraz, szerzej, do polskiej wizji demokracji. Analiza obejmuje okres między pierwszym a drugim Kongresem Kobiet Polskich (2009–2010), kiedy idea parytetu (bądź rozwiązań kwotowych) została nagłośniona w polskim życiu publicznym oraz w – będącym jego częścią – dyskursie medialnym. Podstawą jakościowej analizy, przeprowadzonej zgodnie z założeniami podejścia dyskursywno-historycznego w krytycznej analizie dyskursu (KAD), są wybrane publikacje prasowe, w których zostały zrekonstruowane aporie wysuwane przez przeciwników paryte- tu płci. Systematyczna analiza argumentów przeciw parytetowi płci w dyskursie medialnym uwidacznia nie tylko to, że płeć może decydować o wymaganiach stawianych różnym uczestnikom sfery publicznej, ale też fakt, że postrzeganie ważności lub nieważności kategorii płci w kontekście problematyki związanej z demokracją w Polsce powiązane jest ze sposobem, w jaki płeć jest definiowana (np. jako atrybut jednostki proweniencji społecznej lub kultu- rowej czy biologicznej). Jednocześnie dyskursywnie konstruowany sposób rozumienia płci może wpływać zarówno na to, jak rozumie się demokrację oraz czy akceptuje się lub odrzuca ideę parytetu, jako jej przejaw.

6

Kobiety w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego w dobie debaty nad parytetami i kwotami

63%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2013

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vol. 5(41)

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issue 1

73-85

EN

The fact of continuous though small increase in both the number of women candidates and the number of women elected in particular elections pleases those for whom the participation of women in government in general is an important matter. The issue which seems to be of particular importance is that of women’s participation in local government. It is just this level at which decisions, concerning education and health service – the areas run and dominated mainly by women, are taken. Thus it seems natural to demand that more women are allowed to co-decide on areas in which they are normally active. Women’s chances of functioning in politics at the local government level seem to be big. The character of activities at the local government level, a possibility of reconciling political activity with performing other social roles, and a greater social acceptance of women’s activity at the local government level give a chance for women’s activity in this area.

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1 International Business and Global Economy

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1 Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2 Łukasik-Turecka A.

1 Krzyżanowska N.

1 Molek-Kozakowska K.

1 Sitz-Kuleszo J.

1 Strzemecka S.

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