Search results

1

Rola pojednania w relacyjnym podejściu do rozwiązywania konfliktów

100%

Kulska J.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2016

|

issue 10

11-26

EN

Importance of building and rebuilding relations between different actors of international politics, from the level of individuals and the smallest social groups to those biggest ones organized in the form of states, has recently become the object of more extended research in the area of both diplomacy and conflict resolution. Along with the well-known and thoroughly analyzed notions such as power, interests, freedoms, norms and many other some new concepts resulting from the evolving nature of international politics are included into political discourse. One of them is reconciliation meaning the rebuilding of relations both at internal and international level. Another interesting example is the relational approach to conflict resolution which can be perceived as the proposal situating itself between two most traditional approaches in the area of international relations namely the realist and the liberal schools. While the realist approach is criticized for not paying enough attention to non-state actors and their role in conflct resolution, the liberal one is perceived as too much oriented into the issues of individual freedoms and institutions and lack of relational „community thinking”. Relational approach which is discussed by increasing number of experts in the area of con{ ict resolution points out the necessity of focusing on the interactions between di erent actors of international relations or more precisely transformation of these relations in such a way that the con{ ict between them is not only settled but truly resolved. Such a transformation is also connected with deeper change in the approach to politics itself meaning fuller inclusion of citizens and their initiatives which are necessary in the process of moving from signing peace agreement to building lasting peace. The article discusses the scope and contents of relational approach and reconciliation stating that reconciliation is both a fundamental aim and instrument of conflict resolution.

2

Polityka Szwajcarii wobec Unii Europejskiej

88%

Żejmo M.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

|

2014

|

vol. 19

144-165

EN

Despite the fact that Switzerland does not formally belong to the European Union, it has always been strongly associated with the above organization at various levels. At first, after World War II, the contact was established with considerable caution which resulted from economic and trade contacts of Swiss government with Germany and Italy maintained during the war. First international contracts were related to the economic sphere and later on expanded by addressing the sphere of social issues such as legal system, culture, charity, science and education. At present, due to bilateral agreements, Switzerland has been integrated with the European Union even more than its newest Member States, i.e. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia, which confirms the significant flexibility of this Community as well as its great possibility to adapt to each of its Members. According to the Swiss, the greatest obstacle preventing this country from joining the EU is the upholding principle of eternal neutrality, although the importance of which has decreased over the years, it has been deeply rooted in Swiss mentality. Moreover, another factor preventing Switzerland from joining the EU is its strong economy as Swiss membership would result in the need to pay relatively higher contributions than that of other Member States of the Community. Although the contacts between the EU and Switzerland have been significantly intensified, the prospect of membership still seems relatively remote, all the more as bilateral agreements as well as participation in the Schengen area since 2008 make both parties satisfied and for now none of them intends to seek new solutions.

3

ПОДІЇ 1956 РОКУ В УГОРЩИНІ Й ПОЗИЦІЯ ООН

88%

Likhtej I.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

|

2017

|

issue 26

EN

This article covers the influence of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on international relations, in particular on the official position of the United States, Great Britain and France. It analyses the process of discussing “the Hungarian question” at the UN Security Council and at the emergency General Assembly session. The author emphasizes the significance of the activities of the special commission for investigating events in Hungary established by the UN General Assembly in autumn 1956, as well as the great merit of the Danish diplomat Bang Jensen in investigating and formulating the text of commission’s report, which covered the struggle of the Hungarian people for freedom.

4

Negotiations and diplomatic protocol as a mean of political conflicts resolution

75%

SIEKUNOVA I.

Edukacja-Technika-Informatyka

|

2016

|

vol. 7

|

issue 3

280-284

EN

The author of the article made an attempt to prove the relevance and importance of such topic as negotiations and diplomatic protocol as a mean of conflicts resolution. Bases of negotiations were determined; etymology of word “protocol”, the role and importance of diplomatic protocol for the development of modern international politics was described.

5

Polityka wschodnia Stolicy Apostolskiej w latach 1978‑1989/1990: idee i wartości w działaniu

75%

Mróz M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2014

|

issue 3(29)

121-145

EN

The history and the beginnings of Vatican diplomacy, its high prestige in the field of international relations. The text discusses the features, modes of action, the hierarchy and the number of the Vatican diplomats. The beginnings of the difficult collaboration of the Holy See with the East, inaugurated by John XXII and Paul VI, continued by John Paul II. After a Pole was chosen as the bishop of Rome there was an intensification of the Vatican’s eastern policy. John Paul II openly fought for and frequently spoke about respecting human rights and the increase of the freedom of the Church, not only in Poland, but also in the entire eastern bloc. We should mention the fact that during the events of December 1980 and the period of tension in Poland, John Paul II submitted a letter to Leonid Brezhnev expressing his concern about the fate of Europe and Poland. The bishop of Rome also established a collaboration with the Hungarian episcopate at that time. Despite initial difficulties, he also did so with Czechoslovakia. By making pilgrimages to his fatherland and by meeting general Jaruzelski, the Pope made vigorous attempts to normalize all diplomatic relations between the Vatican and Poland. This normalization eventually happened on 17 July 1989. In the second half of the 1980s Mikhail Gorbachev played a considerable role in the warming of the relations between the Vatican and Moscow due to his policy of reconstruction (perestroika). The extension of the dialogue between the Vatican and Moscow was facilitated by the visit made by the Soviet leader to the Pope in December 1989, and especially by the declaration made during that visit that there was a will to bring about a turning point in the religious policy and a will to confer an official status to the relations between the Soviet Union and the Vatican. The Polish Pope’s political sense, and especially his belief about the necessity of making a break with the post‑Yalta order in Europe and in the World, an order that was viewed as a moral catastrophe, entailed the idea that the Vatican’s eastern policy did not reach its end with the Spring of the Nations of 1989 and the demise of the Soviet Union, but that it entered a new stage of its development. The diplomacy of the Vatican in the face of democratizational processes in Eastern Europe and the emergence of a new political map drawn up on the ruins of the USSR had very little time to spare to adapt its activities to the dynamically changing reality. In the new political reality in the eastern part of the continent there came to the fore the question of restoring or establishing by the Holy See of diplomatic relations both with the countries with a Catholic majority, such as Poland, Hungary and Lithuania, or with countries which were widely represented by Catholics, countries such as Belarus or the Ukraine, or with countries in which the Catholics were a religious minority, as in the case of the Russian Federation. The thus‑defined long‑scale strategic goals of the Vatican toward the countries of the former Soviet Union and its satellite countries in Central and Eastern Europe were fulfilled, maybe with the exception of the Russian Federation alone, and, for other reasons, the Republic of Belarus. The diplomacy of the Vatican made a lasting contribution to the engineering of a new political order on the Old Continent based on the respect of rights and civic freedoms which are derived also from the Christian tradition.

6

The prospects of a confederation: Ukraine, Poland, Lithuania, Belarus

75%

KOSTIUK O.

Edukacja-Technika-Informatyka

|

2016

|

vol. 7

|

issue 3

295-297

EN

In the article the possibility of unification of Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus in a confederal association. Analyzes the political, economic, military and social benefits of working in these countries. The reasons for creating this association of states is to protect the political and military aggression of Russia, and protection from the economic aggression of Western Europe.

7

Pure Propaganda or Great Art, Patriotism and Civic Engagement? How Aeschylus and Euripides Used Their Plots to Support Athenian Politics towards the Allies

65%

Śmiechowicz O.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2019

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vol. 29

|

issue 2

5-16

PL

In this article I would like to focus on one research topic: how ancient tragedians manipulated their drama plots (based on Greek mythology) so as to use them for influencing Athenian “international policies.” Those were not any mistakes or airs of nonchalance on the part of the Athenian tragedians; it was just their carefully premeditated strategy of creating persuasive messages to function as pure propaganda. I am chiefly directing my attention to the topic of how the Athenians established their relations with the allies. Meaning the closest neighbours as well as some of those who did not belong in the circle of the Hellenic civilization. I have decided to devote all of my attention to Aeschylus’ and Euripides’ works, as both of them were obvious supporters of the democratic faction. I focused my attention on the texts: Aeschylus: The Suppliants, Oresteia; Euripides: Heracleidae, Andromache, Archelaus,Temenos.

8

Pakt Ribbentrop-Mołotow. Interpretacje, mity, rzeczywistość

63%

Kornat M.

Dzieje Najnowsze

|

2020

|

vol. 52

|

issue 1

PL

Artykuł przynosi próbę reinterpretacji paktu Ribbentrop-Mołotow, komentując obfitą historiografię poświęconą temu przełomowemu wydarzeniu w stosunkach międzynarodowych XX w. Autor dyskutuje różne podejścia do wyjaśnienia jego genezy i znaczenia. Daje też własną interpretację tego taktycznego aliansu dwóch totalitarnych dyktatur.

EN

The article is an attempt at the reinterpretation of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, commenting on the comprehensive literature on this breaking-through event in the international relations of the twentieth century. The author discusses various attempts at explaining its Genesis and importance. He also offers his own interpretation of this tactical alliance between the two totalitarian dictatorships.

9

Специфіка міжнародно-політичного становища Австралійського Союзу в першій половині ХХ ст.

63%

Вєтринський I. M.

Проблеми всесвітньої історії

|

2021

|

issue 13

133-149

UK

The paper focuses on the initial stage of the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the process of its establishing as an independent State. The international political context for the development of the country, from the period of creation of the Federation to the beginning of the Second World War, is primarily viewed. The Commonwealth’s international position, its place and role in the regional and global geopolitical processes of the early XX century, in particular in the context of its relations with Great Britain, are analyzed. The features of the transformation of British colonial policies on the eve of the First World War are examined. The specifics of the UK system of relations with Australia, as well as other dominions, are being examined. The features of status of the dominions in the British Empire system are shown. The role of the dominions and, in particular, the Commonwealth of Australia in the preparatory process for the First World War, as well as the peculiarities of its participation in hostilities, is analyzed. The significance of the actions of the First World War on the domestic political situation in Australia, as well as its impact on dominions relations with the British Empire, is revealed. The history of the foundation of the Australian-New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) and its participation in imperial forces on the frontline of the First World War is analyzed. The success and failure of its fighters, as well as the role of ANZAC, in the process of formation an Australian political nation are analyzed. The economic, humanitarian and international political consequences of the First World War for the Commonwealth of Australia are examined, as well as the influence of these consequences on the structure of relations between the dominions and the British Empire. The socio-economic situation of the Commonwealth of Australia on the eve of World War II, in particular the impact of the Great depression on the development of the country as a whole and its internal political situation in particular, is analyzed. The ideological, military-strategic and international political prerequisites for Australia’s entry into the Second World War are being considered.

EN

Робота присвячена початковому етапу становлення Австралійського Союзу, а також процесу його утвердження в якості самостійної держави. Насамперед розглядається міжнародно-політичний контекст розвитку країни, починаючи з періоду утворення федерації і до початку Другої світової війни. Проаналізовано міжнародне становище Австралійського Союзу, його місце й роль в регіональних та глобальних геополітичних процесах початку ХХ ст., зокрема, в контексті його відносин з Великою Британією. Досліджено особливості трансформації британської колоніальної політики напередодні Першої світової війни. Розглянуто систему відносин Великої Британії з домініонами в цілому та Австралією, зокрема. Показано особливості статусу і повноважень домініонів в межах Британської імперії. Аналізується роль домініонів та, зокрема, Австралійського Союзу у процесі підготовки до Першої світової війни, а також особливості його участі у бойових діях. Розкривається значення подій Першої світової війни для внутрішньополітичної ситуації в Австралії та вплив її наслідків на відносини домініонів з Британською імперією. Аналізується історія створення та участь австралійсько-новозеландського армійського корпусу (АНЗАК) у складі імперських сил на фронтах Першої світової війни, здобутки та невдачі його бійців, а також роль АНЗАКу в процесі становлення австралійської політичної нації. Розглянуто економічні, гуманітарні та міжнародно-політичні наслідки Першої світової війни для Австралійського Союзу, а також показано вплив цих наслідків на структуру відносин між домініонами та Британською імперією. Проаналізовано соціально-економічне становище Австралійського Союзу напередодні Другої світової війни, зокрема особливості впливу Великої депресії на розвиток країни в цілому та її внутрішньополітичне становище зокрема. Розглянуто ідеологічні, військово-стратегічні та міжнародно-політичні передумови вступу Австралії до Другої світової війни.

10

Polska geopolityka w wymiarze regionalnym

63%

Lach Z.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

|

2014

|

vol. 7

9-36

PL

Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu zwrócenie uwagi na pozycję geopolityczną Polski w Europie Środkowej i Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej1 oraz działania, które wynikają z rangi państwa w odniesieniu do realizacji polityki międzynarodowej, kształtowania bezpieczeństwa i interesów w wymiarze subregionalnym. Można postawić tezę, wynikającą z analizy potęgi państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, na podstawie której widać wyraźnie, że Polska posiadając najwyższą wartość względną potęgi (spośród państw subregionu), powinna w większym stopniu kreować aktywną politykę na arenie międzynarodowej w odniesieniu do kwestii politycznych, ekonomicznych, społecznych, kulturowych, ekologicznych i bezpieczeństwa militarnego tego subregionu.

EN

Generally, it can be argued, resulting from the analysis of the power of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, that Poland having the highest value of relative power (among the countries of the subregion), should do more to create an active policy in the international arena with regard to the political, economic, social, cultural, environmental and military security in the subregion. The foreign policy of our country should be carried out in relation to this space much more efficiently in the context of the common objectives and interests of the country for the sake of security and development throughout Central and Eastern Europe, which is of course in our vital interest. In the context of the above in relation to guarantee military security is the premium membership Polish and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe into NATO and maintaining a strategic partnership with the United States. In the economic context (the middle level of the board), despite the generally favorable geopolitical situation in Europe and its immediate environment, the need to provide citizens with permanent economic security and the conditions for sustainable development continues to be a major challenge in many countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland.

11

Теория справедливой войны: причины актуализации концепции

63%

Куманьков А. Д.

ΣΟΦΙΑ. Pismo Filozofów Krajów Słowiańskich

|

2013

|

issue 13

83-91

PL

The subject of the article is a critical theory of war. The author takes up a question of the causes of the outbreak of war and the conduct of combat operations. He ponders over the idea of just war and the ethics of war. Particular attention is paid to the normative dimension of these ideas. The author also draws attention on the importance of these ideas in politics and international diplomacy.

12

W kręgu złudzeń. O książce Krzysztofa Raka Polska – niespełniony sojusznik Hitlera

63%

Kornat M.

Dzieje Najnowsze

|

2021

|

vol. 53

|

issue 4

123-146

EN

The author critically analyses Krzysztof Rak’s book Poland. Hitler’s Unfulfilled Ally (2019). The monograph attempts a new look at Polish-German relations between 1933 and 1939. However, it contains simplifications and unauthorised interpretations. The author uncritically accepts the German efforts for an anti-Soviet alliance with Poland as reality. He unjustifiably suggests that the Polish and German governments agreed on a joint modus operandi against Czechoslovakia in 1938.

PL

Autor krytycznie analizuje książkę Krzysztofa Raka Polska – niespełniony sojusznik Hitlera (2019). Monografia stanowi próbę nowego spojrzenia na stosunki polsko-niemieckie w latach 1933–1939. Zawiera jednak uproszczenia i nieuprawnione interpretacje. Autor bezkrytycznie przyjmuje za rzeczywistość niemieckie starania o antysowiecki sojusz z Polską. Bezpodstawnie sugeruje ustalenie między rządami Polski i Niemiec wspólnego modus operandi przeciw Czechosłowacji w 1938 r. Politykę polską w 1939 r. przedstawia w sposób karykaturalny.

13

Pogranicze w ogniu (1992–1993) von Andrzej Konic, eine historische Fernsehserie als Kulturtext oder als Versuch, den „heiligen Krieg“ in der polnisch-deutschen Geschichte der Jahre 1917–1939 zu rekonstruieren

63%

Mańke Z.

Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka

|

2023

|

issue 44

149-167

EN

This article attempts to present the television series as a distinctive text which can persuasively and therefore effectively appeal to contemporary viewers, providing them with an insight into the events of a predefined period of Polish and German history, arousing certain emotions and thoughts or, in a general sense, even making them reflect on the history of both nations. With its attractive storyline based on, among other things, the dramaturgy of the presented events, this type of series can be perceived, to some extent, to be part of contemporary historical narration.

14

In Defence of International Law, or Szymon Rundstein’s Idea of the Law of Nations

63%

Baranowska M.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

|

2023

|

vol. 32

|

issue 1

41-55

PL

Celem badawczym artykułu jest przedstawienie poglądów Szymona Rundsteina na temat prawa międzynarodowego w czasie I wojny światowej, kiedy żywy stał się spór między prawnikami o istotę i rolę tego prawa. Rundstein jednoznacznie opowiedział się po stronie obrońców prawa międzynarodowego, argumentując, że jego istnienie opiera się na odwiecznie istniejącej idei prawa narodów. Celem badawczym artykułu jest sformułowanie odpowiedzi na pytanie, czym była idea prawa narodów. Te rozważania Rundsteina można rozpatrywać nie tylko z perspektywy filozofii prawa, analizując samo pojęcie idei prawa narodów, lecz także z perspektywy historii myśli politycznej i prawnej, ponieważ wypracował on doktrynę dotyczącą zarówno prawa, jak i dróg rozwoju polityki międzynarodowej.

EN

The research purpose of the article is to present Szymon Rundstein’s views on international law in the time of World War I, when a dispute was renewed about its essence and role among jurists. Rundstein unequivocally sided with the defenders of international law, arguing that its existence was based on the eternally existing idea of the law of nations. The research objective of the article is to formulate an answer to the question of what the idea of the law of nations was. These reflections can be considered not only from the perspective of the philosophy of law, analysing the concept of the idea of the law of nations, but also from the perspective of the history of political and legal thought, as a lawyer from Warsaw developed a doctrine concerning both the law and the ways of development of international politics.

15

Russia’s domestic and international politics. No explanation without the cognitive-developmental approach

63%

Oesterdiekhoff G. W.

Polish Journal of Political Science

|

2023

|

vol. 9

|

issue 4

4-27

EN

Russia’s war on Ukraine is not a failure by accident but reflects the mentality and stance of the Kremlin and greater parts of the Russian people. Russia’s international politics pursue imperial dreams, conducted by the most brutal methods. Obviously, the political consciousness of Russians has not progressed to the rates and standards that shape the minds and behavior of politicians and the electorate in the most advanced nations of our time. It is argued that political science must consider research conducted by the cognitive-developmental approach. Contemporary nations operate on differently developed stages of mind and cognition with far-reaching effects on moral reasoning, social understanding, and humanitarian standards. There is evidence that a weaker development of the fourth stage of human cognition, the stage of formal operations, accounts for backwardness concerning the process of civilization. This seems to be the main cause of the chasm between the “Russian World” and the “Free World”.

16

Reflexiones sobre la política exterior mexicana en el marco de la globalización y la posguerra fría

51%

Moloeznik M. P., Minor P. S.

Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales

|

2015

|

vol. 2

EN

In order to present the essential elements of Mexican foreign policy, the author conducts a review of the system of international relations, with special emphasis on globalization, securitization and the so-called “new capitalism” as well as an exploration of Post-Cold War and the role of the United States as a superpower in the concert of nations on the basis of neorealism as a theory of international relations.

ES

Con el objeto de dar cuenta de las notas esenciales de la política exterior mexicana, se lleva a cabo una revisión del sistema de relaciones internacionales, con especial énfasis en la globalización, la securitización y el denominado “nuevo capitalismo”, así como una exploración de la posguerra fría y el rol de los Estados Unidos como superpotencia en el concierto de las naciones, a partir del análisis del neorrealismo como teoría de la relaciones internacionales.

17

Problematyka migracji klimatycznych w polityce i prawie międzynarodowym

51%

Krajewski P. W., Groszkowska K.

Journal of Modern Science

|

2018

|

issue 1(36)

145-163

EN

The topic of this article is the problem of no legal regulations regarding the status of environmental migrants and its implications. Neither does International law permit them to take advantage of legal protection granted to refugees, nor are their interests represented in any international document. The article presents the analysis of the works of United Nations, expert group and international organisations, which resulted in introducing the notions of migrants and people in vulnerable situations to the Preamble of, adopted at the climate conference in 2015, Paris Agreement, stressing the importance of promoting and respecting their rights. Moreover, it has been decided to create a special task force within the Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage, which aim is to draft recommendations on how to minimise the impact of climate change on migration. The article then proceeds to analyse the effectiveness of the actions undertaken by the task force as well as by other key actors, such as other UN departments, International Organisation for Migration or world leaders at G20 summits. The final part presents the assessment of said actions, indicating why they are insufficient and the model of preventing and reducing economical damage unsatisfactory.

PL

Tematem artykułu jest problem braku prawnego uregulowania statusu migrantów klimatycznych i tego konsekwencje. Prawo międzynarodowe nie przyznaje im ochrony przeznaczonej dla uchodźców, a ich prawa nie są reprezentowane w żadnym międzynarodowym dokumencie. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie prac Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych, grup eksperckich oraz organizacji międzynarodowych. Ich owocem było wprowadzenie pojęcia migrantów i osób w trudnej sytuacji do preambuły przyjętego na konferencji klimatycznej w 2015 r. porozumienia paryskiego. Zwrócono przy tym uwagę na konieczność promowania i respektowania ich praw. Ponadto, w porozumieniu zdecydowano o utworzeniu specjalnej grupy zadaniowej w ramach Warszawskiego Międzynarodowego Mechanizmu Strat i Szkód, której celem było opracowanie sposobów ograniczenia wpływu zmian klimatycznych na migracje. W dalszej części omówiono skuteczność działań tej grupy, struktur ONZ, jak również innych kluczowych podmiotów, tj. Międzynarodowej Organizacji ds. Migracji czy liderów na szczycie G20. W części końcowej przedstawiono ocenę tych działań, wykazując, dlaczego są one niewystarczające, a przyjęty model zapobiegania i redukowania szkód i strat gospodarczych zbyt wąski.

18

Anatomie jedné další zdrženlivosti: dokumenty Charty 77 k zemím třetího světa

45%

Holečková M. E., Pehe V.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2023

|

vol. 30

|

issue 2

414-442

EN

Although Charter 77, as the most important Czechoslovak human rights initiative of the second half of the twentieth century, focused mainly on upholding human rights in Czechoslovakia, in its universalistic conception of human rights issues, the initiative was also interested in human rights abroad. The article examines the hitherto unexplored relationship of Charter 77 with the countries of the "Third World", thus pointing to its global dimension. It asks why Charter 77 expressed itself rather sporadically and reticently about events in these countries and why a number of contemporary international political events did not resonate at all within the Charter community. Specifically, it analyses the motivations and factors that led the Charter, or rather specific signatories of Charter 77, to comment on events in Nicaragua, South Africa and selected other countries. The article shows that the interest in international events and, specifically, the Global South was not the result of a coherent strategy. On the contrary, it stemmed rather from the unsystematic personal interests of a narrow group of people who brought international issues into the Charter community. The Chartists' interest in the "Third World" was motivated by a mixture of factors, including an authentic need to stand up against human rights abuses worldwide. But opinions on the given issues were formed on the basis of limited access to information, or instrumental attempts to relate the foreign situation to specific problems of domestic dissent.

19

An Increasingly Unstable World: International Conflicts since 2010. The Beginning of a Comprehensive Research Project

38%

Kostrzewa-Zorbas G.

Studia Administracji i Bezpieczeństwa

|

2019

|

issue 6

195-206

EN

This article presents the new Strategic Warning 2020 research project that focuses on analyzing selected components of the present world security crisis: twenty-nine major international conflicts and coherent groups of interrelated conflicts of military, political, economic and combined nature. The purpose of the project is to find their causes – most importantly, common causes – and to make near future forecasts: for 2020 and up to five years after it. A possible follow-up research project – under a preliminary name of Strategic Recommendations 2025 – may then recommend solutions to the conflicts and groups of conflicts. A new world security crisis is developing now in the 2010s. Counting of armed conflicts alone – without other types of conflict – yields the highest worldwide numbers in the whole post-Cold War era. That fast rising number of armed conflicts, and the general direction of change in the world it reveals, are alarming for both scientists and practitioners: diplomats and other policy makers, analysts and planners, and the international public opinion. The preliminary conclusion of the project – the first general result of the analysis of twenty-nine international conflicts and groups of conflicts of the present world – is that nationalism always emerges as the main cause or, in the minority of cases, one of two equal main causes, together with ideology, mostly Jihadist ideology. Nationalism by far exceeds all the other identified causes: global or regional political hegemony; economic interests; fanatical religion and extreme ideology. A new cyclical surge of dominant nationalism has come with all the inherent risks – including the risk of great wars – known from the history and theory of international relations. The other causes are, however, also important in the general mix, which connects the present world order – or world disorder – to the situation in the unstable years shortly before World Wars I and II.

PL

Artykuł przedstawia nowy projekt badawczy pod nazwą Ostrzeżenie Strategiczne 2020, analizujący wybrane elementy obecnego światowego kryzysu bezpieczeństwa: dwadzieścia dziewięć wielkich konfliktów międzynarodowych i spójnych grup związanych wzajemnie konfliktów o charakterze militarnym, politycznym, ekonomicznym i mieszanym. Celem projektu jest znalezienie przyczyn tych konfliktów – co najważniejsze, wspólnych przyczyn – oraz postawienie prognozy na bliską przyszłość: rok 2020 i do pięciu następnych lat. Możliwa kontynuacja projektu – pod wstępną nazwą Rekomendacje Strategiczne 2025 – mogłaby potem służyć opracowaniu rekomendowanych rozwiązań dla analizowanych w projekcie konfliktów i grup konfliktów. Nowy światowy kryzys bezpieczeństwa narasta obecnie w drugim dziesięcioleciu XXI wieku. Liczba samych tylko konfliktów zbrojnych – pomijając konflikty innego rodzaju – jest najwyższa w całej epoce po zimnej wojnie. Szybko rosnąca liczba konfliktów zbrojnych i sygnalizowany przez nią ogólny kierunek zmian na świecie są alarmujące jednocześnie dla naukowców i praktyków: dyplomatów i innych twórców polityki, jej analityków i planistów, oraz międzynarodowej opinii publicznej. Wstępny rezultat badawczy projektu – pierwszy wniosek z analizy dwudziestu dziewięciu konfliktów i grup konfliktów międzynarodowych współczesnego świata – brzmi, że nacjonalizm jest zawsze przyczyną główną lub, w mniejszości przypadków, jedną z dwóch przyczyn o równym znaczeniu, razem z ideologią, a najczęściej ideologią dżihadyzmu. Nacjonalizm wysoko wyprzedza wszystkie inne zidentyfikowane przyczyny: dążenie do hegemonii globalnej lub regionalnej, interesy gospodarcze, oraz fanatyczną postać religii i skrajną ideologię. Zaczął się nowy cykl wzbierania nacjonalizmu i wszystkich nieodłącznych od niego ryzyk – w tym ryzyka wielkich wojen – znanych z historii i teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Pozostałe przyczyny konfliktów i grup konfliktów są jednak także istotne w ogólnym obrazie, który łączy obecny ład światowy – albo nieład światowy – z sytuacją niestabilnych lat przed I wojną światowa i II wojną światową.

20

Wzajemne relacje dziennikarstwa wojennego i stosunków międzynarodowych – przyczyny, mechanizmy, konsekwencje

38%

Bednarek Z.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

|

2018

|

vol. 51

|

issue 5

31-41

EN

The aim of this article is to try to identify the bilateral relations between war journalism and international relations – it is an attempt to answer the questions of why and how they affect one another. Also, what are the consequences for both the international environment and the media? The research explores media and political phenomena that have taken place in history and in recent times.

PL

Celem artykułu jest próba uchwycenia obustronnych relacji między dziennikarstwem wojennym a stosunkami międzynarodowymi – próba odpowiedzi na pytania, dlaczego i w jaki sposób wpływają wzajemnie na siebie? Ponadto, jakie są tego konsekwencje zarówno dla środowiska międzynarodowego, jak i dla mediów? Analizą badawczą objęte są zjawiska medialne i polityczne, mające miejsce w historii i w czasach najnowszych.

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An Increasingly Unstable World: International Conflicts since 2010. The Beginning of a Comprehensive Research Project

Wzajemne relacje dziennikarstwa wojennego i stosunków międzynarodowych – przyczyny, mechanizmy, konsekwencje