Search results

1

Żydowski obraz Żyda. W poszukiwaniu własnej tożsamości

100%

Szczerbiński W.

Teologia Praktyczna

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2009

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issue 10

171-190

PL

.

2

Myśl polityczna i prawna obozu rządzącego w Polsce w latach 1935 –1939. Zarys problematyki

75%

Chłopecki T.

Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy

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2017

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issue 2(23)

PL

Tematem jest myśl polityczna i prawna obozu rządzącego w Polsce w latach 1935 –1939. Okres po śmierci Józefa Piłsudskiego i uchwaleniu Konstytucji kwietniowej charakteryzuje się rozbiciem jednolitego do tej pory obozu rządzącego. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań w pracy została postawiona teza, że rozbity po śmierci Piłsudskiego obóz rządzący nie posiadał do momentu wybuchu II wojny światowej jednolitej i spójnej koncepcji państwa i prawa, co z pewnością wywarło wpływ na przygotowanie państwa polskiego do II wojny światowej. Kolejnym wnioskiem wynikającym z pracy jest teza, że państwo polskie po 1935 nie posiadało wszystkich cech ustroju państw autorytarnych, lecz tylko pewne ich cechy, np. silna władza wykonawcza, ograniczenie władzy ustawodawczej, liczne cenzusy w ordynacji wyborczej. Ostatnim wnioskiem jest uwaga, że „testament” pozostawiony przez marszałka Piłsudskiego nie został w pełni wykonany przez jego następców, gdyż obóz rządzący nie był jeszcze gotowy na spełnienie jego ostatniej woli, a wszystkie działania zostały brutalnie zatrzymane przez wybuch II wojny świtowej. Temat ten zasługuje również na szczególną uwagę, gdyż wiele rozwiązań prawnych uchwalonych w tym okresie obowiązywało po II wojnie światowej, np. prawo cywilne, kodeks karny, rozwiązania administracyjne

EN

The subject of this paper is the political and legal thought of the ruling camp in Poland between 1935 and 1939. The period after Józef Pilsudski’s death and the adoption of the April Constitution was characterized by the break-up of the uniform so far ruling camp. Based on the relevant research, it was postulated that the ruling camp, which fell apart after Pilsudski’s death, did not have a uniform and coherent vision of the state and law until the outbreak of World War II, a fact which beyond doubt influenced preparations of Poland for World War II. Another postulate of this paper is that the Polish state after 1935 did not have all the features of the systems implemented in authoritarian countries, but just some of them, which included strong executive power, limitation of legislative power or numerous censuses in the electoral law. The final conclusion is a remark that the ‘will’ left behind by Marshal Pilsudski was not fully executed by his successors, as the ruling camp was not yet ready to fulfill his last will and all their actions were brutally interrupted by the outbreak of World War II. This subject also deserves special attention because many legal solutions adopted in this period were still in force after World War II, for example civil law, the criminal code and administrative solutions

3

Idee antropogeograficzne w pracach Marii Dobrowolskiej (1895–1984)

71%

Wójcik M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica

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2016

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issue 26

5-19

EN

Polish anthropogeography, especially of the interwar period, still remains one of the key periods of reference in studies of geographical variation in research patterns and approaches. These issues are especially interesting in the case of geographers, whose scientific careers were shaped by various events that changed the history of the country and the nation. The main objective of this paper is to identify the guiding concepts of the author, that on one hand formed certain unchanging theoretical and methodological stances in the Second Republic, while on the other served as a modernisation of such assumptions based on political and ideological conditions. Many works referring to the idea of social evolution (e.g. the evolution of the agricultural landscape) had not been completed or published before 1939, while post-war assumptions and conclusions were heavily influenced by the interpretations of variable social and economic structures based on Marxist ideology. This created a methodologically eclectic interpretation of transformations. The work of Maria Dobrowolska discussing the transformation of cultural landscape and the variability in settlement over the ages also adhered to this. Anthropogeography, whose ambitious goal was to strive for a holistic explanation, corresponded well with the concepts of social evolution that used the analogies of organic wholes. Geography’s emphasis on the relationship between the humans and the natural environment reinforced in geographers formed in the inter-war period the feeling that organicism was an adequate method of inquiry into social development in the context of environmental variability and spatial mobility, which was definitely visible in M. Dobrowolska’s works on the evolution of cultural landscape and settlement network, especially following World War II.

PL

Antropogeografia polska, zwłaszcza okresu międzywojennego, pozostaje jednym z kluczowych okresów do odniesień w badaniach nad zmiennością geograficznych wzorców i podejść badawczych. Szczególnie interesująco wyglądają te kwestie w przypadku geografów, których droga naukowa warunkowana była przez różne wydarzenia zmieniające bieg historii państwa i narodu. Zasadniczym celem opracowania jest próba identyfikacji przewodnich myśli autorki o charakterze koncepcyjnym, które z jednej strony decydowały o pewnych niezmiennych postawach teoretyczno-metodologicznych ukształtowanych w okresie II Rzeczpospolitej, z drugiej zaś stanowiły modernizację tych założeń pod wpływem uwarunkowań o charakterze polityczno-ideologicznym. Wiele prac odwołujących się do idei ewolucjonizmu społecznego (np. ewolucja krajobrazu rolniczego) nie zostało zakończonych lub uwieńczonych publikacją do 1939 roku, a po wojnie na założenia oraz wnioski wpływały interpretacje zmienności struktur społeczno-gospodarczych w duchu ideologii marksistowskiej. Tworzyło to eklektyczną metodologicznie interpretację przemian. Prace Marii Dobrowolskiej w zakresie przemian krajobrazu kulturowego oraz zmienności osadnictwa w ciągu wieków miały również taki charakter. Antropogeografia, której ambitnym celem było dążenie do wyjaśniania całościowego, dobrze korespondowała z koncepcjami ewolucji społecznej operującymi analogiami organicznych całości. Podkreślanie przez geografię związku człowieka ze środowiskiem przyrodniczym wzmacniało w geografach ukształtowanych w okresie międzywojennym adekwatność organicyzmu do badań rozwoju społecznego w kontekście zróżnicowań środowiska naturalnego oraz ruchliwości przestrzennej, co niewątpliwie było cechą badań M. Dobrowolskiej nad ewolucją krajobrazu kulturowego i sieci osadniczej, zwłaszcza w okresie po II wojnie światowej.

4

Rozwój jako przedmiot działań polityki regionalnej

63%

Makulska D.

Prace i Materiały Instytutu Rozwoju Gospodarczego SGH

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2010

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vol. 83: Polityka gospodarcza: wyzwania, dylematy, priorytety

237-271

PL

Tradycyjne ujęcie rozwoju łączyło się z gospodarką wolnokonkurencyjną, mobilnością czynników produkcji, maksymalizacją zysku oraz racjonalnością podmiotów gospodarczych. W wyniku krytyki tego podejścia sformułowano nowoczesne koncepcje rozwoju związane z produkcją zindywidualizowaną, konkurencją kosztową oraz wiedzą jako jednym z głównych zasobów przedsiębiorstwa. Podkreślono m.in. znaczenie przestrzeni jako źródła przewag lokalizacyjnych, specyficznych cech stanowiących o możliwościach rozwoju endogenicznego. Powstały koncepcje opisujące korzyści wynikające z funkcjonowania firm wewnątrz gron. Określono warunki jakie powinna spełniać dana lokalizacja aby można mówić o możliwościach pojawienia się zależności sprzyjających wzajemnemu powiązaniu firm i powstaniu grona. Rozwój regionu może wynikać w znacznej części z czynników egzogenicznych, takie rozwiązanie przyjęto w Irlandii lub z czynników endogenicznych i ten model możemy prześledzić obserwując poczynania władz w Finlandii. Inne ujęcie rozwoju może wynikać z analizy czynników rozwoju. Do czynników tradycyjnych takich jak kapitał, praca i ziemia dołącza się obecnie kapitał przedsiębiorczości. Łączy się on z aktywnością, innowacyjnością, uwarunkowaniami przestrzennymi i instytucjami sprzyjającymi lokalnemu rozwojowi. Istotną rolę przypisuje się również kapitałowi ludzkiemu, czy szerzej kapitałowi społecznemu łączącemu się z sieciami związków społecznych, wartościami kulturowymi czy normami społecznymi. W odniesieniu do obecnego rozwoju regionalnego używa się określenia polityka trzeciej generacji podkreślając znaczenie czynników miękkich w rozwoju.

EN

Traditional concept of development was connected with free-competition economy, factors of production mobility and rationality of economic entities. The criticism of such a way of thinking has resulted in formulating modern development concepts linked to production customisation, cost competition and knowledge, being one of major corporate resources. Much importance has been attached to, among others, significance of space a source of location advantage and specific features determining possibilities of endogenous growth. There have emerged concepts describing benefits of operations of companies within clusters. Requirements to be met by a set location have been determined so as to enable interdependence between mutual link of companies and the creation of their cluster. The regional development might be mostly caused by egzogenous factors – the idea approve by Ireland or by endogenous ones – the model followed by Finnish authorities. However, a different approach to development might result from the analysis of development factors – traditional ones like capital, labour and land are now accompanied by entrepreneurship capital. It is combined with activity, innovation, spatial conditions and organizations supporting local development. Human resources capital is also of significance, wider understood as social capital connected with networks of social relations, cultural values or social standards. Referring to the current regional development, the wording of third generation policy is used thus underlining the significance of soft factors in development.

5

Egzemplifikacje wybranych teorii zachowań agresywnych człowieka – perspektywa trójwymiarowa

63%

Przybysz-Zaremba M.

Studia nad Rodziną

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2015

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vol. 37

311-332

EN

The paper presents three-dimensional prospect of human’s aggressive behaviours. The author referred to chosen exemplifications of theories explaining human’s aggressive behaviours, the analysis of which was conducted in accordance with widely used in literature division to: biological, psychological and social theories/conceptions.

PL

W tekście zaprezentowano trójwymiarową perspektywę zachowań agresywnych człowieka. Autorka odniosła się do wybranych egzemplifikacji teorii wyjaśniających zachowania agresywne człowieka, których analizy dokonała zgodnie z powszechnie występującym w literaturze podziałem na: teorie/koncepcje biologiczne, psychologiczne oraz społeczne.

6

Teoretyczne podstawy przedsiębiorczości

63%

Gąsiorowska-Mącznik E.

Nierówności społeczne a wzrost gospodarczy

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2017

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vol. 52

392-403

PL

Wielowątkowość i złożoność zagadnień poruszanych w problematyce przedsiębiorczości spowodowała, że nie wykształciła się jednolita teoria przedsiębiorczości. Literatura przedmiotu nie dostarcza także precyzyjnego zdefiniowania „przedsiębiorczości”. Rozważania na temat przedsiębiorczości konkretnej osoby, grupy osób lub instytucji wymagają zatem ujęcia interdyscyplinarnego, co z jednej strony znacznie utrudnia rozwój teorii przedsiębiorczości, a z drugiej strony stanowi niezbędną w nauce różnorodność koncepcji. Bogactwo definicji przedsiębiorczości oraz nieustanny ich rozwój, warunkuje potrzebę stałego klasyfikowania i systematyzowania. Bez tego trudno zinterpretować i wy-eksponować złożoność i wielowątkowość problemu. Dla usystematyzowania można przyjąć, że współczesne badania naukowe w ekonomii i zarządzaniu dotyczące przedsiębiorczości, nawiązują do trzech głównych nurtów związanych z poglądami: F. Knighta, J. Schumpetera i I.M. Kirznera.

EN

Multithreading and complexity of the issues raised in the issues of entrepreneurship meant that it developed a unified theory of entrepreneurship. Literature does not provide the precise definition of „entrepreneurship”. Considerations on enterprise specific person, group of persons or institutions therefore require an interdisciplinary approach, which on the one hand, significantly hinders the development of the theory of entrepreneurship, on the other hand provides the necessary academic diversity of approaches. Lots of definition of entrepreneurship and their constant development, determines the need for a permanent classification and systematization. Without this it is difficult to interpret the complexity and multi-threading problems. For the systematization can be assumed that modern-examining of research in economics and management for the enterprise, refer to the three main trends associated with the views of F. Knight, J. Schumpeter and I.M. Kirzner.

7

Rozumienie kompetencji przez edukatorów osób dorosłych w świetle badań fenomenograficznych

51%

Dobrzyniak M.

Edukacja Ustawiczna Dorosłych

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2019

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issue 1

29-38

EN

The researcher presents the findings of the phenomenographical research carried out in 2017 and 2018 with respect to various ways of understanding of the phenomenon of competencies. Individual reconstructions of experiences of adult educators led to the conclusion that is outlined in the paper. The categories of understanding reflect the meaning of the phenomenon “competences” as understood by 20 adult educators representing a wide spectrum of ages, branches and experience. The paper is partly based on a doctoral dissertation of the author

8

Principles and approaches in career research

51%

Łozowiecka W.

Społeczeństwo. Edukacja. Język

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2021

|

vol. 14

61-77

EN

Concepts of personality development emphasize the fact that a subject can act as both the author of his career and its object. Given that there are different criteria for classifying careers, there are also different strategies for building them. At the same time, the criteria for the success of a career model can be viewed both from the perspective of a person’s subjectivity and from the perspective of his/her professional environment. In this regard, the evaluation criterion includes the perception and self-evaluation of achievements and recognition in the professional environment through promotion, salary increase, etc. A person, acquiring new knowledge, skills, and abilities, may feel welcomed by the professional environment only after obtaining a higher skill category or a raise. Objective criteria are related to promotion, obtaining a certain social status, number of job changes and types of jobs. Subjective criteria are related to the subject’s (actor’s) ideas about the values regarding their career and desires for how it should be developed in the future. Career strategy is a specific system of activities aimed at the adaptation or development of the career and the person in it and the transformation of the person and others; these activities change the conditions and content of professional activity in order to achieve career goals. Analyzing the presented principles of career development, the following approaches were identified: systemic, personality, project, competence, the principle of interaction between individual, personality and career development, and the principles of socioeconomic adaptation and career mobility. Taking into account the basic principles of career psychology in the conditions of current socio-economic transformations, career development should provide for motivation and success in action and the formation of a stable competitive position, have an appropriate level of professional competence, in particular personal responsibility for the choice of their own career paths.

PL

Koncepcje rozwoju osobowości podkreślają fakt, że podmiot może występować zarówno jako autor swojej kariery, jak i jej przedmiot. Biorąc pod uwagę, że istnieją różne kryteria klasyfikacji karier, istnieją również różne strategie ich budowania. Jednocześnie na kryteria sukcesu modelu kariery można patrzeć zarówno przez pryzmat podmiotowości człowieka, jak i przez pryzmat jego środowiska zawodowego. W tym zakresie kryterium oceny obejmuje percepcję i samoocenę dokonań oraz uznanie w środowisku zawodowym poprzez awans, wzrost wynagrodzeń itp. Osoba, nabywając nową wiedzę, umiejętności i zdolności, może czuć się mile widziana przez środowisko zawodowe dopiero po uzyskaniu wyższej kategorii umiejętności lub podwyżki. Kryteria obiektywne dotyczą awansu, uzyskania określonego statusu społecznego, liczby zmian miejsc pracy i rodzajów pracy. Kryteria subiektywne są związane z wyobrażeniami podmiotu (aktora) o wartościach dotyczących jego kariery i pragnieniach, jak powinna być rozwijana w przyszłości. Strategia kariery to specyficzny system działań mających na celu przystosowanie lub rozwój kariery i osoby w niej oraz przemianę osoby i innych; działania te zmieniają warunki i treść aktywności zawodowej w celu osiągnięcia celów zawodowych. Analizując przedstawione zasady rozwoju kariery zawodowej, zidentyfikowano następujące podejścia: systemowe, osobowościowe, projektowe, kompetencyjne, zasadę interakcji między rozwojem indywidualnym, osobowościowym i zawodowym oraz zasady adaptacji społeczno- ekonomicznej i mobilności zawodowej. Biorąc pod uwagę podstawowe zasady psychologii kariery w warunkach obecnych przemian społeczno-ekonomicznych, rozwój kariery powinien przewidywać motywację i sukces w działaniu oraz kształtowanie stabilnej pozycji konkurencyjnej, posiadać odpowiedni poziom kompetencji zawodowych, w szczególności osobistą odpowiedzialność za wybór własnych ścieżek rozwoju kariery.

9

Polscy liberałowie gospodarczy wobec polityki ekonomicznej rządu w latach 1935–1939. Wybór problematyki

51%

Chłopecki T.

Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne

|

2013

|

vol. 14

55 - 71

EN

It is worth emphasizing that neither Adam Krzyżanowski nor Ferdynand Zweig or Edward Taylor belonged to the ruling camp, nor did they identify with it politically. Their ideas and proposals, however, did not go “unnoticed” by Minister Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski who was at that time responsible for the Polish economy. Economic policy after Józef Piłsudski’s death was not conducted in a uniform manner, which largely resulted in inability to make changes, including those requested by the liberals. On the one hand Polish economy sought to balance its expenditure and revenue and strengthen its position after a period of great crisis — a policy led by Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski, on the other — the the opinion of the military circles was that the Polish economy should be more focused on military and heavy industry. In this issue, however, there was also a lack of common solutions and a number of disputes occured between the castle group, whose representative was Kwiatkowski, and military circles.

10

Niektóre koncepcje kryminologiczne a problem przestępczości kobiet

36%

Błachut J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1989

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issue XVI

211-244

EN

In 1975, two books dealing with female crime appeared. They aroused many controversies and polemics and inspired many empirical studies. They were Freda Adler's Sisters in Crime and Rita James Simon's Women and Crime. Both works attempted to explain the changes their authoresses believed were taking place in female crime with the influence of the women's lib movements. The two approaches, though similar in many points, show different patterns of connections between women's lib and female crime from which the latter's extent and direction of changes result. F. Adler assumes that the women's lib movements of the 1960's and 1970's decidedly influenced changes in women's behaviour - the criminal behavior included. These changes resulted in an increase in the number and weight of offences committed by women. If such social movements continue –according to F. Adler - female crime will keep increasing and becoming similar to its male counterpart. Women will commit a greater number of the traditionally ,,masculine’’offences, i.e.offences against person, the more aggressive among offences against property, and the so-called ,,white-collar crimes’’ Contrary to F. Adler, R. J. Simon focuses not on the ideology of women's lib but mainly on the increasing professional activity of women which no doubt results largely from that movement. According to R. J. Simon, the women's increased professional activity will have twofold consequences: on the one hand women will get better opportunities to commit offences against property, and on the other hand, their greater material independence will lessen their frustration thus limiting the number of violent offences committed by women. Empirical research aimed at explaining the trend and structure of female crime basing on F. Adler’s and R. J. Simon's conceptions tended in-two separate directions. In the first group of studies, the trend and structure of female crime were estimated. The other group included studies in which the interdependences were analysed between the changes that took place in the women's social status as a result of the women’s lib movement on the one hand, and the changes in female crime on the other han. Generally speaking, none of those studies aspired at verifying the whole of either F. Adler’s or R. J. Simon’s conception being limited to verification of some theses only. The present paper includes a discusson of studies carried out by D. J. Steffensmeier, M J. Hindenlang, V. D. Young, P. C. Giordano, S. Kerbel and S. Dudley, N. K. Wilson, J. G. Gory, and M. D .Lynes. Their findings were as follows. No major changes could be observed in female crime after 1970. Instead, such changes had taken place in earlier years. What did change slightly after 1970 was the number of offences against property, and not all of them at that; namely an increase took place. The number of offences against the person was stable or showed a slight upward tendency which was, however, also found in the case of men. The grounds of liking women’s lib with female crime are questioned, as the latter changed prior to the rise of women’s movements. The notion of ,,women’s liberation’’ is not operational; moreover, professional activity is considered insufficient as the index basing on which to estimate the social changes which many have resulted from women’s lib. Female crime should be analysed in the context of the social changes that concerned women-to do it, however, appropriate indices of those changes ought to be chosen. F. Adler’s and R.J. Simon’s conceptions still arouse many controversies today. The following objections can be raised to them: both authoresses estimated female crime basing on statistics of detentions by the police. As is well know, official statistics are the reflection not only crime itself but also of the functioning of administration of justice. Thus a single source is insufficient if the causes of changes in female crime are to be explained. Two of F. Adler’s assumptions arouse certain doubts. The first of them is that women's lib included ail women and had a large effect on all of them: actually the movement only concerned the middle classes. Moreover, there is no evidence of the existence in American society of an actual social equality of men and women resulting from the equality of legally recognized chances. The other disputable assumption is that ,,masculinity" increases the likelihood of delinquency: it is uncertain whether and to what extent the social changes actually influenced women's different behaviour, and if they did, whether women really adopted masculine patterns of behaviour. The conception of R. J. Simon, although more complete and better verified, includes a disputable contention that the increased professional activity of women lessens their frustration thus reducing the resulting violent offences. Admittedly, the new professional roles the women assume may improve their self-image and thus level stress; but on the other hand, the fact that they have to perform several social roles at the same time may give rise to frustration resulting from inability to perform all of those roles equally well. Therefore, if we follow this path of reasoning, the number of violent offences committed by women should remain stable as professional activity may influence the women's minds differently not only lessening but also deepening their frustration. The discussion of female crime, taking place in literature, gave rise to the question whether and to what extent that phenomenon changed in Poland. Basing on court statistics, an analysis was carried out of the extent of female crime in the years 1946-1986 and of its structure in the years 1977-1986. The number of convictions of women and their proportion in the total number of convictions underwent significant changes over the forty years from 1946 till 1986. In the forties and the early fifties, the number of convictions of women went up rapidly at a rate greater than that of convictions of men. In the late fifties, that upwards tendency still persisted but was less marked than was the case with men. In the sixties, the number of convictions of women went down markedly, to remain stable with a slight upward tendency in the seventies. The legislative changes in penal law and the several amnesty acts in the eighties make an appraisal of the extent of crime in that period rather difficult. In the years l980-1983, there was a drop in the number of convictions of women, followed by an increase in the years 1984-1986 which no doubt resulted from the introduction of two acts: on education in sobriety and the fighting of alcoholism, and on the fighting of profiteering. If we consider the above-mentioned conceptions, that of R. J. Simon in particular, in relation to female crime in Poland, the years, 1946-1955 seem especially to confirm the hypothesis as to the connections between professional activity of women and female crime. In those years, a rapid increase of women's employment took place, and their social status changed greatly. Female offences are mainly those against property. Convictions of women for such offences constitute over 70 per cent on the average of all convictions of women the respective percentage being over 50 in the case of men, while the average 11 pet cent of women are convicted for offences against the person (as compared to over 30 per cent of men). The changes in female crime in Poland in the years 1977-1986 differ greatly from what F. Adler and R. J. Simon anticipated. There was a drop in the number of convictions for offences against property in the years l977-1984,while as regards offences against the persons, the number of convictions was stable or showed a slight upward tendency; there was an increase in the respective numbers in that same period as regards convictions of men. A rise in the number of convictions of women in the years 1984-1986 issued mainly from changes in penal legislation and from the resulting practice of prosecution. As shown by the analysis of female crime in Poland based on court statistics, the available data were greatly insufficient to interpret the changes observed. Several different sources of information about crime ale necessary, as well as several standards or estimation (numbers of detected offences, of persons found guilty, of convictions). Professional activity of women, the impact it has on their social situation, and its possible connections with the change in female crime, indicated by R. J. Simon, may also help explain that phenomenon in the Polish conditions but only together with many other factors which may influence the extent and structure of female crime.

PL

In 1975, two books dealing with female crime appeared. They aroused many controversies and polemics and inspired many empirical studies. They were Freda Adler's Sisters in Crime and Rita James Simon's Women and Crime. Both works attempted to explain the changes their authoresses believed were taking place in female crime with the influence of the women's lib movements. The two approaches, though similar in many points, show different patterns of connections between women's lib and female crime from which the latter's extent and direction of changes result. F. Adler assumes that the women's lib movements of the 1960's and 1970's decidedly influenced changes in women's behaviour - the criminal behavior included. These changes resulted in an increase in the number and weight of offences committed by women. If such social movements continue –according to F. Adler - female crime will keep increasing and becoming similar to its male counterpart. Women will commit a greater number of the traditionally ,,masculine’’offences, i.e.offences against person, the more aggressive among offences against property, and the so-called ,,white-collar crimes’’ Contrary to F. Adler, R. J. Simon focuses not on the ideology of women's lib but mainly on the increasing professional activity of women which no doubt results largely from that movement. According to R. J. Simon, the women's increased professional activity will have twofold consequences: on the one hand women will get better opportunities to commit offences against property, and on the other hand, their greater material independence will lessen their frustration thus limiting the number of violent offences committed by women. Empirical research aimed at explaining the trend and structure of female crime basing on F. Adler’s and R. J. Simon's conceptions tended in-two separate directions. In the first group of studies, the trend and structure of female crime were estimated. The other group included studies in which the interdependences were analysed between the changes that took place in the women's social status as a result of the women’s lib movement on the one hand, and the changes in female crime on the other han. Generally speaking, none of those studies aspired at verifying the whole of either F. Adler’s or R. J. Simon’s conception being limited to verification of some theses only. The present paper includes a discusson of studies carried out by D. J. Steffensmeier, M J. Hindenlang, V. D. Young, P. C. Giordano, S. Kerbel and S. Dudley, N. K. Wilson, J. G. Gory, and M. D .Lynes. Their findings were as follows. No major changes could be observed in female crime after 1970. Instead, such changes had taken place in earlier years. What did change slightly after 1970 was the number of offences against property, and not all of them at that; namely an increase took place. The number of offences against the person was stable or showed a slight upward tendency which was, however, also found in the case of men. The grounds of liking women’s lib with female crime are questioned, as the latter changed prior to the rise of women’s movements. The notion of ,,women’s liberation’’ is not operational; moreover, professional activity is considered insufficient as the index basing on which to estimate the social changes which many have resulted from women’s lib. Female crime should be analysed in the context of the social changes that concerned women-to do it, however, appropriate indices of those changes ought to be chosen. F. Adler’s and R.J. Simon’s conceptions still arouse many controversies today. The following objections can be raised to them: both authoresses estimated female crime basing on statistics of detentions by the police. As is well know, official statistics are the reflection not only crime itself but also of the functioning of administration of justice. Thus a single source is insufficient if the causes of changes in female crime are to be explained. Two of F. Adler’s assumptions arouse certain doubts. The first of them is that women's lib included ail women and had a large effect on all of them: actually the movement only concerned the middle classes. Moreover, there is no evidence of the existence in American society of an actual social equality of men and women resulting from the equality of legally recognized chances. The other disputable assumption is that ,,masculinity" increases the likelihood of delinquency: it is uncertain whether and to what extent the social changes actually influenced women's different behaviour, and if they did, whether women really adopted masculine patterns of behaviour. The conception of R. J. Simon, although more complete and better verified, includes a disputable contention that the increased professional activity of women lessens their frustration thus reducing the resulting violent offences. Admittedly, the new professional roles the women assume may improve their self-image and thus level stress; but on the other hand, the fact that they have to perform several social roles at the same time may give rise to frustration resulting from inability to perform all of those roles equally well. Therefore, if we follow this path of reasoning, the number of violent offences committed by women should remain stable as professional activity may influence the women's minds differently not only lessening but also deepening their frustration. The discussion of female crime, taking place in literature, gave rise to the question whether and to what extent that phenomenon changed in Poland. Basing on court statistics, an analysis was carried out of the extent of female crime in the years 1946-1986 and of its structure in the years 1977-1986. The number of convictions of women and their proportion in the total number of convictions underwent significant changes over the forty years from 1946 till 1986. In the forties and the early fifties, the number of convictions of women went up rapidly at a rate greater than that of convictions of men. In the late fifties, that upwards tendency still persisted but was less marked than was the case with men. In the sixties, the number of convictions of women went down markedly, to remain stable with a slight upward tendency in the seventies. The legislative changes in penal law and the several amnesty acts in the eighties make an appraisal of the extent of crime in that period rather difficult. In the years l980-1983, there was a drop in the number of convictions of women, followed by an increase in the years 1984-1986 which no doubt resulted from the introduction of two acts: on education in sobriety and the fighting of alcoholism, and on the fighting of profiteering. If we consider the above-mentioned conceptions, that of R. J. Simon in particular, in relation to female crime in Poland, the years, 1946-1955 seem especially to confirm the hypothesis as to the connections between professional activity of women and female crime. In those years, a rapid increase of women's employment took place, and their social status changed greatly. Female offences are mainly those against property. Convictions of women for such offences constitute over 70 per cent on the average of all convictions of women the respective percentage being over 50 in the case of men, while the average 11 pet cent of women are convicted for offences against the person (as compared to over 30 per cent of men). The changes in female crime in Poland in the years 1977-1986 differ greatly from what F. Adler and R. J. Simon anticipated. There was a drop in the number of convictions for offences against property in the years l977-1984,while as regards offences against the persons, the number of convictions was stable or showed a slight upward tendency; there was an increase in the respective numbers in that same period as regards convictions of men. A rise in the number of convictions of women in the years 1984-1986 issued mainly from changes in penal legislation and from the resulting practice of prosecution. As shown by the analysis of female crime in Poland based on court statistics, the available data were greatly insufficient to interpret the changes observed. Several different sources of information about crime ale necessary, as well as several standards or estimation (numbers of detected offences, of persons found guilty, of convictions). Professional activity of women, the impact it has on their social situation, and its possible connections with the change in female crime, indicated by R. J. Simon, may also help explain that phenomenon in the Polish conditions but only together with many other factors which may influence the extent and structure of female crime.

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