Search results - CEJSH

1

Review: "Konstytucja wolności," by Friedrich August von Hayek

100%

Urgacz P.

Forum Philosophicum

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2008

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vol. 13

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issue 1

149-154

EN

The article reviews the book Konstytucja wolności [The Constitution of Liberty], by Friedrich August von Hayek.

2

Wolność w liberalizmie a prawda o wolności

63%

Ślipko T.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

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2008

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vol. 11

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issue 1

EN

The freedom, in Latin libertas, is the object of philosophical reflection since Plato. Yet as the determined philosophical direction it took the form of the „liberalism” on the turning point of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, represented by two philosophers: Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778). Among contemporary scholars Isaiah Berlin is standing out. From his point of view the philosophical problem of the freedom should be examined in two aspects: the negative freedom i.e. the attribute of not hindered freedom in making choices and the positive freedom as opportunity of being the master of one’s own fate. The author of the article, after critical demonstrating the conception of liberalism, sketches the theory of freedom from the position of Christian ethics. As a starting point he takes the conception of man as a person whose rational activities take on the form of twofold freedom of choice. In the psychological aspect, this freedom assumes the ambivalent form of doing good or evil, however in the moral aspect it turns out to be freedom put in order by the hierarchy of objective moral values. In this meaning the freedom also organizes the whole free man's activity and becomes creative strength of his moral personal perfection. It also defines the crucial sense of Christian philosophical science of truth about freedom.

3

The Myth of Autonomy: Subjectivity, Heteronomy and the Violence of Liberalism Individualism

63%

Stevenson Murer J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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vol. 39

126-148

EN

Self-actualization is often touted but rarely achieved. The Liberal frame that champions autonomy requires strict conformity: conformity to laws assured by state force, conformity to market transaction assured by privileging private property, conformity to limited collective action assured by the social atomization which comes from the construction of negative rights. This paper explores the many impediments to autonomous self-actualization within the rubric of liberalism, including the superegoistic internalizations of mores and taboos elucidated by Western-oriented psychoanalysis. It further explores the possibility that self-actualization may be more readily achieved through what Gramsci referred to as “heteronomy:” selfconsciously engaged collective social action. By examining the mechanisms of self-limitation through the dynamics of superego development, the paper posits that self-actualization may best be realized through collective articulation of ethics and morality which are constantly situational. In this, the paper takes up the Deleuzian and Guattarian propositions of simultaneous, multiplicitious identities, deterritorialized and evaluated only within the multitude of a given moment in time and space. The dynamic and contextual quality of this discursive engagement is not one of relativity, but characterized by the intersubjectivity of the participants. ! is specificity – specificity of interlocutors, specificity of locality, and specificity of time – provides for unique self-actualization, which neither reifies nor objectifies selves, but suggests that individuals are not essences, but subjective beings which are as dynamic as the social situations they create. Thus self-actualization cannot be achieved alone, but only within a collective discursive context. This context must be characterized as a social forum of praxis, for instrumentality or technical motivations disrupt the contributions not only of the actor guided by techne, but the contributions of the whole for disingenuousness makes intersubjectivity impossible. Collectively articulated ethics and morals cannot be adjudicated by a discursive forum which is tainted by motives of self-gain. Instrumentality of one impedes the ability of all others to self-actualize. Thus, self-actualization only comes within the context of heteronymous action. ! is paper will thus interrogate the consequences of inverting the age-old problem of public action – autonomous self-actualization is threatened by free-loading – and suggests that collective self-actualization is impeded by self-oriented, atomistic, instrumentality.

4

Ocena demokratycznego ładu w myśli liberalizmu

51%

Beniuszys P.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

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2012

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vol. 9

201-215

EN

In the contemporary outlook the convergence between liberal values and democratic order of state power election appears widely acknowledged. Democratic liberalism is the dominating tendency in the reflection about political systems of countries today. This is the result of a long debate among liberals, during which this standpoint was not unanimously accepted. The tension between individual liberty and the power of government is not invalidated simply by means of introduction of democratic procedure. The „people” can also be the tyrant. While some great liberals (Bentham, Guizot) believed that democracy leads to violation of individual liberties and chaos, others (Tocqueville, Mill) pointed out a possible „liberal democracy” if constitutional guarantees of a liberal rule of law are in place and government remains limited. This debate re-emerges in times of political and economic crisis.

5

Liberalizm – między ideologią a metapolityką

51%

Turowski M.

Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia

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2007

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vol. 2

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issue 1

77-86

EN

The paper seeks to detect the most recent trends in identifying of social, political and cultural dimensions of liberal thought. Two such ways of theorizing are discussed. On one hand, the conventional conception of liberalism as a language of individuals' entitlement is presented. Liberal theory is associated here with general socio-cultural discourses of pluralism, individual rights, rule of law, constitutionalism, liberty, free market and human rights. On the other hand, a critical stance by I. Wallerstein is analysed. Wallerstein conceives the liberal proposal as a sophisticated project directed towards a development of modern geoculture, an ideological basis for the unequal, worldwide distribution of wealth and power, and baptises it as The Modern (Capitalist) World-System. According to Wallerstein – and the author of this paper shares this view – evolution of structures of the World-System is far from completion, and the recent ,,triumph'' of capitalism and liberalism must be seen as one of the many stages of the evolution, and not as its peak and/or the ,,end of history''.

6

KATOLICYZM A LIBERALIZM. RECEPCJA LIBERALIZMU NA ŁAMACH WSPÓŁCZESNEJ, POLSKIEJ PRASY KATOLICKIEJ (WYBRANE ZAGADNIENIA)

51%

Tasak A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2014

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issue 4(12)

70-85 (16)

EN

The subject of the analysis was the reception of liberalism in selected Polish Catho-lic newspapers – chosen in the context of frequently discussed differences between Polish Catholic communities. After 1989, liberalism was treated as a threat in certain Catholic communities. However, it may be assumed that the criticism concerned the liberalism understood in its stereotypical form. Liberalism was frequently and deeply criticised in “Niedziela” and “Gość Niedzielny.” It was associated with all the imperfec-tion and evil of the contemporary world. The Catholic community related to, among others, “Tygodnik Powszechny” attempted to conduct a dialogue with representative liberal thinkers, frequently emphasising the positive aspects of the most significant liber-al principles. The analysis of contemporary Polish Catholic press confirms the fact that the disputes depicted in the previous decade are still valid. Moreover, it might even be concluded that the rhetoric has sharpened and the boundaries demarcating the Catholic communities in their attitudes to liberalism have become more pronounced.

7

The Value-Pluralism and Liberalism Problem Revisited

51%

Polanowska-Sygulska B.

Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia

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2019

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vol. 14

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issue 1

99-108

EN

This article tackles one of the most burning issues discussed by adherents of the dynamically developing movement in ethics which bears on political and legal philosophy, that is value-pluralism. In particular, the article is devoted to an investigation into the highly controversial issue of the relationship between pluralism and liberalism, based upon the three crucial, divergent approaches represented by Isaiah Berlin and his two main opponents, John Gray and George Crowder. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the two concepts in question are neither mutually exclusive nor logically connected, but actually overlapping, which signifies the existence of a loose, de facto connection between them. Such a final thesis proves to be consistent with the position of Isaiah Berlin, and contrary to the final statements endorsed by his critics, John Gray and George Crowder.

8

The gender of cyborgs: Discussion on the margin of changes in genetics

51%

Klichowski M.

Journal of Gender and Power

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2014

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vol. 1

147-155

EN

The aim of this paper is to show that gender, both as a biological and social category, ceases to exist in the vision of man constructed by contemporary genetics. In the paper, I present the elementary concepts of genetic engineering and liberal genetics, and show how these two currents in genetics change gender into a feature deprived of any designata. I advance a thesis that the man of the future, a cyborg, is a man without gender.

9

Axiological fundaments of relations between ethics and politics

51%

Podrez E.

Studia Philosophiae Christianae

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2020

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vol. 56

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issue S2

215-235

EN

The subject of this article is the axiological basis of relations between morality and politics. The author shows anthropological and metaphysical origins of the idea of common good in social life. What role does morality play in political activity and where are moral foundations of a democratic state to be found? How to ensure the presence of moral values in public life (education, participation, common good, open society). The most important questions include: Who is responsible for ideas of democracy? Can democracy survive without a footing in pre–democratic values?

10

Zakres wpływu idei liberalizmu na procesy polityczne w zmieniającej się rzeczywistości kulturowej i cywilizacyjnej współczesnego świata

51%

Beniuszys P.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

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2011

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vol. 8

30-44

EN

The article defines the concept of liberalism, outlines the development of liberal concepts emphasising the most crucial ideas of this philosophical movement and political worldview. It is the 19th century which was declared as a liberal age. Later, in the interwar era, liberal tendencies were dominated by totalitarian doctrines and liberalism went through a crisis which eventually led to a liberal renewal. Western Europe was to experience the so-called democratic consensus, political concepts diffuse, and liberalism continues to play a crucial role.

11

How to Build a Just Society: in the Defence of Communitarianism

51%

Petkova P.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2017

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issue 2

189-196

EN

This paper analyses and critically compares three approaches to social and political values: utilitarianism, liberalism and communitarianism, which postulate different views on justice and on ways to make society better. We can establish a justified ap-proach to the promotion of justice as a principal value of the collective life on the basis of public debates and democratic civic pressure: we can build a just society based on communitarian values such as solidarity, mutual aid and respect for the values and ide-als of each community.

12

KRYTYKA POLITYKI GOSPODARCZEJ KOALICJI PO-PSL W „GAZECIE WYBORCZEJ” 2007–2015

51%

Litwin T.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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issue 1(14)

111-122 (12)

EN

“Gazeta Wyborcza”, founded in 1989, still remains the most important opinion making daily paper in Poland. In its articles it represents liberal opinions concerning social and economic policy. Although “Gazeta Wyborcza” was the main medial oppo-nent of PiS (the largest oppositional party in Poland in the period discussed in this arti-cle), it also criticised the then governing PO-PSL coalition, especially with respect to its economic policy. This critical approach was in general inspired by liberal doctrine. The main subjects of the criticism concerning the economic policy of the PO-PSL coalition in the years 2007–2015 included a lack of support of Poland’s accession to the Euro Zone, slow privatisation, maintaining the position of privileged groups in the society (farmers, miners), lack of restructurisation of the coal mining industry as well as the reduction and transfer of superannuation funds from the so-called second pillar of the pension system to ZUS.

13

Polskie formacje liberalne (1905–1989)

51%

Matuszek K.

Historia i Polityka

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2019

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issue 27 (34)

9-21

EN

The aim of this article is to draw attention to the issue of the tradition of liberalism in Poland. However, because the history of Polish liberal thought is an extremely broad and capacious issue, the article focused only on liberalism in a political understanding, which takes the form of a social force or a political formation. Strictly speaking, the article reviews the ideological assumptions of Polish liberal groups which, better or worse organized, functioned (or formed) in the period between 1905 and 1989. Despite its descriptive and general character, the elaboration should compel to reflect on the issue of the liberal tradition in Poland.

14

ODBIÓR IDEI SZKOŁY AUSTRIACKIEJ W NIEMCZECH I W AUSTRII

51%

Szabaciuk W.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2020

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vol. 18

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issue 1

EN

This article is an attempt to analyze the reception of the Austrian School in Austria and Germany in general. The article aims to present the attitude of German and Austrian scientists and political leaders to the liberal ideas presented by the Austrian School. The author has discussed the birth of the Austrian School, methodenstreit, and the causes of the gradual removal of the heritage of Carl Menger and his successors from Austria.

15

Jeremy Bentham i rządy graczy w pchełki, czyli rzecz o tym, że nie każdy liberał jest liberalny

51%

Tulejski T.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 48

35-61

EN

Jeremy Bentham is one of the most important Anglo‑Saxon political thinkers, jurists, social reformers and founders of utilitarianism. He also deserves a prominent position in the history of democratic ideas. Bentham not only perceived popular rule as a vehicle for the materialisation of his vision of utilitarian society, but he also gave us a detailed picture of the basic institutions of that form of democracy. In this article the Author suggests that Benthamiam political concept is not liberal but radical and also rooted in continental radical philosophy of French Enlightenment. By rejecting classical liberal ideas such as natural rights, law of nature, social contract and limited government he opened the door for the democratic tyranny of mediocrity justified by the victory of equality over liberty.

16

Liberalizm i neoliberalizm ekonomiczny w perspektywie historycznej

51%

Ratajczak M.

Ekonomista

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2017

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issue 1

7-29

PL

Celem artykułu jest syntetyczna prezentacja ewolucji poglądów liberalnych i neoliberalnych w ich wymiarze gospodarczym. Podjęta została też próba odpowiedzi na pytanie o relację neoliberalizmu i liberalizmu, zwłaszcza w kontekście dyskusji o dalszym rozwoju ekonomii jako nauki. Wywód oparty jest na założeniu, że zarówno z punktu widzenia przyszłości teorii ekonomii, jak i funkcjonowania i dalszego rozwoju gospodarki rynkowej nasilony w ostatnich latach swoisty sąd nad neoliberalizmem powinien być mniej emocjonalny, a bardziej racjonalny. Krytyka ekonomii neoliberalnej nie oznacza, że nurt ten jest całkowicie błędny lub nienaukowy. Nie można także, krytykując ład gospodarczy oparty na założeniach neoliberalizmu, odrzucać samej idei wolności w sferze gospodarczej, która stanowi istotę liberalizmu. Pytanie o przyszłość liberalizmu w sferze ekonomicznej powinno więc nie tyle brzmieć, czy gospodarka powinna być liberalna, lecz na ile i jak liberalna, aby można było respektować podstawową ideę wolności, ale równocześnie chronić przed jej wykorzystywaniem przez część podmiotów do realizacji interesu własnego kosztem interesów pozostałych uczestników rynku.

EN

The aim of the article is a synthetic presentation of liberal and neoliberal views in their economic dimension. The author also tries to answer the question about the relationship between liberalism and neoliberalism, particularly in the context of the debate about the further development of economics. The reasoning is based on the assumption that, both from the point of view of future development of economic theory and from the point of view of proper functioning and further development of market economy, a kind of suit against neoliberalism, intensified in the last years, should be less emotional and more rational. The criticism of neoliberal economic views does not mean that this current of economic thought is totally false or non-scientific. When criticizing the economic order based on neoliberal premises, one should not reject the idea of economic freedom, which constitutes the essence of liberalism. The question about the future of economic liberalism is not whether or not economy should be liberal, but to what extent and in which way it should be liberal as to assure respecting the basic freedom idea while preventing its misuse by some economic agents trying to realise their individual aims at the cost of the remaining market participants.

RU

Целью статьи является синтетическая презентация эволюции либеральных и неолиберальных взглядов в их экономическом измерении. Автор пытается также ответить на вопрос об отношениях между неолиберализмом и либерализмом, особенно в контексте дискуссии о дальнейшем развитии экономики как науки. Основной вывод можно сформулировать следующим образом: с точки зрения как экономической теории, так и функционирования и дальнейшего развития рыночной экономики, критика неолиберализма должна быть менее эмоциональной, но более рациональной. Критика неолиберальной экономики не означает, что это течение является совершенно ошибочным или ненаучным. Нельзя также критикуя экономический порядок, опирающийся на предпосылки неолиберализма, отбрасывать саму идею свободы в экономической сфере, которая является сутью либерализма. Вопрос относительно будущего либерализма в экономической сфере касается не того, должна ли быть экономика либеральной, а того, насколько и как либеральной; как соблюсти основную идею свободы и одновременно не позволить использовать ее для реализации частью субъектов собственных интересов за счет интересов остальных участников рынка.

17

Liberalism vs. Solidarity or Freedom vs. Socialism? Conflicting and Misleading Framings of Mediated Messages in the 2005 Polish Presidential Campaign: A Political Communication Perspective

45%

Płudowski T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2006

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vol. 35

140-159

EN

For most of September and October 2005, the Polish news media were busy covering the parliamentary and the presidential elections in that country. Beginning two weeks apart from one another, with the presidential run-off election following two weeks later, these overlapping campaigns became the most important media and political events of the year. Their conjunction was an occurrence expected to happen once in 20 years because of Poland’s five-year presidential term and a four-year parliamentary term. For the first time since 1989, the result was that the President, the upper house of the parliament (Senat) and the lower house (Sejm) of the parliament are now controlled by the same party, Law and Justice (PiS). For the first time since Solidarity swept both elections, the Polish electorate has also made a definite turn to the right, voting for a political party that supports radical change, the symbolic setting up of a Fourth Republic which will be a morally superior country in contrast to the third Republic, the independent Polish state established after the Solidarity revolution when Poland was the first country in the former Soviet Block to end communism. This essay analyzes the 2005 presidential campaign from the point of view of agenda setting theory of how political communication is framed in campaign messages, media use and media coverage.

18

Disentangling Privacy and Intimacy: Intimate Citizenship, Private Boundaries and Public Transgressions

45%

Reynolds P.

Human Affairs

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2010

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vol. 20

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issue 1

33-42

EN

Recent theorisations of transformations of intimacy-like Ken Plummer's (2003) Intimate Citizenship project-concentrate on social and cultural transformations that erode the containment of intimacy within the private sphere. They have less to say about the character of and oppositions to that erosion, and specifically how far the idea of the private stands in opposition to intimacy transgressing into the public. In this essay, the private is explored through its constitutive features-liberal codifications of rights, liberty and property, medico-moral discourses and conservative values and legal and political regulation-to give a more political and critical reading. This reading suggests that an explicit disentangling of the private and the intimate is necessary if tendencies toward public and emancipated intimacies are to become meaningful transformations, and this involves a dissembling of and critical engagement with the powerful historically entrenched idea of privacy in western societies.

19

Public Policy and Social Good: Theory, Practice and Beyond

45%

Shukla R. C.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

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2017

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vol. 20

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issue 4

19-35

EN

In this paper I argue that the most fundamental goal of any public policy is to assist the realization of social good. I take it that the idea of social good has developed differently in different political and moral traditions, and focus my analysis on the interplay of liberalism, virtue ethics and the Capability Approach. I argue that the liberal conception of social good, as espoused by its leading exponents, is somewhat problematic, and that it fails to account for meaningful civic associations. Even though liberal thinkers often prioritize an individual’s freedom and autonomy, they do not provide us with concreto principles that can facilitate the realization of these goals. I draw upon the practical functioning of leading liberal democracies, including the United States, Canada and India, emphasizing the role of normative political constraints in policy making. I conclude that the liberal conception of social good stands in an acute need of a fresh principle that can rectify the above anomalies and reinvigorate its moral force, and that such a principle can probably be constructed with the help of Amartya Sen’s Capability Approach and Aristotle’s Virtue Theory.

20

Wolność według Lorda Actona i Józefa Tischnera Analiza porównawcza myśli dwóch katolickich liberałów

45%

Przybyło S.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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issue 2(28)

359-385

EN

The aim of this article is to provide a comparison between Lord Acton’s and Józef Tischner’s notions of freedom and liberalism. According to these authors, liberalism and Catholicism are not incompatible. Liberty, according to both Acton and Tischner, is inseparably related to Conscience, Responsibility and Good. Despite the differences between them, in particular the reflection on equality, both authors agreed that freedom of religion, private property or civil rights are the values that must be defended. Furthermore, they both were convinced of the huge role of Christianity in the history of freedom. Unlike classical liberals, in their opinion positive liberty is more important than negative liberty.

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