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EN
The article investigates some aspects of the Old Turkic word sü. A sense not recorded in the standard dictionaries is established on the basis of a philological analysis of the available texts. The phonetic shape of sü is defended against some claims proposing a different vocalic or consonantal part of it. And finally, a derivation of this word from a Chinese source is questioned as not satisfactorily proved
EN
A hypothesis has been proposed stating that the Germanic words with the meaning ‘milk’ and ‘to milk’ go back to IE root *mel- ‘to crush, to squash’, ‘to spread, to smear’. This root could have generated two semantic derivatives, namely, ‘to spill; wet, moist’ and ‘to rub, to stroke’ to which the meanings ‘milk’ and ‘to milk’ go back. The Germanic *mel-uk- ‘milk’ might be a compound word, the second component o which *au eg-/ug- has the meaning ‘to increase, to add’.
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EN
None of the hitherto proposed attempts at explaining the origin of the East-Slavonic numeral sorok ‘40’, is satisfactory. This refers almost equally to those propositions that derive it from Greek (F. Miklosich, A. Brückner, V. Jagić), Turkish (O.N. Trubačëv) or from Old Norse (M. Vasmer). The author of the current article puts forward a yet another solution, this time pointing to the Ugro-Finnic languages. As the basis of the borrowing, the Udmurt proto-form *śor-ku/*sor-ku is advanced, which was adapted to *sork > sorok on the East-Slavonic ground. A possible semantic evolution leads from ‘marten pelt(s)’ > ‘a bundle of pelts’ > ‘a bundle of pelts of forty pieces (as many as was needed to sew one fur-lined overcoat’ > ‘a numerical unit (measure) used in trade’ to ‘a stand-alone number 40’. The proposed etymology corresponds well with the context of Ugro-Finnic – East-Slavonic linguistic and extralinguistic contacts.
EN
The present paper attempts to track the borrowing paths of some words in Romanian and neighbouring languages, which are possibly of Oriental (Ottoman, Arabic, Persian and rarer Kurdish) origin. In addition, some Romanian words of Turkic (e.g. Tatar) descent are investigated which have come from North East, via Ukrainian. The starting point are Romanian dialectal words found in ALR S. n. II. For the classification of origins and borrowing paths, linguistic geographical, phonetic and semantic criteria have been used.
EN
The present paper investigates the possible origins of SCR. čȇrga ~ čerga ‘(small) tent, carpet etc.’, Bulg. čérga ‘(patterned) carpet, long narrow carpet (with fringes), etc.’ and related forms in Slavonic and Turkic, as well as in Hungarian, Romanian and Albanian. The starting point is an entry in K.H. Menges’ posthumous Etymologisches Wörterbuch der türkischen und anderen orientalischen Elemente im Serbokroatischen. The forms are derived here from Bulg.-Tksh. čärgäg ~ čärgä.
EN
This article offers a critique of Arpad Berta’s paper (2001) in which the author contends that the Bsk. tyraź word for ‘wasp’ originated (via the Volga Bolgharian) from the Hung. darazs id. The present author attempts to point out the weak points in this interpretation, and proposes, instead, the PSlav. *draźs as the source of the Hungarian and the Bashkir words for ‘wasp’. Thus, the article augments our knowledge of the possible Slavonic origin of the Hungarian and Bashkir words, and provides further details in support of the etymology presented by András Zoltán (2010; 2011).
EN
The paper aims to explain the origin of two old Italian words of Turkish origin, cassasso ‘a Turkish police officer’ and pettomagi/pettomanzi ‘Turkish officer(s) dealing with the possesions of the dead’. Contrary to a previous etymology of his, the author’s present opinion is that cassasso derives from the Ottoman-Turkish hasas, a spoken variant of the literary Arabism ‘ases ‘a guard, night-watchman, policeman’. As to pettomagi/pettomanzi, it is possibly a Turkish adaptation of Greek words.
EN
The stingray, trugón, is not named after the turtledove trugón, as is usually assumed: the fish is not a ‘sea turtledove’. It should rather be analyzed as *ptrug-on- ‘the winged one’, with the zero grade of pteryx, ‘wing’: the ray’s fins are similar to wings, and their slow flapping movement gives the impression that the ray flies rather than it swims. A zero-grade form of the name of the wing is attested in Iranian, but is probably not to be sought in Slavic ‘hawk’. The etymological form, then, should be reconstructed *(π) trugón; the attested form is trugón, with long [u:] warranted in metrical occurrences, and analogical after that of the bird name trugón ‘turtledove’, because of the synchronic system in which many bird names were transferred to fish, the bird name behaving as the model. Thus two originally distinct words, trugón ‘turtledove’ and * trugón ‘stingray’ merged into one single word.
EN
According to what Adrados (1992: 1) calls the “new image” of Indo-European, the proto-language originally lacked the inflectional complexities associated with traditional Brugmannian reconstruction. Such complexities were acquired only at later stages of development, including the immediately predialectal period. On the basis of this perspective, I argue in Shields (2001) that there exists an incompatibility between reconstructions proposed by Nostraticists and by those espousing the “new image” of Indo-European. However, in this brief paper, I present a possible means of reconciling the two theoretical viewpoints.
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EN
This article investigates a certain irregularity in the Greek sound changes, namely that associated with the Greek form gnp ‘beast’, assumed to come from the sequence */ghu/ but treated exactly like the aspirated labiovelar. It is shown that the examples upon which this hypothesis was built are in themselves quite doubtful and even though more examples of this change can be found, they still remain insecure. The sound change is then neither confirmed nor falsified but certain phonetic details of its process are investigated.
EN
This article investigates the problem of the etymological connection between the Greek word óμείχω ‘to urinate’ and the agent noun μοιχός ‘adulterer’, the semantics of which has often been termed improbable. It is pointed out that the connection might be made more probable when analyzing the Latin data: the verb meiō, -ere ‘to urinate’ and its meaning in the Latin texts, which is not always restricted to ‘urinating’ but is also used as an obscene word meaning ‘to ejaculate’. We can then postulate that μοιχός was an agent noun of óμείχω in the meaning of ‘to ejaculate’ and this way as ‘adulterer’.
EN
The following article deals with Yakut elements in Nānaj and two Ėwenki dialects (Urulga-Ėwenki and Barguzin-Ėwenki) as well as some Yakut-Tungus “parallels”, and it is based on the material included in S. M. Širokogorov’s “Tungus Dictionary”.
EN
The paper discusses the background of the different terms used for the river Yenisei in the aboriginal language families of the region: Mongolic, Turkic, Yeniseic, Uralic, and Tungusic. The etymological material allows, in particular, important conclusions to be drawn of the areal interrelationships and chronologies of expansion of the Samoyedic branch of Uralic and the Ewenic branch of Tungusic. The presence of Uralic speakers on the Yenisei predates that of Tungusic speakers by a minimum of two millennia. Both Yeniseic and Turkic also reached the Yenisei earlier than Tungusic.
EN
Morphological developments of Indo-European languages are known, but not formulated as laws: the loss of dual, of some cases and of the neuter, the change of root stems into the class of vocalic stems, the loss of the subjunctive, and the convergence of perfect and aorist, the replacement of the synthetic mediopassive by analytic categories. The established criteria of the kinship between related language families or of the degree of kinship between two languages or within a group are morphological and lexical commonalities. Whereas lexemes are often borrowed, idioms are borrowed only between closely related languages. Grammatical categories can be created corresponding to patterns of neighbouring languages. Phonological borrowings are rare.
EN
English lexemes containing intrusive nasal consonants mostly have a difficult origin in common. In what follows (part I), the relevant word material will be ordered according to its phonological structure. In principle we follow the ordering of Gustav Muthmann’s Reverse English Dictionary. Based on Phonological and Morphological Principles of 2002. In cases such as jig v. and its frequentative jiggle v., paralleled by most probably related and nearly synonymous jog v. and its frequentative joggle v., the attested forms are not only rare but also late. Therefore, we have been constrained to base some etymologies on roots, mostly of imitative origin. In part II, some French loan verbs, which show unusual retention of Old French -er/-re in Middle English, will be examined.
EN
Besides the trustworthy Yeniseic toponyms in Western Siberia ending in *-ses ‘river’ (Ket/Yugh -ses, Arin -set, Assan/Kott -šet, Pump. -tet) there is a group of hydronyms in the same zones of frequent Yeniseic river names ending in -tes/-tas, -lat, -igaj, -sym/-tym, -tom and -get/-gat (-ket/-kat). One considers them to be Yeniseic too, but only conditionally. The author suggests an etymological explanation of the river names ending in -get/-gat (-ket/-kat), while he derives this component from *-kʌʔt ‘children of the same mother’ with the semantic development: > ‘members of a family’ > ‘members of a family clan’ > ‘tribe’ > ‘people’. The corresponding river names are clipped forms without the appellative ‘river’.
EN
This study is devoted to the problem of the interrelationship between Turkic syŋar ‘direction’ and jak ~ jan ‘side’ on the one hand, and the Khakas, Shor and Oyrot directive suffixes -jar(y) ~ -sar(y) ~ -sāra, and so on, on the other. The paper seeks to answer four questions: (1) Are jak ‘side’ and jan id. two derivatives ultimately of the same root *√ja?; (2) How do jak ‘side’ and sak id. compare?; (3) If it is true that jar, sar < *jagar, *sagar, how, then, should the final vowel in jary, sara, etc. be explained?; (4) How do Old Tkc. syŋar ‘direction’ (also used as a directive postposition) and sar ~ jar compare?
PL
The aim of the article is to show the specific characteristics of the Galician legal language in the first half of the 19th century. The article analyses the 1835 will of Baron Herman de Brunicki. First, the pattern of the will, its structure and function are examined. Further on, the author focuses on the graphematic, lexical and syntactic levels of the will.
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The paper concerns two interlocking phenomena of linguistic history – the stability of elements of language, which ensures a long-term communicative continuity, and the variability of the system and of the vocabulary, which is an inherent quality of every natural language. It has always been the variability that was seen as the primary indicator of a diachronic outlook on language, and the main research problem has been to describe and to date linguistic changes and their mutual relation in the historical linguistic process. It seems to be an interesting research task to invert the perspective and to concentrate on what is stable in the language and its usage, i.e. on the level of the grammatical system, vocabulary, and communication habits. It ought to be recognized that it is not just variability, but also the constant struggle of these two opposing tendencies, that causes language to be viewed as a dynamical system.
EN
In the author’s opinion linguistic history and the results of linguistic changes can only be understood if all forms of linguistic existences, including the existing contacts between them, are observed. Throughout this process one can proceed from the basic law of etymology which aims at describing the replacing and complementing processes of standardization and destandarization or dialectization. Even so the main focus of the processes described in this article lies on German, principally all other European languages are showing comparable upgrading and degradation phenomena. At present all European standard languages are characterized by distinct destandardizations which could lead in the end towards a broad dialectization or regionalization of these languages. This will be the case if the indifference towards set norm, especially in spoken standard, correlates with the further abandonment of prestigious domains of communication namely in favor of English, for example in the area of science. These processes which can be determined in all European language situations which are viewed as the end of the understanding of language originating in the Renaissance. In that way linguistics and linguistic standards will be indicated with regard to European language policy.
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