Search results

1

Kilka uwag na temat miejsca 12 Pułku Piechoty Ziemi Wadowickiej w systemie polityki nrodowościowej w armii II RP

100%

Siwiec-Cielebon M.

Wadoviana. Przegląd historyczno-kulturalny

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2014

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issue 17

104-129

EN

The non-Polish population made up almost one third of citizens of the 2nd Republic of Poland. The distribution of groups of this population, its attitude to statehood and the fulfilment of civil duties were one of the main problems of Poland in the years 1918-1939. This situation was also reflected in the military service of non-Polish soldiers. Complications resulting from this fact led to the introduction of the extraterritorial draft system in the Polish army, which means that the stationing of formations was not tied to the recruitment base of the given territory. As a result of this solution, soldiers from other territories of Poland and other nations, including Byelorussians, Czechs, Lithuanians, Germans, Tartars, Ukrainians and Jews, served also in the 12th Regiment of the Infantry of the Wadowice Land stationing in Wadowice and Kraków. Apart from its own reserve forces and other supplementary forces, the Wadowice regiment trained also, among others, a contingent for the Border Protection Corps – a formation created to defend the eastern borders of Poland and for some guard and service units. This article describes elements of the system of conscription of non-Polish recruits into the 12th Regiment of the Infantry and the intended role of individual groups in formations concerned. It contains also chapters that describe the behaviour of non-Polish soldiers and training-related and organisational complications resulting from the large numbers of these soldiers in relation to Poles.

2

National Minority Organisations in Prague: structure, competence and social activities

88%

Sulitka A., Uherek Z.

Národopisná revue (Journal of Ethnology)

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2015

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vol. 25

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issue 5

3 - 17

EN

The focus of this text is on the assessment of the in-depth interviews which the authors of this article conducted in 2014 with the functionaries of important Prague minority associations associated in the House of National Minorities in Prague. The interviews concentrated on their attitudes to formal and informal institutions that the minorities form, on their opinion about the exercise of minority rights in Czech society, on the influence of the House of National Minorities on the club life in Prague and on the problems with administrative work which is necessary for club activity. Last but not least, the interviews focused on the financing of clubs and the political ambitions of their members. The interviews with the representatives of particular organizations showed diversity in the organizational structure of clubs and interest associations of particular minorities in Prague, and their different biases. The interviews showed a variety of strategies used in getting financial funding for the club activities and the resulting different financial security. The interviews also showed frequent problems with the infrastructure of the clubs. Quite a low level of legal consciousness of the interview participants was a significant piece of knowledge, although some of the participants take part in wider political life especially as members of political parties exceeding the minority groups. The authors of the article state in the conclusion that the opportunities for particular minorities to exercise their cultural and social needs through minority clubs are becoming differentiated. Without more purposeful support by the Czech Republic, especially the minority clubs bound to economically less successful countries will soon get into difficulties with their selection of services in comparison with the clubs bound to wealthier countries which fund the minority club activities in the Czech Republic.

3

Zmiany w polityce państwa polskiego wobec ludności niemieckiej w pierwszej połowie lat pięćdziesiątych XX wieku

75%

Browarek T.

Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities

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2015

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issue 4

51-67

EN

With the end of the 1940s it occurred that relocations had not entirely solved the problem of the presence of German population in Poland since it had become essential that keeping c. two hun-dred thousand Germans was necessary for Polish economy. As a result, the question of solving several issues relating to their functioning in Poland appeared. However, it was the change in the international situation which had direct influence on the policy change towards this population − the creation of an allied German country (GDR) and the signing of the Treaty of Görlitz. Of importance were also soviet influences − adopting soviet ethnic policy patterns. Polish new policy’s main goal was to integrate German population with Polish society. During its realization the question of “class” was stressed and political indoctrination was carried out, with the aspect of nationality being deliberately omitted. In order to achieve the goal, attempts were made to enable German people to join labor unions, PZPR (Polish United Workers’ Party), ZMP (Union of Polish Youth) and other organizations. However, Germans felt these actions lacked emphasis on the ques-tion of their nationality, and were put off by a high degree of politicization of the issue. Another considerable problem was local authorities’ mistrust towards German population, as well as their reluctance to implement the guidelines of the policy of integration. While assessing this policy one needs to notice that it caused a considerable improvement of German population’s situation in Poland. Germans were given the opportunity to gain Polish citizenship. In order to keep the remaining Germans in Poland, authorities took action to make their living standards equal with those of Poles. `e appearance of German schooling, as well as cultural and publishing activities were permitted. However, these concessions did not manage to change the attitude of German population towards Polish authorities and the communist political system. Majority of Germans intended to leave Poland as soon as possible, regardless of any efforts on the part of the authorities. Hence, this policy was foredoomed to failure.

4

Trzy wystąpienia z okazji stulecia narodowej traumy. Parlamentarne wystąpienia prezydenta Węgier Jánosa Ádera, przewodniczącego Zgromadzenia Narodowego Laszló Kövera oraz uroczyste orędzie premiera Viktora Orbána wygłoszone z okazji obchodów Dnia Jedności Narodowej (4 czerwca 2020 r.)

75%

Adamczyk A., Körmendy A.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2020

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issue 6(161)

232-267

EN

4 June 1920 was written in the memory of the Hungarian nation as the day of national trauma. On that day, the powers that won the First World War imposed humiliating conditions of peace on the defeated Hungarians. The area of the Kingdom of Hungary was cut from 325.000 km2 up to 92.000 km2 while the population was reduced from 21 million to 8 million. A huge part of the Hungarian diaspora was located in neighbouring countries: in Czechoslovakia, Romania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (since 1929, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). Despite three attempts at revision made in 1938–1940 (the first and second Vienna arbitration and changes in Transcarpathian Ruthenia), the shape of the state and demographic profile imposed on Trianon remained unchanged. On the 100th anniversary of this event, the votes of the most important people in the Hungarian state could not be missing. The aim of the article is to present the speeches expressed in the Parliament by the President of Hungary and the President of the National Assembly, and to supplement it with the declaration of the Prime Minister. All three statements eloquently show that the specter of Trianon remains present in contemporary politics.

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Próby powołania białoruskiej politycznej reprezentacji narodowej w czasie I wojny światowej i bezpośrednio po jej zakończeniu

75%

Reginia-Zacharski J.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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issue 1(150)

237–254

EN

The onset of a modern idea of Belarusian statehood coincides with the period of the end of the First World War. It was a particularly difficult time for Belarusian lands: the front, which divided the country into two parts for a long time; the scorched-earth policy employed by the Russians; mass requisitions carried out by both armies, war destruction and recruitment drainage all contributed to the ongoing economic and demographic collapse of Belarus. The proclamation of independence of the Belarusian People’s Republic on 25 March 1918 turned out to be a short-lived success. As a territorial entity, the young state survived only until December that year. The challenges which the supporters of the country’s independence had to face between 1918 and 1919 surpassed capabilities and organizational skills of the movement. It also seems that the pace of development and the nature of geopolitical challenges were beyond the abilities of the Belarusian elite.

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ЩОДО Т. ЗВ. «ДИСКРИМІНАЦІЇ ПІДКАРПАТСЬКИХ РУСИНІВ ЗА НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЮ ОЗНАКОЮ»: аналітична довідка

63%

Vidnyanskyj S.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2020

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issue 29

294-315

EN

This analytical note is a response by the expert to the letter “Stop a Discrimination Against Carpatho-Rusyns on the Basis of Nationality“ (dated 14 November 2019) from certain figures of Rusyns' associations in Zakarpattia Region of Ukraine, addressed to the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Against the complex historical, political, national and cultural development of Zakarpattia the author of this analytical note refutes baseless allegations and requirements of rusyn activists of the region to accept at constitutional level in Ukraine „Rusyn people“, „(Sub)Carpatho-Rusyn ethnicity“, to give him supposedly legal, historical rights of autonomy, to protect him from a so called “discrimination and genocide”

7

„Trud zmagań o utrzymanie tożsamości narodowej...”. Polacy Galicji Wschodniej w czasach Monarchii Habsburskiej (koniec XVIII w. – 1914 r.)

63%

Monolatii I.

Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Płockiego

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2017

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vol. 9

s. 377-421

PL

Impulsem, który sprzyjał aktywizacji polskiej grupy etnicznej, zamieszkującej ziemie Galicji, była coraz większa aktywność ściśle powiązana z przynależnością do ruchu irredentystycznego, dzięki czemu „galicyjskie” doświadczenie odegrało szczególną rolę w przygotowaniach Polaków, zmierzających do odzyskania niepodległości. Dzięki zmianom w gospodarce i strukturze socjalnej odbywała się krystalizacja kierunków politycznych i ruchów wśród Polaków w Galicji. Potęga polskich ruchów narodowych spowodowała łańcuchową reakcję odrodzenia etnicznego, zaktualizowała ich pragnienie do zachowania własnej tożsamości. Zmianie charakteru ukraińsko-polskiego współdziałania sprzyjały i inne czynniki, mianowicie etniczne odrodzenie Ukraińców i Polaków. Polityczna orientacja obu obozów narodowych na państwowo-polityczne przekształcenie cesarstwa i kształtowanie, w jego granicach, podstaw polskiej i ukraińskiej państwowości tworzyła bazę dla porozumienia Polaków i Ukraińców.

EN

The impulse which conduced to the activation of the Polish ethnic group inhabiting the lands of Galicia, was an increasing activity closely associated with adhesion to the irredent movement. Thus, „Galician” experience played a crucial role in the preparation of Poles pursuing independence. Owing to the changes in the economy and social structure, the political trends and movements among the Poles in Galicia underwent crystalisation. The power of Polish national movements spawned a chain reaction into ethnic revival, and rekindled their desire desire to preserve their own identity. Among other favourable factors that contributed to the change in the nature of Ukrainian-Polish cooperation, was ethnic revival of Ukrainians and Poles. The political orientation of both camps nation-state-political transformation of the Empire and the formation, within its borders of basic Polish and Ukrainian statehood formed the basis for the understanding of Poles and Ukrainians.

8

Wizerunek Józefa Piłsudskiego w tygodniku "Polityka" w latach 1998–2013

63%

Rozbicka R.

Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego

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2018

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vol. Zeszyt

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issue XXXII

209-224

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie wizerunku medialnego jednego z najwybitniejszych Polaków XX wieku – Józefa Piłsudskiego – w tygodniku opiniotwórczym "Polityka". Cezury czasowe są zbieżne z 80. i 95. rocznicą odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości – wydarzeniem, które determinowało życie Piłsudskiego, jak również spowodowało, że w przestrzeni publicznej marszałek uznawany jest za ojca niepodległości. Materiałem empirycznym w niniejszym artykule są wszystkie artykuły z lat 1998–2013, w których pojawiła się osoba Józefa Piłsudskiego, łącznie 241 jednostek analizy. Z racji charakteru pisma 100 proc. tekstów należy zakwalifikować do rodzaju publicystycznego. Pod względem gatunkowym przeważały artykuły i eseje. Badania przeprowadzono w oparciu o metodę ilościową i jakościową z uwzględnieniem następującego klucza kategoryzacyjnego: życie prywatne i kariera polityczna.

EN

The purpose of this article i s to present t he media image of one of the most outstanding Poles of the 20th century - Józef Piłsudski in the opinion-forming weekly "Polityka". Time censures coincide with the 80th and 95th anniversary of Poland's regaining independence - an event that determined Piłsudski's life, as well as caused that in the public space the marshal is considered the father of independence. The empirical material in this article are all articles in which Józef Piłsudski person appeared in the years 1998-2013, in total 241 units of analysis. Due to the nature of the magazine, 100 percent texts should be classified as journalistic. In terms of genre, articles and essays prevailed. The research was based on the quantitative and qualitative method, with the following categorization key: private life and political career.

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Korzyści i zagrożenia wynikające z inwentaryzacji niematerialnego dziedzictwa kulturowego

63%

Włodarczyk J.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

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2016

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issue 9, Dziedzictwo kulturowe

45–62

XX

The article explores the various issues inherent in national exercises of inventorying intangible cultural heritage (ICH). The 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage obliges its State-Parties to draw up one or more inventories of the intangible heritage present in their territories. The heritage lists are made to serve as tools for devising proper safeguarding strategies, best suited to the individual needs of particular ICH elements. The inventories should also serve to promote ICH and encourage communities to take an active role in safeguarding them. The identification and inventorying of ICH should only be carried out with the consent and participation of the relevant heritage communities. Although the idea of the inventorying process is sound and in theory beneficial, it can cause unintended risks to the ICH it is meant to help safeguard. A lack of information regarding the purpose of the inventories may result in certain cultural expressions being viewed as “officially recognized” by state authorities or as more important than the heritage of groups whose heritage is not included in a register. The description of the elements in the inventories may come to be viewed as “iconic” and “proper,” leading to their fossilization in the form in which they were presented in the national register. Also, the ICH may become subject to misuse by outsiders who might wish to profit from the cultural phenomena made public through an inventory. Lastly, the growth of the tourist industry may threaten some phenomena or lead to their adjustment in order to suit the tastes and needs of the visitors. In the face of the many threats which seem to be connected to the national inventorying of ICH, it seems crucial to build capacity in regards to the purpose of the intangible heritage lists and the proper implementation of the 2003 UNESCO Convention at the national level.

10

Romuald Jończy, Katarzyna Łukaniszyn-Domaszewska, Wpływ ludności pochodzenia niemieckiego oraz organizacji mniejszości niemieckiej na regionalny rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy. Wybrane zagadnienia (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem województwa opolskiego), Dom Współpracy Polsko – Niemieckiej, Gliwice – Opole 2014, ss. 137.

51%

Koszko M.

Facta Simonidis

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2015

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vol. 8

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issue 1

277-280

11

ІНТЕГРАЦІЙНА ІДЕЯ НА СЛОВ’ЯНСКОМУ КОНГРЕСІ В ПРАЗІ 1848 РОКУ

51%

Bevzyuk E.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2018

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issue 27

EN

It is a historical fact that the objective conditions for the successful practical implementation of the idea of regional European integration first emerged in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the theoretical basis and first practical attempts to uptake the ideas of European states unity have deep historical roots, which should be taken into account in the study of modern European integration processes. Each of the European actors (Germans, Austrians, Czechs, Slovaks) has a unique historical experience of regional and continental policies formation and implementation. The first half of the 19th century was marked by the beginning of the active national self-determination process of the peoples of Central and Southeast Europe. At this stage of history traditions were being destroyed, nations began to emerge, and Slavic politicians worked on the content of their national projects. And the final result of many politicians’ plans of the Austrian Empire was the construction of national states. In any case, the national ideologists’ positive attitude towards the idea of a civilized cultural unity of the peoples of Europe remained unchanged. It was on its basis that the keystone of national ideologies was built. Accordingly, the aim of the article has been to study the idea of Austro-Slavism as the theoretical project of integration of the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe. The research has proved that in the 1830’s and 1840’s ethnic European elites directed their intelligence towards the formation of their national and cultural framework. Therefore the organization of the Slavic Congress in 1848 became a reaction to the national processes in Europe. The Congress should be considered as one of the links in the overall chain of growing European nationalism. At the Slavic Assembly the Czechs put forward the idea of federalist Austro-Slavism. The idea itself was quite often valued mainly as a small, regional Slavic- Austrian project. Such an assessment should be considered as somewhat incomplete. The materials of the Congress confirm that the idea of Austro- Slavism should be considered as a promising concept in terms of determining the future of the united Europe. European Thought, as part of a comprehensive idea of the unity of European civilization, gradually became a spiritual tradition that passed from generation to generation of the Slavic politicians. The basis for numerous projects of the “United Europe” was laid. Only today the European community can understand that a new ideological content of the emancipation of the monarchy was laid in the federalist approach — the implementation of a supranational construction of a state that in the long run could be a model of Pan-European significance.

12

Przedradziecka tożsamość narodowa w Azji Centralnej w kontekście polityki narodowościowej ZSRR. Przegląd badań

51%

Perkowska A.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2015

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vol. 50

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issue 1

EN

This article is retrospective in nature and covers the subject of social and political influence of the Soviet Union in Central Asia, as well as several factors strictly associated with this region, e.g. the religion of Islam and regional nationalisms. Based on a broad spectrum of research with primary focus on the region’s historical background, the content covers the key periods of development of modern Central Asia and evokes the most evident examples of Soviet activity in the area. The social issues, as well as legal and administrative matters addressed in the article acquire new importance in connection with Moscow’s current geopolitical activity in terms of its vested interests. From this point of view, this article depicts the parallel between the Russian Federation’s foreign policies and its instruments, and the internal policy of the Soviet Union, in which the former is deeply rooted.

PL

Artykuł ma charakter retrospektywny i odnosi się do tematyki przestrzeni społeczno-politycznej Związku Radzieckiego w Azji Centralnej oraz nieprzerwanie z nią związanych – religii islamu i nacjonalizmów regionalnych. Skupiając się przede wszystkim na tle historycznym regionu, treść oparta na szerokim spektrum badań prowadzi przez najważniejsze okresy kształtowania współczesnej Azji Środkowej i przywołuje najjaskrawsze przykłady radzieckiej aktywności. Poruszone w nim kwestie zarówno natury społecznej, jak też prawno‑administracyjnej nabierają szczególnego znaczenia w obliczu obecnej geopolitycznej aktywności Moskwy w strefie tzw. żywotnych interesów. W tym wymiarze, treść artykułu nasuwa na myśl paralelę miedzy polityką zagraniczną Federacji Rosyjskiej i jej instrumentami a polityką wewnętrzną Związku Radzieckiego, w której ta pierwsza jest głęboko zakorzeniona.

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Kilka uwag na temat miejsca 12 Pułku Piechoty Ziemi Wadowickiej w systemie polityki nrodowościowej w armii II RP

National Minority Organisations in Prague: structure, competence and social activities

Zmiany w polityce państwa polskiego wobec ludności niemieckiej w pierwszej połowie lat pięćdziesiątych XX wieku

Trzy wystąpienia z okazji stulecia narodowej traumy. Parlamentarne wystąpienia prezydenta Węgier Jánosa Ádera, przewodniczącego Zgromadzenia Narodowego Laszló Kövera oraz uroczyste orędzie premiera Viktora Orbána wygłoszone z okazji obchodów Dnia Jedności Narodowej (4 czerwca 2020 r.)

Próby powołania białoruskiej politycznej reprezentacji narodowej w czasie I wojny światowej i bezpośrednio po jej zakończeniu

ЩОДО Т. ЗВ. «ДИСКРИМІНАЦІЇ ПІДКАРПАТСЬКИХ РУСИНІВ ЗА НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЮ ОЗНАКОЮ»: аналітична довідка

„Trud zmagań o utrzymanie tożsamości narodowej...”. Polacy Galicji Wschodniej w czasach Monarchii Habsburskiej (koniec XVIII w. – 1914 r.)

Wizerunek Józefa Piłsudskiego w tygodniku "Polityka" w latach 1998–2013

Korzyści i zagrożenia wynikające z inwentaryzacji niematerialnego dziedzictwa kulturowego

ІНТЕГРАЦІЙНА ІДЕЯ НА СЛОВ’ЯНСКОМУ КОНГРЕСІ В ПРАЗІ 1848 РОКУ

Przedradziecka tożsamość narodowa w Azji Centralnej w kontekście polityki narodowościowej ZSRR. Przegląd badań