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EWOLUCJA NURTU NEOKONSERWATYWNEGO W POLITYCE USA W WYNIKU ZAMACHÓW Z 11 WRZEŚNIA 2001 ROKU I JEJ KONSEKWENCJE

100%
Milczanowski M.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2019
|
issue 3(17)
103-117 (15)
EN
The article showcases and examines the evolution of the neoconservative strand of US politics and its influence on the country’s international politics, with a particular analytical emphasis on the effects of the September 11, 2001 attacks and the ensuing counter-terrorism measures on the part of the USA. The importance of the neocon agenda has grown considerably in the wake of the WTC and Pentagon attacks and, as a result, has shaped the core of US Middle Eastern politics. Simultaneously, the neocon takeover of US politics marginalized the impact of both the conservative and the liberal circles. As a consequence, the US national security evolved into a hard power model based on military authority. Such a political practice yielded short-term profits (and – at best – media benefits and image gains) for the USA, but in the long run it also posed a threat to the West.
2
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Eurocentrism in Samuel P. Huntington’s Concept of the Clash of Civilisations

75%
Kufliński M.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2022
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issue 3 (51)
125-134
EN
The article is dedicated to an issue of Eurocentrism in American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington’s concept of the clash of civilisations. The arguments presented indicate that Huntington’s concept is pure Eurocentric. I start by mentioning a few of Huntington’s critics (Noam Chomsky, Samir Amin, Arjun Appadurai, and John M. Hobson). The next step includes analysing in detail the “Eurocentrism anatomy” and presenting Eurocentrism as a phenomenon based on two axes, which I call “materialistic” and “epistemological”. In other words, Eurocentrism is a kind of spectrum. Thanks to that, I compare Huntington’s concept with facts from literature embedded in both axes. Apart from other arguments, Eurocentric factors in the clash of civilisations are 1) civilisations in the past, 2) origin of the West, 3) demographic argument, and 4) the downfall of the West. I argue that the clash of civilisations is based on false, Eurocentric assumptions and prejudices.
3
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The roots of educational changes in the perspective of democracy challenges in Finland and England in the 20th century

75%
Suwalska A.
Edukacja Międzykulturowa
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2021
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vol. 14
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issue 1
219-232
EN
This article presents Finnish educational changes in the context of The Nordic Model of Social Democracy improved since 1963 versus English model of Neoliberal Democracy based on conservatism since 1979 with its roots in the late eighteenth century in Europe. The reform of education in Finland was supported by a new curriculum and different methods of teaching. In 1963 students started to have an access to the highest-quality education and it was not related to students’ place of living, richness or annual income. On the other side in England, privatization and centralization were the main pillars of the reform with neoliberalism, neoconservatism and its market competition in education. The central government was responsible for the provision of educational services, educational policy, and planning the direction of the educational system. Teachers faced an ultimatum: “either submit to re-education or lose your job” (Jones, p. 43). The 1988 reform strengthened the ideological control of education and accelerated differentiation between schools.
4
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Pomiędzy sprywatyzowaną funkcją i publicznym działaniem religii: liberalno-chrześcijański podsystem społeczny Michaela Novaka

45%
Lisak M.
Studia Gdańskie
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2012
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issue 31
161-176
PL
Michael Novak, amerykański komunitarysta i neokonserwatysta, przedstawia koncepcję chrześcijańskiego liberalizmu, którego wyrazem jest religijna argumentacja na rzecz systemu społecznego nazywanego demokratycznym kapitalizmem. Novak zmierza tym samym do umocnienia publicznego działania religii. Poglądy amerykańskiego katolickiego intelektualisty zostały poddane analizie w świetle dwóch socjologicznych teorii: prywatyzacji religii wedle Niklasa Luhmanna oraz funkcji i działania w ramach religijnej opcji liberalnej i konserwatywnej wedle ujęcia Petera Beyera. W efekcie przeprowadzonej analizy okazuje się, że stanowisko Novaka należy zakwalikować jako dość fundamentalistyczną religijną opcję konserwatywną, a jego idee religijne stanowią nieudaną próbę legitymizacji demokratycznego kapitalizmu.
EN
Michael Novak, an American communitarian and neoconservative thinker, proposes his vision of a Christian liberalism, which points out some religious background to the social system of democratic capitalism. Consequently, Novak tries to strengthen social importance of religion and to widespread its public performance. In the view of such a proposal the author of the article analyses the Novak’s position from a sociological perspective. This approach is based thus on two sociological concepts: rstly, on the Niklas Luhmann’s analysis for privatisation of religion; secondly, on private function and public performance of religion in the context of both religious options – liberal and conservative, according to Peter Beyer. In result the study nds out that Novak is, despite of his liberal inclinations, a proponent of at least partially fundamentalist conservative religious option. Furthermore, his trial to legitimise, on the Christian and moral ground, the system of democratic capitalism is rather futile.
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