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EN
The article presents the most important examples of castellan Jan from Pilcza economic and foundational activity in the context of other Iuniores faction members achievements. The text elaborates endowments and ways of managing the lands by Jan from Pilcza and members of the young nobles party. It contains also some observations about common points of Iuniores actions – groups known as the main part of the opposition against bishop Zbigniew Oleśnicki. Recognition of these activities profiles is helpful in better understanding the ideological and political attitude of medieval Crown of Polish Kingdom noble elite representatives, who were participants of Spytko from Melsztyn confederetion. The Jan from Pilcza biography is an example of political and social advancement in times of Władysław III and Kazimierz Jagiellończyk reigns. His economic activity had been mainly based on profits from his lands and developing, inter alias, trade markets. Privileges which he dedicated for Tyczyn and Łańcut confirm the observed trend. Also mining was an economy branch developed in described region by Jan from Pilcza. The mentioned activity had a positive impact on defensive capability of Crown of Polish Kingdom. Jan from Pilcza's economic activities, such as salt-mining organizing, could be viewed as similar to other iuniores. In that context it is necessary to highlight that iuniores chantry actions, endowments and a lot of connections between them and catholic Church are denying the thesis about Hussitism among this political faction representatives.
EN
The paper examines some real personalities in the Early Modern-Age Czech history who appear in legends as revenants (Jiří Tunkl of Brníčko and Zábřeh, Zdeněk senior Kavka Říčanský of Říčany, Rudolf Karel Rašín of Rýzmburk). The paper presents, interprets and evaluates selected legends about these protagonists, describes their common stereotypes and the specificities they characterise, and outlines the legends’ genesis.
EN
Recent studies of migration in Grand Duchy of Lithuania show the influx of foreign nobility into Samogitia in the second half of the 16th century. This article attempts to clarify the three so far unexplored, but very important, circumstances of this migration. 1. The role of Polish migration. There is no doubt that the Poles made up the majority of migrants. At that time Samogitians dissatisfaction was directed against both Polish and Ruthenian, German, Hungarian and Lithuanian (!) migrants. The migration of Lithuanians into Samogitia had not been investigated. It is, therefore, likely that the number of Polish migrants in the context of total migration is undeservedly exaggerated. 2. In the 16th century the movement of the noble from one region to another was not a matter of fact. This usually happened when the Ruler rewarded distinguished noblemen with land and peasants from his ducal domain. The domain of the Grand Duke in Samogitia was just recreated in the fourth decade of the 16th century. And only after that did the Ruler hand benefice. The study of the dynamics of benefices during the 16th century clarifies that land distribution for nobles of non-local origins sharply increased during the last years of Sigismund Augustus’ reign. In part this can be explained by the Ruler wishes to reward meritorious Rittmeister of Livonian War. 3. In addition to the Ruler’s benefice policy the Lithuanian magnates’ patronage had heavy influence on nobility migration too. In the middle of the 16th century Chodkiewicz family of Ruthenic origin established itself in Samogitia. The clientele of Hieronim Chodkiewicz was composed of the nobility of the Ruthenian and Polish origin who moved into Samogitia. The latter fact led to the displacement of the nobles of Samogitian origin from the region elite.
PL
Autorka zakłada, że próba analizy warstwy rządzącej za czasów panowania dynastii Chosŏn na przykładzie szlachetnie urodzonych munbŏl 문벌 (門閥) powinna być przeprowadzana przy pomocy analizy ideologicznej, zaś tożsamość warstwy rządzącej należy rozpatrywać w relacji do kraju. Artykuł stanowi analizę istniejących badań, które dzielą się na trzy główne grupy. Pierwsza z grup wysuwa tezę, że warstwa rządząca jest niezależna od kraju i rządu i w takim oderwaniu należy rozpatrywać jej tożsamość. Druga grupa wskazuje na to, że warstwa rządząca opanowała również tzw. sektor prywatny. Trzecia grupa pokazuje, że warstwa ta nie była w stanie odciąć się strukturalnie od rządów. Dalsza część artykułu skupia się na analizie pozostałych punktów charakterystycznych dla koreańskiej warstwy rządzącej.
KO
본 논문은 조선시대 지배엘리트의 정체성을 파악하기 위해서는 문벌(門閥)이라는 소재를 통해 사상적인 방법론으로 분석하는 것이 필요함을 주장한 논문이다. 조선시대 지배엘리트의 정체성은 국가와의 관계 속에서 고찰되어야 한다. 이를 위해 우선 논문의 전반부에서 조선의 지배엘리트와 국가의 관계에 대해 다룬 기존의 연구들을 세 가지 경향으로 나누어 고찰하였다. 첫 번째 그룹은 지배층이 국가로부터 자율성을 가지며, 국가 밖의 영역에 정체성을 두고 있다고 여기는 연구들이다. 두 번째 그룹은 역시 국가로부터 자율성을 가지는 지배층이 사적 영역으로 국가를 잠식하였다고 보는 연구들이다. 세 번째 그룹은 조선시대 지배층은 구조적으로 국가의 지배를 벗어날 수 없었다고 여기는 연구들이다. 각각의 연구들은 조선시대 지배엘리트의 성격을 파악하는 데에 중요한 지점을 지적하였으나, 그들의 정체성이 근본적으로 무엇으로부터 오는가에 대한 사상적 고찰을 결여했기 때문에 한계를 가진다. 논문의 후반부에서는 이러한 한계를 극복하기 위한 제안으로, 문벌이라는 소재를 통해 당시 지배층의 정체성을 국가와의 관계 속에서 살펴보기를 주장하였다.
EN
This paper argues that it is necessary to analyze the identity of the ruling elite in the Chosŏn Dynasty through the nobles munbŏl 문벌(門閥) using the ideological methodology. The identity of the ruling elite in the Joseon Dynasty should be considered in relation to the state. In the first part of this paper, we review the existing studies on the relationship between the ruling elite and the state in Korea. The first group gives a view that the ruling class has autonomy from the state and has an identity outside the country. The second group of the studies shows that the ruling autonomous governments have encroached on the private sector. The third group are studies showing that the ruling class of the Chosŏn Dynasty structurally could not escape the domination of the state. Each of these studies pointed out important points in characterizing the ruling elites of the Chosŏn dynasty, yet they had some limitations because they lacked an ideological consideration of what their identity is fundamentally from. The second part of the paper presents how to overcome these limitations by insisting that the identity of the ruling class should be examined in relation to the state at that time through the issue of civilization.
EN
The aim of the article is to examine the most important forms of social activity of the petty and middle nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the second half of the 16th century on the example of the unique life stories of two Vitebsk noblemen. The article discusses biographies of Piotr Kisiel and Tymofiej Hurka, who represented the Vitebsk district at the Sejm in 1569 and directly participated in the conclusion of the Union of Lublin. For a long time, the historiography discussed only the most influential participants of the sessions of this Sejm. However, ‘ordinary’ representatives of the wide group of nobles from the districts of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania also played their part in negotiations regarding the conclusion of the union. The aims, ideas, worldview, and values along with the personal experiences of those people directly affected their social and political position, and thus, to some extent, shaped the entire state. The author shows the influence of military and political events of the 1560s on the political activities of Piotr Kisiel and Tymofiej Hurka. The experience gained from the Livonian War influenced their attitude towards the union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish Crown in 1569. The investigations presented by the author show that significant transformations of the 1560s (reforms of the political system of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the creation of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) gave the Kisiel and Hurka families the opportunity to actively participate in public life and allowed them to occupy a permanent place among the political elites of the Vitebsk district. The research results are based on various types of documentary sources, both published ones and manuscripts. The methodological basis of the analysis is the biographical method. The article emphasizes that detailed investigations of the biographies of ‘ordinary’ nobles opened new research perspectives in regard to the history of the noblemen of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the entire Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
EN
The aim of the article is to examine the most important forms of social activity of the petty and middle nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the second half of the 16th century on the example of the unique life stories of two Vitebsk noblemen. The article discusses biographies of Piotr Kisiel and Tymofiej Hurka, who represented the Vitebsk district at the Sejm in 1569 and directly participated in the conclusion of the Union of Lublin. For a long time, the historiography discussed only the most influential participants of the sessions of this Sejm. However, ‘ordinary’ representatives of the wide group of nobles from the districts of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania also played their part in negotiations regarding the conclusion of the union. The aims, ideas, worldview, and values along with the personal experiences of those people directly affected their social and political position, and thus, to some extent, shaped the entire state. The author shows the influence of military and political events of the 1560s on the political activities of Piotr Kisiel and Tymofiej Hurka. The experience gained from the Livonian War influenced their attitude towards the union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish Crown in 1569. The investigations presented by the author show that significant transformations of the 1560s (reforms of the political system of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the creation of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) gave the Kisiel and Hurka families the opportunity to actively participate in public life and allowed them to occupy a permanent place among the political elites of the Vitebsk district. The research results are based on various types of documentary sources, both published ones and manuscripts. The methodological basis of the analysis is the biographical method. The article emphasizes that detailed investigations of the biographies of ‘ordinary’ nobles opened new research perspectives in regard to the history of the noblemen of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the entire Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
EN
For a long time, historiography was dominated by a dualistic view on what had happened at the Sejm of Lublin in 1569. Thus, when describing the conclusion of the Union of Lublin, scholars focused on the Polish-Lithuanian dispute and the decisive role of King Sigismund Augustus in signing the agreement in Lublin. Recently, however, there have appeared publications highlighting the important role in the conclusion of the Lublin Union played by the Ruthenian nobility and noble representatives of the lands incorporated into the Polish Crown in 1569, that is Volhynia, eastern Podolia (Bracław Land) and the region of Kiev. The article sums up the existing knowledge on this subject, stressing the fact of the separate interests of the Ruthenian magnates, especially from Volhynia – where many well-known princely families had their family nests – in comparison to the Lithuanian magnates on the eve of the conclusion of the Union of Lublin. It facilitated the decision of the Ruthenian nobles to support not only the union itself, but also the incorporation of the above-mentioned provinces into the Polish Crown. Also thanks to this attitude of the princes and noblemen of Volhynia, Bracław Land and the region of Kiev, these areas gained relatively broad autonomy allowing them to preserve their cultural identity. There is no doubt, however, that the Union of Lublin accelerated the process of Polonization of these lands to some extent, although the process had begun well before 1569. Another important event from the point of view of maintaining the cultural identity of these provinces was the conclusion of the Union of Brest (1595–1596), as a result of which – upon the decision of most Orthodox bishops of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – the Kiev metropolitanate became subordinated to the Holy See. On the one hand, the majority of Ruthenian nobility from the aforementioned provinces reacted in defense of the Orthodox faith, and to some extent also of the Ruthenian region, which stimulated them to strengthen their identity. In this context, noble tribunes of Ruthenian origin, such as Adam Kisiel, and Orthodox polemic writers, such as Melecjusz Smotrycki (who later became a member of the Uniate Church), began to indicate the existence of a separate Ruthenian nation, also pointing to its different features and de facto forming the foundations of its historical tradition. Zaporizhian Cossacks, who consistently defended the Orthodox faith, also joined the process to some extent. On the other hand, in the long run, the Union of Brest led to the Catholicization of local noblemen. Most of Ruthenian nobles eventually converted to the Roman Catholic denomination. However, the fact that the Uniate Church existed might have led to the situation that at least some of the Ruthenian nobles remained in the Ruthenian cultural circle even in the 18th and 19th centuries. Meanwhile, in the 17th century the role of the Ruthenian language tended to decrease in the above-mentioned territories, as it was the case in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the second half of the 17th century the Ruthenian language ceased to be the official language for the benefit of the Polish language.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2019
|
vol. 84
|
issue 4
41-72
EN
For a long time, historiography was dominated by a dualistic view on what had happened at the Sejm of Lublin in 1569. Thus, when describing the conclusion of the Union of Lublin, scholars focused on the Polish-Lithuanian dispute and the decisive role of King Sigismund Augustus in signing the agreement in Lublin. Recently, however, there have appeared publications highlighting the important role in the conclusion of the Lublin Union played by the Ruthenian nobility and noble representatives of the lands incorporated into the Polish Crown in 1569, that is Volhynia, eastern Podolia (Bracław Land) and the region of Kiev. The article sums up the existing knowledge on this subject, stressing the fact of the separate interests of the Ruthenian magnates, especially from Volhynia – where many well-known princely families had their family nests – in comparison to the Lithuanian magnates on the eve of the conclusion of the Union of Lublin. It facilitated the decision of the Ruthenian nobles to support not only the union itself, but also the incorporation of the above-mentioned provinces into the Polish Crown. Also thanks to this attitude of the princes and noblemen of Volhynia, Bracław Land and the region of Kiev, these areas gained relatively broad autonomy allowing them to preserve their cultural identity. There is no doubt, however, that the Union of Lublin accelerated the process of Polonization of these lands to some extent, although the process had begun well before 1569. Another important event from the point of view of maintaining the cultural identity of these provinces was the conclusion of the Union of Brest (1595–1596), as a result of which – upon the decision of most Orthodox bishops of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – the Kiev metropolitanate became subordinated to the Holy See. On the one hand, the majority of Ruthenian nobility from the aforementioned provinces reacted in defense of the Orthodox faith, and to some extent also of the Ruthenian region, which stimulated them to strengthen their identity. In this context, noble tribunes of Ruthenian origin, such as Adam Kisiel, and Orthodox polemic writers, such as Melecjusz Smotrycki (who later became a member of the Uniate Church), began to indicate the existence of a separate Ruthenian nation, also pointing to its different features and de facto forming the foundations of its historical tradition. Zaporizhian Cossacks, who consistently defended the Orthodox faith, also joined the process to some extent. On the other hand, in the long run, the Union of Brest led to the Catholicization of local noblemen. Most of Ruthenian nobles eventually converted to the Roman Catholic denomination. However, the fact that the Uniate Church existed might have led to the situation that at least some of the Ruthenian nobles remained in the Ruthenian cultural circle even in the 18th and 19th centuries. Meanwhile, in the 17th century the role of the Ruthenian language tended to decrease in the above-mentioned territories, as it was the case in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the second half of the 17th century the Ruthenian language ceased to be the official language for the benefit of the Polish language.
EN
In the fifteenth century, even before the Executionist movement, after the actions of King Jagiełło and especially his son Władysław of Varna, the Polish state was heavily in debt. Five noblemen from the ruling elite of the era decided to renounce the sums bequeathed to them by the king on royal estates and to return these lands to the monarch. What were their motives? Was it a gesture of philanthropy or calculation?
PL
W XV w., jeszcze przed egzekucją dóbr, państwo polskie było dosyć mocno zadłużone po działaniach Władysława Jagiełły, a szczególnie jego syna Władysława Jagiellończyka. Pięciu szlachciców z ówczesnej elity władzy postanowiło zrzec się sum zapisanych im przez władcę na królewszczyznach i oddać te ziemie na powrót w ręce monarchy. Jakie pobudki nimi kierowały? Czy był to gest filantropii, czy też wyrachowania?
EN
In the Ostrołęcki region, which belongs to Łomża Province, consisted of the town of Ostrołęka, three settlements (Czerwin, Goworowo, Myszyniec) and 11 municipalities (Czerwin, Dylewo, Goworowo, Myszyniec, Nakły, Nasiadki, Piski, Rzekuń, Szczawin, Troszyn, Wach). These congregations can be divided inaccurately into peasant (Kurpie) and petty-noble communities, but also the manors (the economic situation of large estates deteriorated) and the inhabitants of the Mosaic faith, who predominate in the cities, must be taken into account. I checked the municipalities and settlements on the basis of data published in 1891 by the Statistical Committee of Warsaw. Larger farms were owned by petty nobles, while the value of houses inhabited by peasants was estimated much higher. We still know too little about aristocratic relations, especially in the villages inhabited by both communities. In the years described, the agricultural crisis hampered the changes in the economy, and the socio-cultural upswing in the Kurpie villages was still weak. To the statistical data with commentaries, I have attached excerpts from an unpublished article by Prof. Juliusz Łukasiewicz, who presented the economic chang es in Gub. Lomżyńska in the years 1870-1904. The region of Ostrołęka had many characteristics: a low percentage of arable land and poor soils, and a high percentage of meadows; on average, larger farms; slow replacement of agricultural equipment; negligence in drainage and commassation work; the maintenance of the breeding of domestic animals and domestic birds, higher proportion of potato cultivation, also on fallow land in the system of tripod buckets. During this period, the town of Ostrołęka seems to have had little influence on the transformation of rural areas, especially in the more remote municipalities.
PL
W powiecie ostrołęckim, wchodzącym w skład gub. łomżyńskiej, znajdowały się: miasto Ostrołęka, trzy osady (Czerwin, Goworowo, Myszyniec) oraz 11 gmin (Czerwin, Dylewo, Goworowo, Myszyniec, Nakły, Nasiadki, Piski, Rzekuń, Szczawin, Troszyn, Wach). Gminy te można podzielić nieprecyzyjnie na chłopskie (kurpiowskie) i drobnoszlacheckie, a ponadto uwzględnić należy folwarki (pogarszała się kondycja ekonomiczna wielkiej własności) i mieszkańców wyznania mojżeszowego dominujących w miasteczkach. Dokonałem przeglądu gmin i osad, wykorzystując dane opublikowane przez Warszawski Komitet Statystyczny w 1891 r. Większe obszarowo gospodarstwa posiadała drobna szlachta, natomiast wyżej oszacowano wartość domów mieszkalnych zamieszkałych przez chłopów. Wciąż wiemy zbyt mało o relacjach włościańsko-szlacheckich, zwłaszcza we wsiach zamieszkałych przez obie społeczności, a tych przybywało. W opisanych latach kryzys agrarny utrudniał wprowadzanie zmian w sposobie gospodarowania i słabo jeszcze zaznaczało się ożywienie społeczno-kulturowe we wsiach kurpiowskich. Do danych statystycznych, opatrzonych komentarzami, dołączyłem fragmenty nieopublikowanego artykułu prof. Juliusza Łukasiewicza, który zaprezentował przemiany ekonomiczne w gub. łomżyńskiej w latach 1870-1904. Na tle całej guberni pow. ostrołęcki wykazywał wiele cech charakterystycznych: mały procent gruntów ornych i słabe gleby, a duży udział łąk; przeciętnie większe obszarowo gospodarstwa; powolne tempo wymiany narzędzi i sprzętów rolniczych; zaniedbania w pracach melioracyjnych i komasacji; dbałość o hodowlę zwierząt i ptactwa domowego, wyższy udział upraw ziemniaków, także na ugorach w systemie trójpolówki. Wydaje się, że w tym okresie miasto Ostrołęka w niewielkim stopniu wpływało na przemiany na terenach wiejskich, zwłaszcza w bardziej oddalonych gminach.
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