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EN
The right to education which is guaranteed in Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 to the European Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms is deemed to be fundamental, and provides grounds for formulating the rights of an individual and, corresponding to them, duties of a public government. The right to education includes 3 elements: the right to access the existing institutions and learning programs, the right to receive real and effective education, and the right to have the education completed within the existing recognised educational systems. These three rights also refer to higher education, including the private one, at all levels: bachelor studies, master studies and doctoral studies. As can be noticed in the ECHR decisions, access to education can never be limited on the grounds that are illegal, arbitral, irrational or simply discriminatory. This access must be framed and realised in a manner respecting the principle of equality, which follows from the conviction that everyone is entitled to have not only access to education but also to have this access provided on the same terms as it is provided to all individuals in an analogical situation. The similarity in this context is measured i.a. by comparing the levels of candidates’ capabilities and qualifications, which constitute a justified and objective set of criteria. These directives were taken into consideration in the judgment of the ECHR of 2 of April 2013 in the case of Tarantino and others v. Italy. The Tribunal has ruled that the Italian regulation introducing the limit of admissions (numerus clausus) in higher education is in accordance with the right to education stated in the Convention. It was recognised that making the admission to the higher education conditional on the intellectual capabilities of a candidate is justified and consistent with the essence of the right to education. The Tribunal’s ruling has a substantial importance for Polish regulations which are similar to those in the analysed case under consideration. The remarks made by the ECHR exceed the issue of numerous clauses and address the whole substance of the right to education, including the right to gain benefits of education or the influence of the conditions of the access to education on the nature of the right stated in the Article 2.
PL
Gwarantowane przez art. 2 Protokołu nr 1 do Europejskiej Konwencji Praw Człowieka i Podstawowych Wolności prawo do nauki (edukacji, kształcenia, oświaty, wykształcenia) uznawane jest za fundamentalne. Daje ono podstawy do formułowania praw jednostki i – odpowiadających im – obowiązków władz publicznych. Wskazane prawo obejmuje trzy elementy: prawo dostępu do istniejących instytucji i programów nauczania, prawo do uzyskiwania realnego i efektywnego nauczania oraz prawo do uznania wykształcenia już zdobytego w ramach istniejących systemów nauczania. Odnosi się ono także do szkolnictwa wyższego, w tym prywatnego, i dotyczy wszystkich trzech szczebli: studiów licencjackich, magisterskich oraz doktoranckich. Jak zauważa się w orzecznictwie Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka (ETPCz), dostęp do nauki nie może nigdy zostać ograniczony na podstawie powodów sprzecznych z prawem, arbitralnych, nieracjonalnych lub dyskryminacyjnych. Musi być on ujęty i realizowany przy poszanowaniu zasady równości, gdyż każdemu przysługuje nie tylko dostęp do nauki, ale też taki sam dostęp i na tych samych warunkach, jaki mają inni znajdujący się w analogicznej sytuacji. Analogiczność tę mierzy się zaś między innymi poziomem zdolności i kwalifikacji kandydatów, bo są to kryteria uzasadnione i o obiektywnym charakterze. Z uwzględnieniem tych dyrektyw zapadł wyrok ETPCz z 2 kwietnia 2013 r. w sprawie Tarantino i inni przeciwko Włochom, w którym sąd strasburski stwierdził zgodność regulacji wprowadzających limit miejsc (numerus clausus) w szkolnictwie wyższym z konwencyjnym prawem do nauki. Uznał on uzależnienie wstępu na studia od warunków intelektualnych kandydata za uzasadnione i zgodne z treścią prawa do nauki. Rozstrzygnięcie Trybunału ma istotne znaczenie dla regulacji polskich, które są analogiczne do analizowanych we wskazanej sprawie. Uwagi poczynione przez ETPCz wykraczają jednak poza ten problem, odnosząc się do całokształtu prawa do nauki, w tym do prawa czerpania korzyści z wykształcenia czy wpływu na prawo do nauki warunków jego pobierania. Omawiany wyrok stanowi zatem wskazówkę do analizy uregulowań rodzimych.
EN
The numerus clausus of property rights indicates that a mandatory closed catalogue of property rights exists in a given legal system; the content (method of creation, conveyance, expiration) of a right falling within this closed list is strictly specified and cannot be changed by the parties. In this way, the state consciously limits the activity of the parties in this regard, indicating the socially and legally acceptable types of property rights they can use. An insightful look at the development and explanation of this principle over the centuries and now seems to be necessary with the advancing unification of private law in Europe. The present article discusses the dogmatic basis of the concept of numerus clausus and outlines its history and economic reasoning behind it. Then, the main models of the numerus clausus in European legal orders as well as the functioning of this principle in Polish property law are presented. Subsequently, the strengths and weaknesses of the numerus clausus are examined. This provides us with general conclusions concerning the harmonization of this area of private law.
EN
Polish-Jewish Relations at Poznan University, 1919-1939, in Light of Archival MaterialsThis article covers Polish-Jewish relations at Poznań University between 1919 and the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, in light of unpublished documents from the archives of the University (since renamed Adam Mickiewicz University). It begins by describing the demographics of Poznań and the relationship between the Jewish and Polish populations of the city in 1919, the year which marked both Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) regaining its independence and the founding of Poznań University. Based on the evidence provided by the  unpublished archival documents, the article then assesses how and why the situation of Jewish students at the University changed over time. Particular attention is paid to the role of youth organisations, especially All Polish Youth (Młodzież Wszechpolska), the aim of which was to entirely ban Jews from attending the institution. The article also examines the attitudes of University professors towards Jews, both in  terms of their personal views and the research they conducted. Analysing the unpublished documents from the University’s archives serves as the first step towards filling in the many blank pages in the history of this institution of higher education. Having said this, further inter-disciplinary studies are needed by historians and specialists in fields such as psychology, sociology, ethnology and cultural studies, before a complete explanation can be provided as to why a conflict between Polish and Jewish students broke out at Poznań University.  Stosunki polsko-żydowskie na Uniwersytecie Poznańskim w latach 1919–1939 w świetle materiałów archiwalnychArtykuł ten ukazuje stosunki polsko-żydowskie na Uniwersytecie Poznańskim w latach 1919–1939, tj. w okresie od założenia Uniwersytetu do wybuchu II wojny światowej, w świetle nieopublikowanych  dotychczas dokumentów znajdujących się w zbiorach archiwum Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Zwraca uwagę na sytuację demograficzną oraz stosunki pomiędzy ludnością polską i żydowską w Poznaniu w 1919 roku, tj. w momencie odzyskania przez Wielkopolskę niepodległości i utworzenia Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego. Następnie na podstawie analizy dokumentów przedstawiona jest w nim zmieniającą się z biegiem lat sytuacja młodzieży żydowskiej studiującej na Uniwersytecie Poznańskim oraz jej przyczyny, z podkreśleniem roli, jaką odegrały organizacje młodzieżowe, a zwłaszcza Młodzież Wszechpolska. Celem ich było całkowite wyeliminowanie Żydów z tej uczelni. Na uwagę zasługuje także stosunek niektórych profesorów do Żydów zarówno pod kątem ich poglądów, jak i prowadzonych badań. Przeprowadzona analiza materiałów w archiwum UAM jest pierwszym krokiem do zapisania wielu dotychczas jeszcze białych kart w dziejach tej uczelni. Pełne wyjaśnienie przyczyn konfliktu pomiędzy studentami narodowości polskiej i żydowskiej na UP wymaga podjęcia dalszych szeroko zakrojonych badań interdyscyplinarnych zarówno przez historyków, jak i przez specjalistów z takich dziedzin nauki, jak psychologia, socjologia, etnologia czy kulturoznawstwo.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2019
|
vol. 14
|
issue 9
348-371
EN
Ryszard Ganszyniec, an outstanding classicist, professor at the Jan Kazimierz University in the years 1920-1939 and, on and off, until 1946, as one of a few academic lecturers, openly opposed the growing wave of antisemitism among Polish students in interwar Lviv. His readings inspired by events at universities - the introduction of the so-called numerus clausus principle and of the bench ghetto in the thirties - were published in the form of two extensive brochures: The case of “numerus clausus” and its fundamental meaning. Academic antisemitism as a symptom of social antisemitism (1925) and Bench Ghetto (1937). The author did not only expose the low motives and methods of Polish nationalists. As a discerning humanist, he spoke on the principles of coexistence of two nations, Poles and Jews, in the new conditions of the resurgent Polish State after 123 years of political dependence. Despite the increasing acts of violence against Jewish youth, inspired mainly by the All-Polish Youth (beatings and even murders in the 1930s), and the passive, quiet consent of the majority of professors, Ganszyniec dealt with the phenomenon of numerus claususus on ethical, religious, economic and sociological levels. He reminded zealous Catholic nationalists of the Jewish origin of Christ. He juxtaposed the industriousness and austerity of Jews with the ineptitude of Poles, particularly visible in trade. He warned that attempts to transform the Polish nation into a politically and ethnically uniform formation would never succeed. He proved that privileging Polish students at universities leads them to laziness and strengthens their demanding attitudes. The bench ghetto, introduced by force during lectures, would begin to isolate Jewish shops, services, houses, and create places of retreat for this nation similar to the German concentration camps already existing at that time. Ganszyniec predicted that the Jews would be followed by communists, socialists, peasant activists and the entire opposition, until finally the single party system would take over, for which the Constitution would be only a “piece of paper”. The scholar saw the bench ghetto as a dangerous element in the nazification of society. One of the greatest weaknesses of Polish chauvinists, as he saw it, was the lack of any arguments for the alleged superiority of the “Polish race”. He easily proved the superiority of Jewish merits over those of Poles in building world cultural heritage. The postulates of the Lviv classicist, which made him many enemies, could not influence the situation at Polish universities on the eve of the Second World War, when two totalitarian systems were tightening around the Republic of Poland: Nazi and Stalinist.
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