Search results

1

Networking leader and local oligarchies

100%

Csurgo B., Kovach I., Bernadett Csurgo -Institute of Sociology H. A. o. S., Imre Kovach -Institute of Sociology H. A. o. S.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica

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2013

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vol. 44

EN

This paper presents a case study from Hungary about the “Nagykunságért” LEADER Local Action Group, which demonstrates the limits of an actor’s involvement in local rural development. Project participation in this region depends on the financial and managerial capacity of participants. Actors with capacity are involved with the project as a matter of course, but those without capacity are crowded out and lack access to resources. Actors in rural development are characterised by their ability to disseminate diverse kinds of information and use of knowledge. Inclusion, exclusion, and the power of local oligarchies are main concepts in this paper, which studies LEADER as a tool which may be used either for democracy or against local democratic control over the distribution of development funds.

2

Kryzys rosyjski i kierunki wyjścia w świetle prac Instytutu EurAzES

88%

Massaka I.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2015

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vol. 45

120-142

EN

Works of analysts centered in the EurAzES Institute (EI), among them the dissertation by Vladimir Tamak on modernization of the Russian Federation (2012) and the anonymous “Global Project Russia” (2011), prove the vitality of the Eurasian idea in the RF (Russian Federation) and its political potential. Tamak’s reformatory postulates, as well as, in a lesser degree, the ones of other scholars and activists from the circle of EI, are integrated with the negative opinion on political and social reality in the RF after 1993. The analysis of causes and prospective results of the crisis is directed by the thesis about the Russian and global oligarchic involvement. EI’s neo-Eurasian reformatory projects, promoted as innovative, and the only ones among other modernizing programs announced in the recent years, constitute a compilation of selected elements of classical Eurasianism (i.a. idiocracy, organic democracy, anti-Occidentalism, Orthodox traditionalism), a contemporary version of Eurasianism elaborated by L. Gumilov (i.a. relative autarchy), and neo-Eurasianism by A. Dugin (i.a. vision of the future of the RF as Eurasia’s heartland; non-European model of development of Eurasian industry).

3

La democrazia ricorrente. DEMOCRAZIA O OLIGARCHIA?

88%

Tafaro S.

Civitas et Lex

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2015

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issue 2(6)

39-58

EN

The societies today, especially in the so-called ‘West’, seem irreversible crisis both from an organizational and economically and especially on that of the ‘values’ (religious or secular, that are). In Central Europe Mediterranean we had the illusion that the creation and the EIB, the Community Union and now in Europe, was the solution to the ‘problem’. Instead, not only proved to be inadequate, but is ending itself to become great or at least part of the problem. One of the main nodes consists in the alienation individual with respect to policy management, increasingly the preserve of oligarchies. There is much to say and much to do. Above all it is necessary to redesign the ‘model’ of society, overcoming the abstractness of the concept of State, and proposing joint truthful and not patterns worn and often harbingers of fictions. It should be cautioned, however, that there is no perfect model and, therefore, it is necessary to assume a ‘dynamic model’. Experience shows that the proposed solutions often arouse enthusiasm and expectations that, after a certain interval, fade and ineffective, therefore democracy needs to know how to renew and reshape consistently and regularly, according to a model of democracy that would define recurring.

4

Simulated Democracy and the Free Market in Russia

75%

Bartnicki A., Stefanowicz K.

Baltic Journal of Law & Politics

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2010

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vol. 3

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issue 1

1-14

EN

The vague character of the interests in a post-totalitarian society, which become clear when seen alongside the clear and concrete interests of the elites, seems to be an important and typical feature of Russia's politics. Consequently, society has been almost completely marginalized as a political subject, and its role has been taken over by the corporate interests groups of "big business". The political regime of present-day Russia has been, to some degree, founded on models known from developed democracies, including the institutions of the president, council of ministers, independent courts, and the freedom of the press or political parties. However, considerable differences occurred in the application of those mechanisms in Russia. For instance, the parties in the Russian political system did not succeed in becoming channels of articulation of social needs. This situation was caused by the fact that the majority of political parties and other political and social organizations have been dominated by various interest groups and have maintained an exclusive character. Those interest groups, represented by political parties, pursued their goal by means of private and public pressure towards state decision-making institutions. Thus, both the state's and the society's priorities have been pushed aside.

5

Transformations of democracy and the problem of wealth: some remarks on oligarchy and the Czech case

75%

Lánský O.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2024

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vol. 72

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issue Special_issue_1

101-123

EN

There are many signs that our democracies are undergoing a transformation: populism, an erosion of civic participation in political parties, to replace citizens’ decision- making with expert knowledge, and the growing power of super-wealthy people. Urbinati grasps these problems in terms of three phenomena: technocratic depoliticisation, populism, and plebiscitarianism. This article argues that the central issue in contemporary democracies is wealth and inequality, and that is why we need a fully developed concept of oligarchy. Although Urbinati tries to take oligarchy into account, she does so mainly in relation to media ownership. This article considers oligarchy as a phenomenon typical for the contemporary era, and analyses it in the context of the development of Czech society during the last decade. The article adapts Jeffrey A. Winters’ oligarchy theory to the Czech context, effectively connecting political and societal spheres. Finally, the article suggests that only a re-conceptualised theory of democracy enriched by the theory of oligarchy can provide an effective starting point for addressing the pitfalls of the transformations of democracy.

6

Przywództwo oligarchiczne i jego społeczne uwarunkowania w świetle „Partii politycznych” Roberta Michelsa

63%

Miński R.

Forum Politologiczne

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2013

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vol. 15 - Przywództwo polityczne w Polsce i na świecie

119-144

EN

The article is devoted to the reception of Robert Michels's concept. Robert Michels accomplishments include being the author of the “Iron Law of Oligarchy”, being Max Weber's apprentice, and also co-editor of the famous journal Archiv fur Sozialwissenshaft und Sozialpolitik. Despite these impressive credits, Michels remains little-known in Poland. In the article, an attempt was made to introduce Michels in a biographical context. Furthermore, the article discusses the controversies surrounding the thoughts and evolution of the “Iron Law of Oligarchy's” author. However, the main purpose of the article is to explain the social determinants of the oligarchization of leadership in political parties. Michels states that, the necessity for organization and leadership immanently causes the oligarchical tendencies in social systems. In his book “Political Parties” he considered, that mass character of social phenomena makes direct-democratic leadership impossible. Even such organizations as political parties (especially socialist parties), and/or opting for democratic ideas, in fact simulate democratic standards.

7

Thai Elite Networks as an Example of an Extractive Institution

63%

Gliniak P.

Ekonomia XXI Wieku

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2021

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issue 24

39-55

PL

Głównym celem badawczym artykułu jest analiza wpływu tajskich elit na rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy kraju z perspektywy ekonomii instytucjonalnej i nowej ekonomii instytucjonalnej (NEI). Celami szczegółowymi są przybliżenie poglądów ekonomii instytucjonalnej i NEI na rozwój gospodarczy oraz przedstawienie procesu modernizacyjnego kraju od II wojny światowej. Kolejne cele badawcze stanowią wytłumaczenie relacji między tajskimi elitami oraz analiza jakości instytucji z wykorzystaniem wskaźników, takich jak the Democracy Index, the Rule of Law Index i the World Governance Indicator. Artykuł wypełnia lukę badawczą związaną z analizą wpływu instytucji, w tym przypadku instytucji wykluczającej, jaką jest monarchia sieciowa, na rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy. Z uzyskanych wyników wynika, że środowisko instytucjonalne kraju jest w złej kondycji. Konsekwencje aktywności monarchii sieciowej i tajskich elit ugruntowują te problemy. Korupcja w kraju jest powszechna, a problem ten dotyka wszystkich obywateli w ich codziennym życiu. W kwestii praworządności nie zanotowano praktycznie żadnej poprawy, a sądownictwo jest nieefektywne. Proces demokratyczny nie został spowolniony, a praktycznie zahamowany. Z badań wynika, że wolność słowa jest szeroko ograniczana, a rządząca junta wojskowa tłamsi opozycję, chcąc utrzymać status quo. Artykuł ma interdyscyplinarny charakter. Obok aspektów ekonomicznych ujmuje również aspekty politologiczne, socjologiczne i prawne. Wyniki w nim prezentowane pozwalają na pełniejszą analizę przemian i problemów gospodarczych Tajlandii oraz mogą być inspiracją do kontynuowania analizy gospodarczej z perspektywy ekonomii instytucjonalnej.

EN

The main research objective of this article is to analyse the influence of Thai elites on the socio-economic development of the country from the institutional economic and new institutional economics (NIE) perspective. The specific research goals included an introduction of the views of institutional economics and NIE on economic development and to present the country's modernization process since World War II. Other goals were to explain the relationship between the Thai elites, and study the quality of institutions using indicators such as the Democracy Index, the Rule of Law Index, and the World Governance Indicator. The article aims to fill the research gap related to analysing the impact of an institution on socio-economic development. In this case, this is an extractive institution: the network monarchy. The Thai elites' activities, which only serve their own interests, exacerbate the problems experienced by the country. The research carried out for this article shows the entire Thai institutional environment is in poor shape, and negatively affects all aspects of the daily lives of Thai citizens. Corruption in the government is widespread. The rule of law has seen no improvement, and the judiciary is ineffective. The democratic process has been slowed down if not practically halted. Freedom of speech is widely restricted, and the ruling military junta stifles opposition in a bid to maintain the status quo. This article is interdisciplinary. In addition to economics, it addresses political science, sociology and aspects of the law. The research results contained in this article allow for a deeper understanding of Thailand's economic changes and aim to encourage further economic analysis from an institutional economics angle.

8

Proč jsou podle Aristotela demokracie a oligarchie nejdůležitější "ústavy" a v čem se zásadně liší?

63%

Novák M.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2024

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vol. 60

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issue 2

187-211

EN

According to Aristotle, democracy and oligarchy are empirically the most widespread and analytically fundamental ‘constitutions’. I analyse how in different places in his Aristotle ‘positively’ defines and differentiates between democracy and oligarchy. At the same time, I substantiate in detail a new interpretation of Aristotle‘s view that significantly differs from the current interpretation. ‘Combining’ the elements, procedures, and principles of democracy and oligarchy gives rise to mixed 'constitutions', a special place among which is occupied by the politeia or republic, which is the best regime ‘for most states and for most people’. I show the ways in which it is possible, according to Aristotle, to form such a regime. Carl Schmitt and, later somewhat differently, Bernard Manin draw a link between Aristotle’s mixed regime and the representative democracies of today.

9

UWOLNIENIE MICHAIŁA CHODORKOWSKIEGO: NOWY ETAP LIBERALIZACJI ROSJI?

51%

Ilnicki M.

Zeszyty Naukowe KUL

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2014

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vol. 57

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issue 3

13-31

EN

The article relates to the results of pardoning the founder of Jukos oil company Mikhail Khodorkovsky by the Russian President Vladimir Putin. The author has lied down a broad analysis of possible causes of Russian President’s decission as well as shown the legal basis in force in this country, regulating the procedure of a pardon. According to contemporary practice, a plea for pardon was considered as same to a confession to commiting a crime, what was what neither Khodorkovski nor his partner wanted to do. According to the author the compromise was reached; Russian regulations demands for personally formulated a plee for pardon, however confession to a crime is no longer an obligatory element of the procedure. Among possible causes for releasing Khodorkovsky there were mentioned such factors as: an attempt to improve the image of Russia before the inauguration of Winter Games in Sochi; establishing the lack of validation of accusations of breaking the human rights in discussed case; shifting a focus of public opinion from deterorating geopolitical situation of the Russian Federation; an attempt to mute the voices of the opposition which was trying to bring down the myth of President Putin’s diplomatic successes; or an attempt to demonstrate special political bounds between Russia and Germany, which participated in the release of Khodorkovsky. The author also underlined the fact that the release of Khodorkovsky was not connected to the amnesty of prisoners announced by the State’s Duma on the occasion of the 20’th anniversary of the Russian Constitution. According to the author the latest political changes in Russia prove the theories about a need to improve the image. In the article there was also included a broad analysis of a taxation system concerning the largest Russian oil companies in 2000–2001 and pointed out the possible motives of Khodorkovsky’s arrestment. According to the author the surprising issue is not a constatnt support of the Russian society to the government, but the behaviour of the influential Russian businessmen and liberal polititians.

PL

Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy skutków ułaskawienia przez prezydenta Federacji Rosyjskiej Władimira Putina założyciela firmy naftowej Jukos Michaiła Chodorkowskiego. Autor przedstawił szeroką analizę możliwych przyczyn decyzji Prezydenta Rosji, jak również przybliżył obowiązujące w tym kraju podstawy prawne regulujące procedurę ułaskawienia. W myśl dotychczasowej praktyki złożenie prośby o ułaskawienie jednoznaczne było z przyznaniem się osadzonego do winy, czego ani Chodorkowski, ani też jego wspólnik nie chcieli uczynić. Zdaniem autora udało się wypracować kompromis; rosyjskie przepisy wymagają osobistego sformułowania prośby o ułaskawienie, jednak przyznanie się do winy nie jest obowiązkowym elementem tej procedury. Wśród możliwych przyczyn uwolnienia Chodorkowskiego wymieniono takie czynniki, jak: próba poprawy wizerunku Rosji przed inauguracją zimowych igrzysk olimpijskich w Soczi; wykazanie niesłuszności zarzutów o łamaniu praw człowieka w przedmiotowej sprawie; odwrócenie uwagi opinii publicznej od pogarszającej się sytuacji geopolitycznej w Federacji Rosyjskiej; próba zagłuszenia głosów opozycji obalającej mit o sukcesach dyplomatycznych Prezydenta Putina; czy też próba demonstracji szczególnej więzi politycznej między Rosją i Niemcami, które pośredniczyły w procesie uwalniania Chodorkowskiego. Autor zwrócił uwagę także na fakt, że uwolnienie Chodorkowskiego nie było związane z amnestią więźniów ogłoszoną przez Dumę Państwową na cześć dwudziestolecia rosyjskiej konstytucji i jego zdaniem ostatnie zmiany polityczne w Rosji potwierdzają teorie o próbie poprawy wizerunku. W artykule zawarto także obszerną analizę systemu opodatkowania największych rosyjskich koncernów naftowych w latach 2000–2001 i przybliżył możliwe motywy aresztowania Chodorkowskiego. Zdaniem autora zdziwienie wywołuje nie tyle utrzymywanie się w społeczeństwie rosyjskim dużego zaufania do władzy państwowej, lecz postawa wpływowego rosyjskiego biznesu i liberalnych polityków.

10

DEMOCRACY IN CRISIS

51%

Chedia I.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2020

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issue 2

EN

This paper takes a look at the current state of Western democracy and the crises looming within it. Financialization of the democratic system, evident in the far-reaching influence of well-funded interest groups; emergence of the new media platforms that can sway public opinion almost instantly; the growing influence of digital technology giants due to the vast amount of user data that they possess; the overall influence of the Internet as an abstract entity; the failure of the education system unable to cope with modern day challenges – these are some of the factors that have significantly eroded the Western democracies for the past several decades. The text uses both discourse and content analysis in a complementary way. It is the author’s opinion that the factors listed in this paper indicate that Western democratic regimes are likely to transform into some forms of oligarchy, authoritarianism or, most worryingly, ultra-modern manifestations of totalitarianism aided by the array of modern technologies and methods of mass legitimization.

Refine search results

Networking leader and local oligarchies

Kryzys rosyjski i kierunki wyjścia w świetle prac Instytutu EurAzES

La democrazia ricorrente. DEMOCRAZIA O OLIGARCHIA?

Simulated Democracy and the Free Market in Russia

Transformations of democracy and the problem of wealth: some remarks on oligarchy and the Czech case

Przywództwo oligarchiczne i jego społeczne uwarunkowania w świetle „Partii politycznych” Roberta Michelsa

Thai Elite Networks as an Example of an Extractive Institution

Proč jsou podle Aristotela demokracie a oligarchie nejdůležitější "ústavy" a v čem se zásadně liší?

UWOLNIENIE MICHAIŁA CHODORKOWSKIEGO: NOWY ETAP LIBERALIZACJI ROSJI?

DEMOCRACY IN CRISIS