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EN
Demographic conditions of the functioning of peasant families at the turn of the Middle Ages(Summary)The main aim of this paper is to present the possibilities of applying judicial sources to a demographic analysis of 15th- and 16th-century peasant families. The appearance of village court records is connected with the promulgation of German law on Polish lands and the emergence of the institution of local government headed by the bailiff, who together with peasant aldermen performed judicial duties. Over 70% of the village court records deal with the land market, rents, wills, matters of inheritance, loans and liens, criminal and moral cases, and disputes among neighbours. The subject of study in the present article is one of the oldest Polish village court records from the village of Trześniowa, 1409–1609, published by Helena Polaczkówna. The study focuses on three problems: the duration of the peasants’ economic activity, the size of families and territorial selection of spouses. The average duration (mean) for the investigated period was 24 years but the median was only 21, with visible discrepancies between particular subperiods. Peasants who remained active the longest were those who began their activity in the 15th century (mean – 25, median – 24). One hundred years later, this period was several years shorter (mean – 21.5; median – 20). The variations in the durations of peasants’ economic activity can also be observed in the social dimension. The average duration of the economic activity of members of the peasant elite (bailiffs, aldermen) amounted to 26 years (median – 25) and was significantly higher than among peasants who never performed any official functions. The average number of children registered in the court roll fluctuated throughout the period under investigation. In the case of 45 families whose children reached maturity in the 15th century, the mean was 1.7. In the following century the average rose to 3 children per family. However, among the offspring recorded in the court records there was a marked disproportion regarding gender, to the advantage of men, so women who are missing in the source should be added in order to achieve a balance. The observation of the reconstructed families in Trześniowa points to substantial differences in the number of children reaching adulthood in both groups of the peasant population. Throughout the entire investigated time period, in elite families the average number of children reaching adulthood amounted to 3.8 whereas among other peasants it was one child less. Trześniowa’s inhabitants married citizens of towns located at some distance from their family village – marriages were concluded with people living within 80 km of Trześniowa.
PL
Demographic conditions of the functioning of peasant families at the turn of the Middle Ages (Summary)The main aim of this paper is to present the possibilities of applying judicial sources to a demographic analysis of 15th- and 16th-century peasant families. The appearance of village court records is connected with the promulgation of German law on Polish lands and the emergence of the institution of local government headed by the bailiff, who together with peasant aldermen performed judicial duties. Over 70% of the village court records deal with the land market, rents, wills, matters of inheritance, loans and liens, criminal and moral cases, and disputes among neighbours. The subject of study in the present article is one of the oldest Polish village court records from the village of Trześniowa, 1409–1609, published by Helena Polaczkówna. The study focuses on three problems: the duration of the peasants’ economic activity, the size of families and territorial selection of spouses. The average duration (mean) for the investigated period was 24 years but the median was only 21, with visible discrepancies between particular subperiods. Peasants who remained active the longest were those who began their activity in the 15th century (mean – 25, median – 24). One hundred years later, this period was several years shorter (mean – 21.5; median – 20). The variations in the durations of peasants’ economic activity can also be observed in the social dimension. The average duration of the economic activity of members of the peasant elite (bailiffs, aldermen) amounted to 26 years (median – 25) and was significantly higher than among peasants who never performed any official functions. The average number of children registered in the court roll fluctuated throughout the period under investigation. In the case of 45 families whose children reached maturity in the 15th century, the mean was 1.7. In the following century the average rose to 3 children per family. However, among the offspring recorded in the court records there was a marked disproportion regarding gender, to the advantage of men, so women who are missing in the source should be added in order to achieve a balance. The observation of the reconstructed families in Trześniowa points to substantial differences in the number of children reaching adulthood in both groups of the peasant population. Throughout the entire investigated time period, in elite families the average number of children reaching adulthood amounted to 3.8 whereas among other peasants it was one child less. Trześniowa’s inhabitants married citizens of towns located at some distance from their family village – marriages were concluded with people living within 80 km of Trześniowa.
EN
The aim of the present article is to answer the general question of the circumstances in which women, in the reality of typically patriarchal peasant communities existing in late medieval Poland, were taking over the management of the farms left behind by their late husbands. The authors of the paper focus on a number of issues connected to this subject matter, in particular: the frequency with which such instances occurred, forms of managing the property by a widow, coniuncta manu ownership including women, and the duration of female management of properties. As neither judicial record books of the countryside areas from the Lublin region nor detailed inventories or their descriptions have been preserved, the abovementioned issues will be analysed on the basis of the only available sources, i.e. record books from noble or ecclesiastical courts. So far they have not been appreciated in the research of peasant communities, but it seems that a detailed analysis of the records included in the books may unveil new opportunities for studying social aspects of the operation of peasant communities.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na generalne pytanie o okoliczności, w jakich kobiety – w realiach typowo patriarchalnych społeczności chłopskich egzystujących w późnośredniowiecznej Polsce – po śmierci małżonka przejmowały zarząd nad pozostawionym przez niego gospodarstwem. Autorów interesować będzie wiele kwestii łączących się z tym zagadnieniem, a zwłaszcza: częstotliwość występowania takiej sytuacji, formy sprawowania przez wdowę władzy nad tym majątkiem, niedziały rodzinne z udziałem kobiety, czas trwania tych kobiecych rządów. Powyższe zagadnienia, wobec niezachowania się z terenów Lubelskiego wiejskich ksiąg sądowych, szczegółowych inwentarzy dóbr czy ich opisów, rozpatrzono na podstawie jedynych dostępnych źródeł – ksiąg sądów kościelnych i szlacheckich. Do tej pory w badaniach społeczności chłopskich nie były one doceniane, jednak, jak się wydaje, szczegółowa analiza zawartych w nich zapisów wskazuje na nowe możliwości badawcze społecznych aspektów funkcjonowania wspólnot chłopskich.
PL
W środowisku wiejskim najbardziej rozpowszechniony był model rodziny patriarchalnej lansowany przez instytucje religijne. Propagowane na łamach prasy katolickiej ideały związane z modelem rodziny patriarchalnej eksponowały u mężczyzn zaradność, dbałość o żonę i dom, a u kobiet gospodarność, dobroć, troskę o dzieci i męża. Małżeństwa zawierano najczęściej wśród sąsiadów, w ramach sąsiednich wsi, w najbliższej okolicy. W warunkach tradycyjnej gospodarki chłopskiej kryterium podstawowym była powierzchnia gruntów posiadanych przez zainteresowane rodziny oraz kapitał pieniężny. Uczucie miłości, wzajemna atrakcyjność były wartościami w tym modelu pożądanymi, ale niewymaganymi. Za szczęśliwców uważano tych, którym udało się połączyć „godziwy” wybór małżeński z porywem serca. Kojarzenie małżeństw przez swatów, znajomych, członków rodziny odbywało się zawsze w granicach „pola wybieralności”. Model religijnej koncepcji małżeństwa zakładał, że związek małżeński powołany był przede wszystkim w celu prokreacji. Wykluczał on rozwody i traktował zasadę świadomego macierzyństwa jako sprzeczną z moralnością katolicką. W praktyce zachowania katolików różniły się od modelu propagowanego przez Kościół. Kościelno-etyczne zasady głoszące nierozerwalność małżeństwa i zakaz życia „na wiarę” nie były w pełni przestrzegane. Z wypowiedzi duchownych diecezji kieleckiej zamieszczonych w ankiecie dotyczącej moralności rodzinnej parafian z lat 1920–1929 wynika, że zaledwie w kilku parafiach nie stwierdzono samowolnych separacji i życia bez ślubu. Przyczyną separacji były głównie sprawy majątkowe, niezgodność charakterów, bezpłodność, choroba bądź okrucieństwo któregoś z partnerów. Również kościelne zakazy kontroli i planowania urodzin nie były powszechnie akceptowane. Zjawiska te świadczą o zmianach zachodzących w relacjach małżeńsko-rodzinnych w rodzinie chłopskiej w okresie międzywojennym.
EN
The patriarchal family model, promoted by religious institutions, was the most prevalent in the rural areas. Role models, associated with patriarchal family, promoted in the catholic press, exposed features of men, such as resourcefulness, care for his wife and home, meanwhile, for women, these were features such as economy, kindness, care for her children and husband. People looked for future wives and husbands among neighbours, neighbouring villages and in the nearest area. Within traditional rural areas, basic criteria of marriage was the size of the lands owned by the families of the spouses, as well as owned money capital. Love and mutual attraction were desired but not required in this model. Those, who managed to combine “decent” conditions of the future marriage with elation of heart, were considered the lucky ones. Introducing couples by matchmakers, friends or family members had to guarantee “choosable” choices. Religious concept of marriage assumed that procreation is its main objective. It disregarded divorce and considered conscious maternity inconsistent with catholic morality. In practice, Catholics didn’t obey behaviour models promoted by the Church. Church’s ethical principles about the binding nature of marriage and the ones banning living without entering marriage, weren’t fully respected. Based on the survey conducted among priests in diocese of Kielce regarding family morality among congregation in years 192–1929, we learn that in just a few parishes self-willed separations and living without marriage were observed. The main reason behind separations were property issues, irreconcilable differences, infertility, illness or brutality of one of the spouses. Also, ban imposed on birth planning and control wasn’t generally respected. All of the above proves changes that were taking place in marriage and family relations in peasant families during inter-war period.
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