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EN
This text is a polemic with an article by Maria A. Potocka “Ja” jako materiał twórczy [“I”as a material for creation]. When considering the problem of the presence of Witkacy in the Tsarist army, the author comes to a conclusion that Witkiewicz went there where he did not intend to go, misled by inaccurate information. The choice of the Russian opportunity based on incomplete or untrue information and unsuccessful coincidences – according to the author – should be considered in the categories of Witkacy’s personal tragedy no matter what significance this fact gained later.
PL
Okołowicz Stefan, „Witkacy rzucił się jak szczerbaty na suchary”. Witkiewicz w czasie pierwszej wojny światowej [“Witkacy darted like a gap-toothed person onto rusk”. Witkiewicz during the First World War]. „Przestrzenie Teorii” 14. Poznań 2010, Adam Mickiewicz University Press, pp. 235-249. ISBN 978-83-232-2210-1. ISSN 1644-6763. This text is a polemic with an article by Maria A. Potocka “Ja” jako materiał twórczy [“I”as a material for creation]. When considering the problem of the presence of Witkacy in the Tsarist army, the author comes to a conclusion that Witkiewicz went there where he did not intend to go, misled by inaccurate information. The choice of the Russian opportunity based on incomplete or untrue information and unsuccessful coincidences – according to the author – should be considered in the categories of Witkacy’s personal tragedy no matter what significance this fact gained later
PL
Federalization or Dissolution? The Relations of the USA and Austria–Hungary in the Last Year of the First World WarThe United States of America played an undeniably pivotal role during the dissolution of Austria–Hungary. This article demonstrates the fact that President Wodrow Wilson was, until the last months of the war, hesitant to support the dissolution of Austria–Hungary. He gradually changed his standpoint over the spring and summer of 1918. It also proves that the Secretary of State Robert Lansing had a major effect on the President’s decision making. In contrast, the secret Peace Inquiry Bureau, or the group of experts named The Inquiry, established by Colonel House with the aim of tackling the issues of peace settlement, lacked inner coherence in terms of the future of Austria–Hungary after the war. The group’s representatives were long in favor of federalization, rather than of the empire’s dissolution. The article also largely examines Austro–Hungarian policy toward the USA, which to this day has not been thoroughly studied in specialized literature. Yet, before the spring of 1918 and to a certain extent even later, Vienna regarded the USA as a possible partner in its efforts to conclude peace. Studying Austro–Hungarian sources, the article analyzes in detail the development of Austro–Hungarian policy, which lacked a unified theme. In this respect, the article also mentions the devastating effect of the Sixtus Affair (April 1918) on the reputation of Austria– Hungary in the USA. Another conclusion of this article is the findings that in Austria–Hungary in the spring and summer of 1918, surprisingly scarce attention was paid to the US policy vis–à– vis Central Europe. President Wilson had not envisaged dissolution of the Hapsburg monarchy at the end of the war. In spite of his one statement from December 1914, the dissolution of Austria–Hungary was not in his plans. After Emperor Charles came to the throne (November 1916), Wilson and Lansing struggled to drive a wedge among the Central Powers and therefore carefully distinguished among them. While Lansing could not rule out the possibility that Austria–Hungary would escape the influence of Germany and would withdraw from the war, as time proceeded, he grew increasingly skeptical. His reservation was based on the widely accepted opinion that the monarchy was Germany’s vassal. As this article proofs, Austria–Hungary was not utterly dependent on Germany, contrary to statements made by various US officials including Wilson, the Emperor’s reputation was damaged by the Sixtus Affair in the spring of 1918. Similarly, with regard to the dangerous German offensive, a growing number of voices in the US administration called for the support of the claims of the exile representatives of the monarchy’s nations. Gradually, the space for differentiating between Austria–Hungary and Germany vanished. The United States had become convinced of the monarchy’s total dependence on Berlin and resolved for its dissolution.
EN
The article is dedicated to the conditions of establishment and first years of the Savings and Loans Association in Staroźreby, Płock district. The association was established by a group of local folk, landlords and social workers in June of 1918, 5 months prior to Poland gaining independence 123 years after the partition of the country. This institution in Staroźreby, one of the oldest in the Płock district, is an example of social resiliency and civic attitude in the hard times of reconstruction of the framework of Polish sovereignty.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest okolicznościom społecznym, gospodarczym i politycznym, w jakich doszło do powołania w czerwcu 1918 r., na pięć miesięcy przed ogłoszeniem niepodległości Polski, Kasy Pożyczkowo-Oszczędnościowej w Staroźrebach w powiecie płockim. Instytucja ta, jedna z najstarszych na północno-zachodnim Mazowszu, do dziś w sposób nieprzerwany prowadzi działalność bankową. Jej rola dla miejscowego środowiska była i jest ogromna.
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Ernsta Jüngera obraz wojny

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PL
War described by Ernst Jünger World War I (1914–1918) was one of two wars in Europe which Germany sought. One of the participants of the war was a German soldier and writer Ernst Jünger, who described his experiences in Storm of Steel (In Stahlgewittern). His diaries are a valuable source of knowledge of the Great War. Sincere confessions of a German soldier who during the war was promoted through the ranks is also a story of a daily life on the front of both Jünger and the subordinates of the German Emperor – Wilhelm II. The diary holds a special place among books about war due to their origins – written by a German fluent in French and passionate about French literature and culture. Jünger’s dairy was translated into Polish by a soldier Janusz Gaładyk and given the title Książe piechoty. Through such a title, Gaładyk paid his respects to the German comrade. The book has a didactic character because it shows the multidimensionality of the atmosphere in the German army. Key words: France; Germany; nationalism; patriotism; I World War;
EN
The article discusses the presence of World War I theme in works of Tadeusz Różewicz. For this analysis texts of various genres are used: poems and essays. Reading them allows to reconstruct the writer’s diagnosis of the European catastrophe of the years 1914–18.
PL
The article is devoted to the sports and military activities of the Polish Gymnastic Association „Sokół” in Wieliczka in years 1892–1939 (1948). The statutory activity of the organizationwas conducting gymnastics exercises for its members and pupils of local schools.  In „Sokół” many other sports disciplines were present, including cycling, soccer, or tennis. Before World War I the Permanent Sokół Teams – military troops – were formed in the organization. In 1914 members of the Permanent Sokół Teams were included in the Polish Legions of Józef Piłsudski and took part in front battles. The Polish Gymnastic Association „Sokół” in Wieliczka was also the initiator of local scouting and subsequently the Association took care of scouting. After World War II, the organization resumed its activity for a short time. In 1948 the communistauthorities forbade the Polish Gymnastic Association „Sokół” in Wieliczka conducting its activity and the same year the organization was finally abolished. It should be emphasized thatduring the years of its existence „Sokół” in Wieliczka played a leading role in sports and independence activity in the city.
PL
Przygraniczne położenie Myszyńca wpłynęło znacząco na społeczność tej miejscowości. Dość szybko odczuła ona skutki wojny, powodujące przymusowe deportacje oraz zniszczenia jej dorobku życiowego. Po zakończeniu walk niektórzy mieszkańcy powrócili do swoich domów, borykali się jednak z wszechobecną biedą. Pomoc okazywana im przez ogólnokrajowe komitety pomocowe była tylko kroplą w morzu potrzeb. Dość represyjną politykę prowadził również okupant niemiecki, który nie sprzyjał rozwojowi gospodarczemu.
EN
The border location of Myszyniec significantly influenced the community of this town. She soon felt the effects of the war, causing forced deportations and the destruction of her life achievements. After the fighting ended, some residents returned to their homes, but were struggling with the ubiquitous poverty. The help given to them by national assistance committees was only a drop in the ocean of needs. Quite repressive policy was also pursued by the German occupier, who did not favor economic development.
EN
This article presents unpublished so far archival materials related to cultural transfer and cultural mobility during World War I. The empirical case studies are also the starting point to the formulated at the end of this essay revision of the “networking” theories which have recently become fashionable as a result of the spatial turn in the humanities. They all assume that at present the progress of global development cannot be controlled by individual actors, namely the nation states, but it is determined by the constellations of interdependence and networks of references. Economy, politics and the mass media operate along the lines of communication, not along the territorial boundaries of ethnic groups or a national state. Presented materials prove that such a statement may be applied not only to the present stage of globalization, but also to the communication space which was produced during World War I and played an important role in establishing social relations then. Although it primarily came into being in order to administer the occupied areas and for propaganda purposes, the actors of cultural transfer used this space for their own transnational activity.
EN
The author of the text analyses the reasons why Poles from Galicia, southern Poland, departed from the so-called Austro-Polish conception and matured towards the ideal of full independence. He draws attention to the significance of the Act of 5 November 1916 for the initiation of emancipation processes among Poles living under the Habsburg rule.
EN
This article attempts to explain the mysteries of "the weakest novel" of Żeromski. It is argued on the basis of the writer's correspondence and textual analysis of the "Walka z Szatanem" that both the genesis of this work, its stylistic and story inconsistencies are motivated by a particular personal situation, in which the writer was at the beginning of the 1913. It seems that this quite unexpected decision – in the context of earlier writing plans – on a new contemporary novel undertaking the subject of major social movements on the eve of the World War I, and requiring studies in the libraries of Western Europe, was a pretext to justify Żeromski's trip to Italy for Anna Zawadzka who was expecting a birth of their child. Unfavourable for quiet work working conditions (his son Adaś at risk of tuberculosis and his wife, Oktawia, stayed in Zakopane, both unaware of Żeromski's relationship with Anna for a long time) are reflected in the structure of the text, which in a surprisingly high degree co-match with the prescribed or paraphrased by Żeromski excerpts of books, brochures, and notes of other authors. The article aims to trace the intertwined, difficult, and complicated fate of the writer, his work and history.
PL
South and South-West Africa in German Cultural Propaganda (1914–1918)On July 7th 1914, the British government requested general Louis Botha to take over the German radio transmitters in Lüderitz and Swakopmund. The German forces, unable to withhold the attack any longer, surrendered on July 9th 1915. The government in Berlin, realised that winning Southwest Africa back, might prove impossible, regardless of the course of the war in Europe. By the same token, the future of the German diamond companies, united in a consortium called Diamantenregie since 1909, depended on the developing political constellation in the Union of South Africa. Since 1915, German authorities have launched a subtle diplomatic game aimed at winning the support of the South African elites and the public opinion of the country. The neutral Netherlands were the main stage of this long–term post–war policy. Due to the historical connections to South Africa, the Netherlands played an important role as a cultural and political mediator. Some members of the Dutch elites – writers, journalists, politicians – still held the pro– Boer and anti–English position when WWI broke out. This position encouraged the involvement of the Dutch elites in the German incentives regarding cultural propaganda. This paper offers insights into the so far unpublished correspondence of the main actors of the contemporary field of German propaganda. The main person under investigation is Johannes Visscher, a Dutch journalist and expert on South Africa. As editor of the journal Hollandsch Zuid– Afrika, published by Nederlandsch Zuid–Afrikaansche Vereniging (NZAV), Visscher was employed by the German diplomatic services in the years 1915–1918. As part of the activities financed by Reichskolonialamt, Visscher shaped the image of Germany in the South African press and the pro–German image of South Africa in the Dutch press.
PL
In August 1914 the First World War began. Austro-Hungarian troops, reinforced by the German units, joined the military operations against Russia. In the autumn of this year, the Russian Army launched the offensive aimed at Krakow, which was at that time the mighty fortied stronghold. Before the Russians arrived in Krakow, they occupied Bochnia and Wieliczka for a short time. The mining towns were extremely important in regard of economy. The threeweeks stay of the Russian soldiers in Bochnia went by under the mark of plunders, murders and rapes. The Russian command also proceeded to start up the Bochnia salt mine. The situation was similar in Wieliczka, but there they were not able to start the salt production. In December 1914 the Russian units were forced out from Krakow and displaced from Wieliczka and Bochnia. However short, the Russian’s presence was managed to be permanently engraved on the memory of the inhabitants of both cities.
EN
Before Poland regained independence in 1918, a great role in the development of domestic educational concepts and propagation of international ones, as well as in designing solutions concerning the future school system, was played by pedagogical journals published during the Great War by teachers’ organizations. They included: “Szkoła” (School), “Muzeum” (Museum), “Ruch Pedagogiczny” (The Pedagogical Movement), “Wychowanie w Domu i Szkole” (Education at Home and at School), “Przegląd Pedagogiczny” (Pedagogical Review), “Szkoła Polska” (Polish School), “Miesięcznik Pedagogiczny” (Pedagogical Monthly).
PL
Zanim Polska odzyskała w 1918 r. niepodległość ważną rolę w rozwoju rodzimych i upowszechnianiu międzynarodowych koncepcji edukacyjnych oraz w projektowaniu rozwiązań dotyczących przyszłego w kraju ustroju szkolnictwa odegrały czasopisma pedagogiczne ukazujące się w okresie pierwszej wojny światowej pod szyldem organizacji nauczycielskich. Należały do nich: „Szkoła”, „Muzeum”, „Ruch Pedagogiczny”, „Wychowanie w Domu i Szkole”, „Przegląd Pedagogiczny”, „Szkoła Polska”, „Miesięcznik Pedagogiczny”.
EN
This article is an attempt at presenting the reception by the political elites of the Prussian Partition of the so-called Act of 5th November declared in 1916 by the central powers. It proclaimed the establishment of an independent Polish state as a protectorate of the central powers. The country’s territory was to encompass the parts of the Kingdom of Poland occupied by Germany and Austria-Hungary which formerly had been incorporated into Russia. The article presents briefly the political and social situation in the Prussian Partition at the time of the outbreak of WWI. The author presents primarily the attitudes of Polish political elites from the Poznań Province to the declaration. He also presents the political situation on the German side in the Prussian Partition. The article concludes with an indication that further research is required into the Partition’s political and social issues during World War I.
EN
The author analyses the international importance of the Act of 5th November from the point of view of the future of Poland in the post-WWI international deal. The declaration of two emperors represented an “important step towards Poland’s reconstruction” (as Szymon Askenazy, a Polish historian, observed). However, the declaration failed to ultimately internationalize the Polish cause and determined itself the existence of the Polish state. The document was a product of special circumstances resulting from the fact that Germany was running out of human resources indispensable to continue the war. It was also possible because of the abortive attempts at securing peace with Russia on the basis of a territorial status quo. The declaration represented Berlin’s grand-scale political move, connecting with the history of the German political thought with assumptions originated by Bismarck and general Waldersee and revolving around the idea of establishing a small Polish state when it is necessary in the course of a war with Russia. Despite the proclaimed establishment of the Polish state by the governments in Berlin and Vienna, the Western powers (France and Great Britain) were not able to force Russia to acknowledge Poland’s independence. They assigned the government in Petrograd the right to deal with the Polish cause at its discretion i.e. to delineate the Western border of the empire according to its will once the acts of war were over. The historian therefore concludes that it was not before the February Revolution in Russia when actual possibilities opened up for the Western powers to support the Polish cause. In their policies, they did not include willingness to make the world a better place by principles of international justice but rather, they intended to maintain Russia as an allied force in the anti-German coalition at all cost.
Facta Simonidis
|
2014
|
vol. 7
|
issue 1
215-228
EN
In the last decade we have witnessed the appearance of articles on the situation of the Jewish population during the Great War and its aftermath; some authors had also ta- ken this period into consideration in their books. The older historiography dealt primarily with political, diplomatic and economic relations or ‘clash’ between the German Jews and Ostjuden. Both in Polish as in a foreign historiography appeared publications related to the cultural life, charity or education as well as the Polish-Jewish relations. In the last years more and more attention is drawn to the anti-Semitic incidents and pogroms in autumn of 1918, during the first months of independence, and throughout the Polish-Bolshevik war.
PL
W ostatniej dekadzie pojawiły się opracowania poświęcone sytuacji ludności żydowskiej w czasie Wielkiej Wojny i pierwszych latach po jej zakończeniu, względnie prace, których autorzy w mniejszym lub większym stopniu uwzględniają ten okres. W przeciwieństwie do dawniejszej historiografii, gdzie zajmowano się przede wszystkim relacjami politycznymi, dyplomatycznymi, stosunkami gospodarczymi czy „zderzeniem” Żydów niemieckich z Ostjuden, tak w polskiej, jak w obcej historiografii pojawiły się publikacje związane z życiem kulturalno-oświatowym, opieką społeczną, działalnością charytatywną czy stosunkami polsko-żydowskimi. Coraz większe zainteresowanie wzbudzają też zajścia antysemickie i pogromy, których widownią stały się ziemie polskie jesienią 1918 roku, w pierwszych miesiącach Polski niepodległej i w czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej.
EN
The expansion of the Russian army in the area of East Prussia during World War I caused damage to an unprecedented extent. The damage affected 35 towns and 900 rural communities. Numerous church buildings which belonged to the Warmia Diocese suffered as a result of military actions and plundering. Substantial losses were noted with regard to Catholic churches in Krosno, Szczytno, Ełk and Bilderweitschen. The effects of hostilities around religious buildings in Kobułty, Olsztynek and Klon, as well as the mission house in Pisz, were also noted. Presbyteries in Gołdap, Opaleniec, Bilderweitschen, a house for retired priests in Krosno, as well as parish houses in Szczytno and Gryźliny, were burned. Safe deposit boxes and church money boxes were ransacked and emptied. The plundering of church and parish buildings, as well as the confiscation of chattels and livestock were common. Money exchange rates were unfavourable for the conquered nation, which led to the forced sale of produce to the occupier at lowered prices. The produce came from local farms, including parish farms. Both German military troops and the enemy’s armed forces were responsible for the financial losses which affected church buildings of the Warmia Diocese. The local populace also participated in acts of plundering more than once. The reconstruction of the destroyed buildings began immediately after the Russian army left East Prussia.
PL
Ekspansja wojsk rosyjskich na obszary Prus Wschodnich w czasie pierwszej wojny światowej spowodowała zniszczenia na niespotykaną dotąd skalę. Dotknęły one 35 miast i 900 gmin wiejskich. Wśród nich znalazło się wiele budynków kościelnych należących do diecezji warmińskiej, które ucierpiały wskutek działań militarnych oraz grabieży. Znaczne szkody odnotowano przy świątyniach katolickich w Krośnie, Szczytnie, Ełku i Bilderweitschen. Ślady działań wojennych stwierdzono również przy obiektach sakralnych w Kobułtach, Olsztynku, Klonie, a także przy domu misyjnym w Piszu. Spłonęły plebanie w Gołdapi, Opaleńcu, Bilderweitschen, dom księży emerytów w Krośnie oraz budynki parafialne w Szczytnie i Gryźlinach. Włamywano się i opróżniano sejfy oraz skarbony kościelne. Powszechnym zjawiskiem było plądrowanie budynków sakralnych, jak i parafialnych, konfiskata obiektów ruchomych oraz żywego inwentarza. Stosowano niekorzystny dla podbitej ludności kurs wymiany pieniężnej, wskutek czego wymuszano sprzedaż płodów rolnych na rzecz okupanta po zaniżonej cenie. Pochodziły one z gospodarstw rolnych, w tym również parafialnych. Odpowiedzialność za straty materialne przy budynkach kościelnych diecezji warmińskiej spoczywała zarówno na niemieckich jednostkach militarnych, jak też siłach zbrojnych nieprzyjaciela. W grabieżach niejednokrotnie brało udział miejscowe pospólstwo. Odbudowa zniszczonych obiektów rozpoczęła się bezpośrednio po opuszczeniu przez wojska rosyjskie Prus Wschodnich.
EN
Joseph Conrad Korzeniowski, an outstanding Polish writer living in the British Empire, remained a Polish patriot. The outbreak of the First World War meant a change in the political situation in Europe, and thus the chance for Poland to regain sovereignty. Polish state did not exist for over a hundred years after the partition made by Germany, Austria and Russia. Conrad devoted two political sketches to the analysis of the situation and prospects of the Polish independence. The Crime of Partition was the text directed to the recipient of literature, including Polish reader. The emphasis in this draft was put on moral aspect. Conrad pointed to Polish membership in Western culture and historical injustice. He claimed that authoritarian Russia was the enemy of Poland. A Note on the Polish Problem was created in 1916 and it was directed to the British government, therefore the writer’s argumentation asking for support in the restoration of the Polish state was political and pointed to the benefits for the British. Due to the existence of the Entente, Conrad acknowledged Britain, France and Russia as allies and Germany as the main enemy of Poland. Preparing A Note on the Polish Problem for publication in Poland and for Polish people, now in free homeland, he revised his political vision, according to the current geopolitical situation.
PL
Józef Conrad Korzeniowski, wybitny polski pisarz zamieszkujący w imperium brytyjskim, pozostał polskim patriotą. Wybuch pierwszej wojny światowej oznaczał zmianę sytuacji politycznej w Europie, a tym samym szansę na odzyskanie przez Polskę niepodległości. Państwo polskie nie istniało od ponad stu lat po rozbiorze dokonanym przez Niemcy, Austrię i Rosję. Analizie sytuacji Polaków oraz perspektywom odzyskania niepodległości Conrad poświęcił dwa szkice polityczne. The Crime of Partition był tekstem skierowanym do odbiorcy literatury, także czytelnika polskiego. Akcent w tym szkicu położono na aspekt moralny. Conrad wskazał na przynależność Polski do kultury Zachodu i na niesprawiedliwość dziejową. Wrogiem Polski była autorytarna Rosja. Tekst A Note on the Polish Problem powstał w 1916 roku i był skierowany do rządu brytyjskiego, dlatego też argumentacja pisarza proszącego o wsparcie w restytucji państwa polskiego była polityczna i wskazywała na korzyści dla Brytyjczyków. Ze względu na istnienie ententy Conrad za sojuszników uznał Brytanię, Francję i Rosję, jako głównego wroga Polski wskazując Niemcy. Przygotowując A Note on the Polish Problem do publikacji w Polsce i dla Polaków, już w wolnej ojczyźnie, dokonał korekty swojej wizji politycznej, zgodnie z aktualną sytuacją geopolityczną.
EN
During the outbreak of WWI, a majority of Poles in Galicia were in favour of the Austria-Poland solution. They hoped that once the Kingdom of Poland was taken away from Russia, Franz Joseph I would become the king of Poland. As a result, a new and powerful state would emerge: Austria-Hungary-Poland. In order to pursue this idea, Poles established the Supreme National Committee and the Polish Legions, a military force. Austria’s military defeats and general weakness of the monarchy put an end to these plans as the politicians in Vienna failed to be equally willing to pursue the solution. The initiative regarding the Polish cause was taken over by Germans and the Act of 5th November was proclaimed. This indicated that the reconstruction of the Polish state would be modelled by the Reich rather than the Habsburg monarchy. On the one hand, the proclamation of the Act of 5th November was welcomed in Galicia: it was the first document taking the Polish cause to the international arena. On the other hand, the end of the Austria-Poland idea led to resentment. Poles in Galicia were afraid that they would be left outside the new Polish state.
PL
W ostatniej dekadzie pojawiły się opracowania poświęcone sytuacji ludności żydowskiej w czasie Wielkiej Wojny i pierwszych latach po jej zakończeniu, względnie prace, których autorzy w mniejszym lub większym stopniu uwzględniają ten okres. W przeciwieństwie do dawniejszej historiografii, gdzie zajmowano się przede wszystkim relacjami politycznymi, dyplomatycznymi, stosunkami gospodarczymi czy „zderzeniem” Żydów niemieckich z Ostjuden, tak w polskiej, jak w obcej historiografii pojawiły się publikacje związane z życiem kulturalno-oświatowym, opieką społeczną, działalnością charytatywną czy stosunkami polsko-żydowskimi. Coraz większe zainteresowanie wzbudzają też zajścia antysemickie i pogromy, których widownią stały się ziemie polskie jesienią 1918 roku, w pierwszych miesiącach Polski niepodległej i w czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej.
EN
In the last decade we have witnessed the appearance of articles on the situation of the Jewish population during the Great War and its aftermath; some authors had also taken this period into consideration in their books. The older historiography dealt primarily with political, diplomatic and economic relations or ‘clash’ between the German Jews and Ostjuden. Both in Polish as in a foreign historiography appeared publications related to the cultural life, charity or education as well as the Polish-Jewish relations. In the last years more and more attention is drawn to the anti-Semitic incidents and pogroms in autumn of 1918, during the first months of independence, and throughout the Polish-Bolshevik war.
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