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EN
The article addresses the problem of new political economy as grand (if imperfect) synthesis of various strands. Exploring different approaches reveals a set of the problems concerning the rise of economic society. We show in the arti-cle through the classical approach that political economy responds to and contributes to economics, so far as the older sense of politics is concerned. Most approaches to political economy treat the private sector as the primary arena. It sets agendas and ultimately governs outcomes. The idea of a collective or public reality different in nature from the system of private interests holds little appeal for political economy. In our view, the main difficulty of political economy, common to different approaches, lies in the tendency to gloss over the separateness of the two spheres, the economic and the political one, absorbing one into the other. The main topic of our survey is the importance of understanding and appreciating the categorical distinction between politics and economics, and the dangers of making one or the other dominant in both realms.
EN
Public hearings are frequently used on all levels of government to systematically collect and analyze information in the early stages of legislative policymaking. The methods currently employed measure knowledge utilization in this context by means of citation analysis of edited articles and/or reports that summarize the information shared at these meetings. By combining citation analysis and social network analysis, this article develops a methodology that can be used to capture citations in transcripts of public hearings that precede these reports. In order to demonstrate its strengths and weaknesses, the method is utilized to analyze the 2009 hearings that informed the 2010 House of Commons Transport Committee report on developing the capacity of major roads in the United Kingdom to meet the country’s strategic transport needs. The research shows a good degree of consistency between two independent coders who employed this method to distinguish citations from non-citations and classify the data. It is concluded that the method can be utilized to reliably measure knowledge utilization at public hearings, and that it can be employed in conjunction with research that focuses on measuring citations in memos, briefings, articles or reports integrating some of the evidence given at these meetings.
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EN
In Poland, both corporate and civil society partners are engaged in many types of dialogue on public issues (public policies of the state). Those types largely correspond to the models of dialogue held in Western Europe. The author puts forward a claim that development of dialogue in Poland is hampered not by structural (legal and organisational) arrangements, but by its low level of advancement, at least in some dimensions. Its intensity is reduced by small amount of expertise circulating within its mechanisms, by imperfect methods of argument presentation, low level of mutual persuasion (confrontation) or limited access of social partners to participation in decision-making in the state (due to statist model of the state functioning). The application of dialogue mechanisms in public policies in Poland remains limited due to numerous barriers stemming from a variety of sources. They result from the way of functioning of some social life structures (statism and clientism) and political life institutions (strong politicisation), as well as from long term cultural factors (lack of the dialogue culture in the past).
EN
Contemporary transformations of rural areas involve changes in land uses, economic perspectives, connectivity, livelihoods, but also in lifestyles, whereupon a traditional view of ‘the rural’ and, consequently, of ‘rural development’ no longer holds. Accordingly, EU’s 2007-2013 Rural Development policy (RDP) is one framework to incorporate aspects labelled as quality of life (QOL) alongside traditional rural tenets. With a new rendition of the RDP underway, this paper scopes the content and extent of the expired RDP regarding its incorporation of QOL, in order to better identify considerations for future policy making. Using novel methodology called topic modelling, a series of latent semantic structures within the RDP could be unravelled and re-interpreted via a dual categorization system based on RDP’s own view on QOL, and on definitions provided by independent research. Corroborated by other audits, the findings indicate a thematic overemphasis on agriculture, with the focus on QOL being largely insignificant. Such results point to a rationale different than the assumed one, at the same time reinforcing an outdated view of rurality in the face of the ostensibly fundamental turn towards viewing rural areas in a wider, more humanistic, perspective. This unexpected issue of underrepresentation is next addressed through three possible drivers: conceptual (lingering productionist view of the rural), ideological (capitalist prerogative preventing non-pecuniary values from entering policy) and material (institutional lock-ins incapable of accommodating significant deviations from an agricultural focus). The paper ends with a critical discussion and some reflections on the broader concept of rurality.
EN
In international comparisons, Finland has often appeared as a frontrunner in promoting media literacy, especially from the perspective of national-level policies and structures. In this study, our aim is to broaden knowledge about the meaning of media education in the Finnish ministerial-level policy framework by examining in which administrative sectors policy documents concerning media education have been published and how the concepts of media education and media literacy have been framed. The results suggest that media education and media literacy are addressed widely across the different administrative sectors in Finland, but mostly by the Ministry of Education and Culture. There is also variance in the ways in which the concepts are presented in the policies. In the article, eight identified frames of media literacy are discussed, including protectionism, cultural participation, future working competences, inclusion, broad media education, democracy, national security, and cosmopolitanism. The article highlights the importance of nuanced understanding of the meanings and limits of media education and research-based policy development.
EN
The Velvet Revolution in 1989 did not represent only a fundamental change of the political regime, but also the beginnings of contemporary Czech study of public policy and policy expertise. This article aims to present its significant institutional aspects on the basis of a systematic analysis drawing on deLeon, Trent and Stein’s models of (sub)discipline development. It assumes that the development of a field of study is driven by the interaction between its inner dynamics and the surrounding environment (society, state and international academic community). The article identifies three dominant approaches in the configuration of the Czech field - Prague public policy, Brno political science and Brno social policy - and it focuses on their supporting infrastructure, frames of reference and contacts with the international academic community. Finally, it outlines the study’s development stages, revealing that Czech study of public has been quickly catching up with its Western counterparts.
EN
This paper examines the profiles and work tasks of officials in central and regional administration in the Czech Republic. It analyzes data from surveys among the officials of eleven ministries in 2013 (N = 1351) and fourteen regional offices in 2012 (N = 783). First, the profile of ministerial officials (MOs) is compared with that of regional-level officials (ROs). In accordance with our hypotheses, on average it is found that MOs are, when compared to ROs, older, more educated and have spent more time in civil service. Th ere is also a higher proportion of men in ministries than in regional offices. On the other hand, ministerial work seems to be affected by higher levels of fluctuation than jobs in the regional offices. Second, we compare work tasks of MOs and ROs. As expected, MOs are more involved in analytical tasks and research than ROs. In contrast, ROs are more likely to implement policies or programs, direct and monitor programs or lower-level bodies, provide advice for political bodies of the region, negotiate with elected politicians, communicate with citizens and provide methodological guidance, train or lecture. Contrary to our theoretical expectations, we found a strong positive correlation between analytical and brokering tasks (communication and negotiation). We thus reject the hypothesis that analytical tasks are at odds with negotiating and communication. Instead, it is concluded that most officials are multitaskers, and it is especially so in regional offices. It is hypothesized that this might be caused by the fact that regional offices are smaller and have a lower capacity to specialize
PL
Autor wskazuje na specyfikę sposobu tworzenia polityki publicznej na poziomie Unii Europejskiej w porównaniu ze sposobem tworzenia polityki na poziomie krajowym. Podkreśla m.in. to, że w UE inaczej kształtowana jest agenda polityki. Na poziomie krajowym w większym stopniu kształtują ją politycy pozostający w bliskiej relacji z wyborcami. Na poziomie europejskim kształtuje ją Komisja Europejska, która posiada wyłączne prawo do inicjatywy ustawodawczej w UE i jest instytucją technokratyczną (nie pochodzi z bezpośrednich wyborów). Ponadto na poziomie europejskim analiza wykonalności polityki publicznej bywa ignorowana (na etapie przed decyzyjnym). W państwach narodowych takie analizy są realizowane z uwagi na istnienie mechanizmów konkurencji między rządzącymi i opozycją. W strukturach UE nie ma takich mechanizmów. Jednocześnie autor wskazuje, że taka analiza mogłaby zapewnić Unii Europejskiej korzyści. Blokowałaby wprowadzanie w życie decyzji obarczonych nadmiernym ryzykiem. Ma tu na myśli również decyzję o wprowadzeniu unii monetarnej. Jego zdaniem, zapadła ona bez właściwej analizy wykonalności takiego przedsięwzięcia. Decyzję o wprowadzeniu wspólnej waluty podjęto z uwagi na czynniki polityczne, a nie merytoryczne. Znaczna część ekspertów była przeciwna temu, wskazując na istotne ryzyko. Zwolennicy daleko posuniętej integracji gospodarczej w UE nie uwzględnili faktu, że integracja monetarna pozbawia państwa czynników, które mają pozytywny wpływ na rozwój gospodarczy. Jednak w gronach politycznych panował klimat "totalnego optymizmu" w odniesieniu do rezultatów unii monetarnej. Nie uwzględniano nawet scenariusza negatywnego. Nie stworzono mechanizmów zarządzania kryzysowego, w tym mechanizmów opuszczenia unii, sposobów wsparcia członków, którzy nie radzą sobie z członkostwem. Ponadto w niewłaściwy sposób dokonywano ewaluacji skutków unii monetarnej. Robiono to na podstawie osiągnięć technicznych (oceniano proces, a nie jego rezultat), jak sprawne wprowadzenie banknotów i monet euro, a także wycofanie walut krajowych w roku 2002.
EN
The author describes the specific features of public policy process at the European Union level and its differences related to policy-making at national level. He underlines, among other things that the policy agenda in the European Union is being shaped differently. At the national level the agenda is under greater influence of politicians who are closely interconnected with voters. At the European Union level the technocratic (not directly elected) European Commission has a monopoly of legislative initiative. Furthermore, at the European level feasibility studies - as an element of the pre-decision stage in public policy-making - tend to be ignored. In nation-states we can see such analyses as a result of competition taking place between those who rule and their political opposition. At the European Union level it is not the case. The author points out that these mechanisms would have been beneficial for the EU member states. They would have halted the implementation of decisions which ran the excessive risk. He has also in mind the decision related to the introduction of the monetary union. In his opinion, this decision was made without a proper feasibility analysis (costs and profits). Basically, the decision on a common currency was made on political rather than substantive grounds. A large number of experts were against the idea as they perceived serious risks involved in it. The supporters of greater European integration ignored the fact that the monetary union deprived nation-states of many factors that affected the economic development in a positive way. The point is that they were under influence of "total optimism" expecting only good results of the monetary union. The mechanisms of crisis management, including exit scenario from the monetary union, or methods of supporting those members who need financial aid, have not been even created. Furthermore, the evaluation of the monetary union was not properly carried out as it was based on the assessment of the process (for example, smooth introduction of euro notes and coins or phasing out of the national currencies in 2002) and not of its results.
EN
The author aims at providing theoretical and methodological frames for the application of Capability Approach (CA) in social policy research/analysis. She also povides a reconceptualization of the mainstream analytical perspective in comparative social policy in CA ((de)familialization). Furthermore, she describes an example of the study in which she uses CA to systematically compare Nordic and Baltic parental leave systems showing the advantages of using CA in comparative studies.
PL
Autorka prezentuje propozycję osadzenia badań polityki społecznej w podejściu zorientowanym na możliwości (Capability Approach). Ukazuje również w jaki sposób można zreinterpretować za pomocą CA jedną z kluczowych pespektyw badawczych we współczesnych badaniach porównawczych welfare state. Przedstawia ona również przykład empirycznego zastosowania swojej propozycji w badaniu porównawczym systemów urlopów rodzinnych w krajach nordyckich i bałtyckich. Artykuł ma na celu zainspirowanie czytelników do podejmowania dalszych rozważań prezentowanego zagadnienia a także szerszego zastosowania podejścia zorientowanego na realne możliwości w badaniach polityki społecznej w Polsce.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę przedstawienia zarysu analizy polityki regulacyjnej przez pryzmat relacji ujawniających się między podmiotami w procesie regulowania sektora telekomunikacyjnego. Na tle rozbieżności celów tych podmiotów ukazano relacje pojawiające się w procesie regulacji sektorowej, których właściwy kształt wpływa na efektywność przedsiębiorstw sektora oraz dobrobyt konsumentów usług.
EN
The paper presents a trial of the depicting the approach to regulatory policy through the lens of intersubject relations in the process of sectoral regulation. The divergence of aims attached to different actors/subjects in regulated sector is the fundamentals of intersubject relations. The adequate shape of the relations determines the effectiveness of regulated enterprises as well as the welfare of service consumers.
EN
The article analyzes the combination of different scientific methods by which we study the specific media texts, reflecting the political sphere. Methods of policy analysis are general and universal in nature and represent a set of principles and approaches that provide assessment, forecasting and monitoring of the effects of political decisions. The author considers the different types of analysis, in particular the situational, discursive, content analysis, intent analysis and defines the functions of the of the analyst and formulates the problem of policy analysis of media text. Media are considered as independent subjects of political analysis.
RU
Статья посвящена анализу совокупности различных научных методик, с помощью которых исследуются конкретные медийные тексты, отражающие политическую сферу. Методы анализа политики носят общий характер и универсальный характер и  представляют собой набор принципов и  подходов, обеспечивающих оценку, прогнозирование и  мониторинг последствий политических решений. Автор рассматривает различные типы анализа, в частности, ситуационный, дискурсивной, контент-анализ, интент-анализ, а  также определяет функции политического анализа, формулирует проблему политического анализа текста СМИ. Медиа рассматриваются как независимые субъекты политического анализа.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę obrony tezy, że wątki obecne w idei nauk o polityce publicznej są bardzo zbliżone do tego, co było artykułowane jako sedno naukowego podejścia do polityki społecznej. Argumentacja będzie przebiegała od pokazania, że pojęcia polityki publicznej i polityki społecznej mają wspólny rdzeń semantyczny, a w klasyfi kacjach tej pierwszej można odnaleźć tę drugą. Gdy przejdziemy od rozważań definicyjno-klasyfikacyjnych do dyskusji o istocie naukowego podejścia do polityki publicznej lub społecznej, wówczas zobaczymy kolejne wspólne wątki. Jednym z kluczowych jest orientacja socjotechniczna, w szczególności jej trzon w postaci modelu racjonalnego rozwiązywania problemów z uwzględnianiem zagadnienia wartości. Po wykazaniu, że pod względem pojęciowym i metodologicznym mamy do czynienia z pojęciami i podejściami bardzo bliskimi, przedstawiony zostanie ostatni argument, czyli teoria i badania polityki społecznej jako nauki i praktyki inspirowane przez teorie i badania polityki publicznej (oraz governance, czyli rządzenia).
EN
The main point of the argument is that for social policy researchers it is useful to recognize the importance of a public policy paradigm. Especially suited for that purpose is Harold Lasswell’s school of thought originated from a policy sciences idea with a strong value orientation. Polish tradition of sociotechnics represented in the works of Adam Podgórecki shares many features with policy sciences, except one. It was designed as a value neutral tool for an effective social action. Concepts, theories and measures developed in policy studies and policy analysis are of a direct relevance to science on and for social policy. The author shows how the very concepts of social policy and public policy are interconnected. Also the classifi cations of public policy explicitly consisting social policy were presented. Sociotechnics as a part of social policy and public policy thinking seem to be a clear link between the two. Assuming that social policy is not value neutral it should be considered as closer to policy sciences. Metatheoretical analysis of the latter is a useful tool for theory and research on Polish science on and for social policy. Application of theories and concepts developed in policy sciences and studies inspired by them were also shown. Offi cial introduction of sciences on public policy into Polish law on sciences could be deemed as an important opportunity and challenge for social policy theory, research and forms of institutionalization.
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