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EN
The article examines the relationship between national parliaments and the EU institutions from the perspective of the concept of policy networks. We verified the hypothesis that the varied and complex forms of cooperation between national parliaments and EU institutions developed through good practices and self-organisation had positive impact on the political processes of the EU. The studied policy networks were analysed for: determining the limits, the level of integration and openness, the nature of existing relationships, the causes of network creation and ultimately the impact of these networks on the political processes taking place in the EU.
EN
competency. The article is devoted to the rational political dialogue as a part of the value of political activity management of Ukrainian society elite in the context of competent political decisions. The author defines various aspects of value rules for the administrative elite. It is shown that mastering the art of dialogue becomes an important indicator of competent approach primarily to problems in the political sphere. It is determined that political dialogue has exceptional importance in public administration , where it serves as one of the key, as it helps strengthen the unity of the political elite and civil society with diverse social interests and ultimately increase political, social and economic stability. It is emphasized that the process of dialogue is the basis for the transformation of the political system of Ukraine. It concerns the problem of relations between different branches of government. The lack of proper interaction between them - especially between the legislative and executive bodies of state power which causes conflict in the Ukrainian society. The attention is focused on political dialogue as essential for the maintenance of confidence in the public authorities, competent decision-making, program support activities of state and government.
PL
The articles focuses on the analysis of the genology of a literary piece by Klemens Janicki. Its form turns out to be of complex and syncretic nature, likewise the issues discussed therein and concerning the politics and social manners.
EN
This paper combines quantitative and qualitative methodologies to study the persuasive strategies employed by candidates taking part in televised pre-election debates in Poland and the United States between 1995 and 2016. First, the authors identify the key strategies and calculate the frequency with which they are used by individual candidates. This allows for numerical comparisons between politicians in the two polities, as well as between winners and losers, and candidates of the right and the left politically. These statistical results led the authors to look more closely at the individual styles of two contrasting debaters. We conclude that the rhetorical landscape of political communication does not differ greatly between the two countries; although the data suggest noticeable differences in the approach of political parties and between individuals.
PL
The issues important for the EU are reflected in the political, economic, and social decisions made by Poland on the international arena, and influence the character and level of bilateral relations between Poland and particular Latin American countries. This article presents the political aspect of the relations between Poland and Latin American states after the Polish accession to the EU in 2004. The goal is not only to present the mutual political relations of Poland and Latin American and Caribbean countries after May 1, 2004, but most of all to consider the influence of Polish accession on the dynamics and development of those relations.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761
EN
The article examines the relationship between national parliaments and the EU institutions from the perspective of the concept of policy networks. We verified the hypothesis that the varied and complex forms of cooperation between national parliaments and EU institutions developed through good practices and self-organisation had positive impact on the political processes of the EU. The studied policy networks were analysed for: determining the limits, the level of integration and openness, the nature of existing relationships, the causes of network creation and ultimately the impact of these networks on the political processes taking place in the EU.
PL
W artykule zbadano relacje parlamentów narodowych i instytucji UE z perspektywy koncepcji sieci politycznych. Weryfikacji poddano hipotezę, że zróżnicowane i rozbudowane formy współpracy między parlamentami narodowymi a instytucjami UE, wypracowane w drodze dobrych praktyk i samoorganizacji, pozytywnie oddziałują na procesy polityczne UE. Badane sieci polityczne analizowano pod kątem: określenia granic, poziomu zintegrowania i otwartości, charakteru występujących relacji, przyczyn zawiązywania sieci, oraz ostatecznie oszacowano wpływ tych sieci na procesy polityczne zachodzące w UE.
PL
Kraje Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw zajmują ważne miejsce w zewnętrznych stosunkach Unii Europejskiej. Jednocześnie dla wielu krajów WNP Unia Europejska jest bardzo atrakcyjnym partnerem do współpracy, zwłaszcza gospodarczej. Relacje poszczególnych krajów WNP z UE zarówno na płaszczyźnie politycznej, jak i ekonomicznej, są bardzo zróżnicowane. W artykule zidentyfikowano oraz syntetycznie omówiono wspomnianą dyferencjację. Wskazano podstawy formalno-prawne współpracy krajów WNP i Unii Europejskiej, a następnie przedstawiono różnice we wzajemnej współpracy występujące na płaszczyźnie politycznej i gospodarczej (wymiana handlowa i współpraca inwestycyjna). W konkluzji stwierdzono, że zdecydowanie najbardziej rozwinięta jest współpraca między Rosją a Unią Europejską, zwłaszcza w sferze gospodarczej, bowiem w sferze politycznej wyraźnie widoczna jest silna rywalizacja. Większość pozostałych krajów WNP stara się możliwie ściśle współpracować z UE, widząc w niej przede wszystkim poważnego partnera gospodarczego. Najmniej zaangażowani we współpracę polityczną i gospodarczą z Unią Europejską są Tadżykistan i Kirgistan.
EN
Countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States take an important place in the European Union's external relationships. At the same time, for many CIS countries, the EU is a very attractive partner for cooperation, mainly in the economic sphere. However, in terms of relationships, we can talk about far-reaching differentiation, both in the political and economic sense. The author identifies and discusses the above-mentioned differentiation of economic and political cooperation between the CIS countries and the European Union. The formal and legal bases of mutual cooperation were analysed. Next, a synthetic description of diversification in political and economic cooperation (in terms of trade and investment cooperation) between the Commonwealth of Independent States and the European Union was presented. In conclusion, the author states that the cooperation between Russia and the European Union is the most developed in the economic sphere. However, there is a strong rivalry in the political sphere. The rest of the member countries of the CIS are trying to cooperate as closely as possible with the EU, which is considered as an important trade partner. On the other hand, Tajikistan and Kyrgyz Republic are members of the CIS, which involvement in political and economic cooperation with the EU is insignificant.
EN
The cultural-symbolic resources of trust in the political dialogue of Russia and the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe is analizing at the article. Political dialogue is seen as a multi-level systemic phenomenon, which includes all spheres of public life – economics, politics, social sphere and culture. Emphasizes the function of culture, which is in the formation of meaning and values related to the political dialogue. The author substantiates the thesis that the development of political dialogue between these countries can only occur within the space of trust of the parties to each other, which, in turn, is based on the actualization of the positive potential of collective memory, rooted in the cultural and symbolic space. The phenomenon of trust is explored through the prism of values and relationships between participants in political dialogue. Considered a categorical numer that is associated with the term “trust” means trust, confidence, coordination, cooperation, acceptance, understanding, intuition, feeling, reliability, readiness for reunification, the possibility to influence on the basis of shared values. It is emphasized that Russia and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe emerged in the context of the impact of Christian values that defined the development of all sectors of society, including politics, law, economy, social sphere and culture. The author focuses on combining the function of Christian values to Russia and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, this marked distinction of the foundations of stylistics of Catholicism and Orthodoxy, and even more of a Protestant type of thinking. Substantiates the idea that cultural and symbolic space, including the uniting for Russia and CEE meanings and values, much richer and more varied than the contradictory facts that are used in a global geopolitical game. The trust is considered as the basic and fundamental basis for political dialogue. Along with this, the article notes that the trust is formed in a situation of interpersonal interaction in the discourse of everyday contact with cultural and symbolic space of the countries-participants of dialogue. System component of trust in relations between the two countries is a space of shared values generated in the context of Christian culture. Christian culture has mechanisms of transport of religious values to social and political plane. In this regard, the phenomenon of trust in the political dialogue must be viewed through the prism of Christian values.
RU
В статье анализируются культурно-символические ресурсы доверия в политическом диалоге России и стран Центральной и Восточной Европы. Политический диалог рассматривается как многоуровневое системное явление, включающее все сферы общественной жизни – экономику, политику, социальную сферу и культуру. Подчёркивается особая функция культуры, которая заключается в формировании смыслового и ценностного отношения к политическому диалогу. Обосновывается тезис о том, что развитие политического диалога между этими странами может осуществляться исключительно в пространстве доверия сторон друг к другу, которое, в свою очередь, основывается на актуализации позитивного потенциала коллективной памяти, укоренённой в культурно-символическом пространстве. Феномен доверия исследуется через призму ценностных взаимоотношений участников политического диалога. Рассмотрен категориальный ряд, связанный с термином «доверие»: мера доверия, убеждённость, согласование, содружество, согласие, понимание, интуиция, предчувствие, надёжность, готовность к объединению, возможность оказывать влияние на осно- ве общих ценностей. Подчёркивается, что Россия и страны Центральной и Восточной Европы сформировались в контексте влияния христианских ценностей, которые определили развитие всех сфер жизни общества, в том числе, политики, права, экономики, социальной сферы и культуры. Автор делает акцент на объединяющей функции христианских ценностей для России и стран Центральной и Восточной Европы, при этом отмечается отличие основ стилистики католицизма и православия, а еще более – протестантского типамышления. Обосновывается положение о том, что культурно-символическое пространство, включающее объединяющие для России и стран ЦВЕ смыслы и ценности, гораздо богаче и разнообразнее, чем противоречивые факты, использующиеся в глобальной геополитической игре. При этом доверие рассматривается как базовое и фундаментальное основание политического диалога Наряду с этим, в статье отмечается, что доверие формируется в ситуации межличностного взаимодействия в дискурсе повседневного контакта с культурно-символическим пространством стран-участниц диалога. Системообразующим компонентом доверия в отношениях между странами является пространство общих ценностей, сформированных в контексте христианской культуры. Христианская культура обладает механизмами переноса религиозных ценностей в социальную и политическую плоскость. В связи с этим феномен доверия в политическом диалоге необходимо рассматривать через призму христианских ценностей.
EN
By the analysis of the particular political dialogue Rozmowa Plebana z Ziemianinem written by Łukasz Opaliński in the 17th century, this study aims to interpret the early modern concept of Polish identity within the framework of ancient tradition of a good commonwealth. Moreover, paying particular attention to the values of liberty, equality and legality, one is allowed to assume that the aforementioned Polish tradition resembles the attributes of European republicanism that were typical of distinctive Western European political thought of that time. Applying the methods of discourse analysis, it is possible to identify important and specific changes concerning Opaliński´s concept of a dialogue in comparison with an older Polish tradition of the same genre. Hence, one can claim that Opaliński´s fictional figures does not represent a typical clash between desirable and undesirable political ideas, but are supposed to reflect symbolic internal and indispensable ambivalence within the concept of Polish identity regarding specific interpretation of liberty, political equality and common good.
EN
This study attempts to demonstrate the reform strategies implemented in the last three years in Uzbekistan. The author focuses on analyzing the implementation of five priorities of this strategy - the dialogue between the authorities and society, human resources and management system, economy and social sphere, security and foreign policy. He devotes a great deal of attention to present the image of the architect of these reforms - the president of the state. The author emphasizes that the style of exercising power, including the implementation of reforms by Shavkat Mirziyoyev, fits into the model of transformational leadership. It is a reforming, missionary, and servant (national) leadership tailored to the expectations and aspirations of the society, but also burdened with high risk, regardless of the starting conditions for the reconstruction of the state.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2019
|
vol. 14
|
issue 9
116-143
EN
Conversation of a Pole with a Lithuanian, written by Augustine Mieleski Rotundus in July or August 1564, was an answer to the political dialogue titled Quincunx. The dialogue was authored by Stanislaus Orzechowski. In his work he ordered Lithuanians to enter the union with Poland, but in the same work he named them slaves and people deprived of freedom. He also expressed the view that only citizens of kingdoms are free and Lithuanians as inhabitants of a duchy have no liberty. Augustine Rotundus replied to him that not all kingdoms enjoy freedom: citizens are free if they have a good ruler.The present paper consists of two parts. In the first part, I present participants of polemics of 1564 and their dialogues, which are written according to ancient rules. In the second part, I quote the medieval threads from Conversation, in which Rotundus talks about rulers of Poland and emperors of Germany. He proves that Polish kings were not always good rulers. Sometimes dukes were better than kings. Therefore the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is not worse than the Kingdom of Poland. Medieval threads also exhibit preunion hopes and fears of the Lithuanians. We find here the picture of the state and the portrait of the ruler which wanted by them. The state should have a Christian character and law which is well constructed. Furtherly, the ruler should be wise, willing to cooperate with the Church, independent of his wife and free of excessive ambition.
EN
This study attempts to demonstrate the reform strategies implemented in the last three years in Uzbekistan. The author focuses on analyzing the implementation of five priorities of this strategy – the dialogue between the authorities and society, human resources and management system, economy and social sphere, and security and foreign policy. He devotes a great deal of attention to present the image of the architect of these reforms – the president of the state. He emphasizes that the style of exercising power, including the implementation of reforms by Shavkat Mirziyoyev, fits into the model of transformational leadership. It is a reforming, missionary, and servant (national) leadership tailored to the expectations and aspirations of the society, but also burdened with high risk, regardless of the starting conditions for the reconstruction of the state.
RU
В данном исследовании предпринята попытка представить стратегии реформ, реализованные в Узбекистане за последние три года. Автор сосредотачивает вни¬мание на анализе пяти приоритетов этой стратегии: диалога власти с обществом, человеческих ресурсов и системы управления, экономики и социальной сферы, безопасности и внешней политики. Большое внимание уделяет архитектору этих реформ, которым является президент государства. Подчеркивает, что стиль осу¬ществления власти, включая реализацию реформ Шавката Мирзиёевa, вписывается в модель трансформационного лидерства. Это реформаторское и миссионерское руководство, а также национально-государственная служба в соответствии с ожи¬даниями и стремлениями большинства общества, но также связанные с высоким риском, ввиду изначальных условий восстановления государства.
PL
Obecność ponad miliona imigrantów ukraińskich w Polsce jest źródłem różnego rodzaju analiz i opracowań. Ich celem jest poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak, ta najliczniejsza grupa imigrantów, głównie zarobkowych i edukacyjnych przebywająca w Polsce, będzie wpływała na przebieg dyskusji na temat społecznych, politycznych, kulturowych i w końcu ekonomicznych skutków migracji? Jeszcze inne pytanie, na które odpowiedzi poszukuje autor tego artykułu, dotyczy tego jak wydarzenia historyczne, takie jak „rzeź wołyńska”, przymusowe wysiedlenia ludności polskiej i ukraińskiej z lat 1939 - 1952 wpłyną na treści i intensywność polsko-ukraińskiego dialogu politycznego i treści polityki historycznej? Autor formułuje tezę, że zarówno polscy jak i ukraińscy mogą dla osiągnięcia doraźnych celów politycznych wykorzystać. Przezwyciężanie balastów historycznych to proces rozpisany na lata i pokolenia. Polityka realizowana jest w krótszych okresach i często zmieniają się jej wektory. Ta konkluzja powinna być zachętą do podejmowania wyzwań związanych z polsko-ukraińskim pojednaniem, który jest warunkiem koniecznym dobrosąsiedzkich stosunków między Rzeczpospolitą Polską i Ukrainą, szerzej, między Polakami i Ukraińcami zarówno w Polsce jak i na Ukrainie.
EN
The presence of over a million Ukrainian immigrants in Poland has inspired various analyses and studies. They seek to answer the question of how this largest group of immigrants, living in Poland mainly for economic and educational purposes,will influence the course of discussions on the social, political, cultural and, finally, economic consequences of migration. Yet another question, which the author of this article is attempting to answer, concerns how historical events such as the “Volhynia slaughter” and the forced displacement of Polish and Ukrainian people from 1939 to 1952 will affect the content and intensity of Polish-Ukrainian political dialogue and the content of political history. The author formulates the thesis that both Poles and Ukrainians can use these events to achieve short-term political goals. Overcoming historical burdens is a process that will take many years and last for generations. Politics, however, is more short-term and its vectors frequently change. This observation should encourage taking up the challenges related to Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation, which is a necessary condition for good neighbourly relations between the Republic of Poland and Ukraine, and more broadly, between Poles and Ukrainians, both in Poland and in Ukraine.
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