Search results

1

Nielojalne szable? O badaniu zaplecza prezydenta miasta in spe za pomocą zmodyfikowanej metody AHP

100%

Drzonek M.

Political Preferences

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2016

|

issue 12

57-71

EN

The article contents some results of research on political preferences of candidates for City Council in Szczecin. The survey was done just before the 2014 local elections. In the survey’s results published in this paper, the main object was to determine the relation of candidates for councilors to competition for the mayor of Szczecin. The analysis is focused on the issues of mayor’s potential attributes such as: previous achievements, personal competence, image, party affiliation and program for action in future. Moreover the concentration was also done on preferences of mayor’s candidates: it was very interesting to compare answers on the question who would be better mayor of Szczecin. In the research the modified Analytic Hierarchy Process methods was used. Firstly, the modification, called the method of weighting the selection preferences, showed Piotr Krzystek (mayor of Szczecin since 2006) as a most preferred pretender in 2014 - the majority of party electoral committees recognized him as a second choice candidate. Secondary, each electoral committee had disloyal followers.

2

The Effects of Political Advertising on the Perception of Political Images: a Case Study of Polish Presidential Election in 2015

100%

Olszanecka-Marmola A.

Political Preferences

|

2019

|

issue 22

43-58

EN

The presented article explores the effects of TV political advertising on political images of candidates competing in the 2015 presidential election in Poland. For this purpose, the empirical research (N=507) to check the reactions to campaign spots among voters with different political preferences was carried out. The conducted research shows that political preferences significantly affect both the perception of political images and the emotional attitude to candidates. The study also confirms that political advertising has a moderate importance in creating the images of commonly known politicians. Interestingly, the obtained results prove that emotional attitude towards politicians are more permanent and resistant to change under the influence of advertising messages than political image characteristics.

3

Zrozumieć Walijczyków w ich politycznych decyzjach

100%

Libor G.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

|

2018

|

issue 50

EN

To understand the Welsh in their political decisionsBrexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union.While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rdJune 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures.The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken. Zrozumieć Walijczyków w ich politycznych decyzjachBrexit jest jednym z tych wydarzeń, które zdominowały dyskurs medialny w 2017 roku. Decyzja mieszkańców Zjednoczonego Królestwa o opuszczeniu struktur unijnych będzie miała z pewnością poważne konsekwencje nie tylko ekonomiczne, o których mówi się najwięcej, ale również polityczne, społeczne i kulturowe, zarówno dla samego Zjednoczonego Królestwa, jak i mieszkańców państw, które pozostaną członkami Unii Europejskiej.Analizując wyniki referendum, do którego doszło 23 czerwca 2016 roku, dostrzec można, że za wyjściem z Unii Europejskiej opowiedziała się większość głosujących w Anglii i Walii, podczas gdy wyborcy w Szkocji oraz Irlandii Północnej optowali za pozostaniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa w strukturach unijnych.Celem artykułu jest próba wyjaśnienia, dlaczego większość głosujących na terenie Walii opowiedziała się za wyjściem Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej oraz wskazanie potencjalnych korzyści lub też strat wynikających z podjętej decyzji.

4

Electoral Geography as a New Mean of Analyzing Social Change. Kraków City and Małopolskie Voivodship Case Study

100%

Haydukiewicz L.

Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series

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2011

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vol. 15

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issue 15

95-115

EN

The paper describes political support for Polish political parties as aggregated into four principal options (left-wing, liberal, populist, and right-wing) as well as flux in the electorate in Małopolskie voivodship in the last two decades in order to show regions of electoral stability that tend to do favour the four principal social and political options. Stabilization of cultural and political identity and gradual changes therein are shown by comparing dominant political options with selected social and economic data. The comparison should also allow for a reasonable prediction of future gains and losses for each political option.

5

Pride and Compassion: How Emotional Strategies Target Audiences in Political Communication?

100%

Wawrzyński P.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2022

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vol. 15

|

issue 3(32)

416-433

EN

Abstract: The paper discusses appeals to pride and compassion as emotional strategies for mobilization in political communication, developing the Emotional Rescue Model of enthusiasm, anger, and fear. Exploring general results of brain activity, facial expressions, cognitive responses, attitude change, and prosocial behavior, it examines how compelling pride-related and compassion-related narratives are. Moreover, it considers the possibilities of targeting emotional content to specific audiences, verifying how results correspond with participants’ empathy, political preferences, and attitudes toward collective remembrance. The paper explores age, gender, and election attendance as other possible factors correlated with the outcomes of manipulation. In conclusion, it suggested that appeals to pride should target supporters of the cause, but compassionate narratives can address non-supporters and undecided recipients.

6

Dylematy i doświadczenia funkcjonowania sejmowych komisji śledczych w Polsce

100%

Jaruga K., Krawczyk-Antońska Ż.

Political Preferences

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2013

|

issue 7

43-58

EN

The practice of political life often indicates that the implementation of the control function is one of the most important elements of the Polish parliament’s competency. The possibility of appointing parliamentary committees of inquiry guaranteed by the Constitution is undoubtedly the clearest, and the most spectacular form of its exercise. However, It would seem that the clear form of the accepted political solutions does not eliminate various doubts of procedural, political and legal nature relating to their functioning. It is no wonder that parliamentary committees of inquiry, becoming media phenomena, are increasingly seen as a weak link in the process of political reality. The main objective of this paper is to show the form and the position of committees of inquiry, arising not only from the accepted legal and constitutional solutions, but also non-formal conditions shaped by political, media as well as social culture. The intention of the authors is an attempt to present the actual importance of parliamentary committees of inquiry in view of the perception of their activities by the electorate of particular parties.

7

Voters’ Attitudes towards the Gender Quota System in Elections in Poland and the Possibility of Its Modification

100%

Tomczak Ł., Iwański R., Zawadzka K.

Historia i Polityka

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2023

|

issue 46 (53)

105-120

EN

The article concerns the support for the gender quota system in the elections in Poland. The research was conducted on a double sample of adults for a representative national research, by means of quota sampling method (n = 2119). The respondents who believed that there is insufficient representation of women in parliament outnumbered those with the opposite opinion. We have observed a reluctance among the respondents to introduce solutions aimed at strengthening women’s representation. The difference in views were determined by political preferences, gender, age, domicile, and education. Women and leftist supporters more frequently believed that there are too few women in parliament and supported quotas, as opposed to men and persons with right-wing views. The differences were observed in the youngest age category, where women more often opted for quotas than men.

8

Political party membership and personality characteristics in the Czech republic (2005):

86%

Linkov V.

E-psychologie (E-psychology)

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2020

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vol. 14

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issue 2

25-36

EN

This paper examines the relationship between Big Five personality dimensions and membership in political parties in the Czech Republic. A total of 194 members from eight major Czech political parties filled out the NEO Five-Factor Inventory to assess the Big Five personality dimensions. The mean scores of the respondents from each party were compared to the scores of a sample of the general Czech population. The members of three right-wing parties scored lower in agreeableness and the members of one left-wing party were higher in agreeableness than the general population, which is consistent with results from other countries. The Greens scored higher in openness than the general population, which is consistent with results from Germany. Members of former governing parties, which had long been out of power, scored lower in neuroticism than the general population.

CS

V článku se zabýváme vztahem mezi osobností a členstvím v českých politických stranách. Sto devadesát čtyři členů osmi hlavních českých politických stran vyplnilo NEO – pětifaktorový osobnostní inventář. Průměrné skóry členů každé strany byly porovnány se skóry vzorku české populace. Členové tří pravicových stran skórovali níže než populace v přívětivosti, členové jedné levicové strany naopak v přívětivosti skórovali výše. To je v souladu se vztahem mezi levicovostí a přívětivostí zjištěným v jiných zemích (např. Itálie). Zelení skórovali výše než populace v otevřenosti, což souhlasí s podobným zjištěním v Německu. Členové dřívějších vládních stran, jejichž vládní angažmá skončilo před dlouhou dobou, skórovali níže v neuroticismu než česká populace.

9

Polska, Unia Europejska i kryzys. Czy Polacy winią Europę?

86%

Liszkowska J.

Political Preferences

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2013

|

issue 5

95-113

EN

The paper focuses both on results of own research (national poll conducted in Poland) and results of other polls concerning perception of the impact of the crisis in Poland. The results were analyzed in terms of correlation between political preferences (both partisan and ideological) and perceived severity of the crisis in Poland, as well as relationship between political preferences and seeing the EU as cause of the crisis in Poland, or at least reason behind growing seriousness of its signs in Poland. A vast array of other polls – both national and European (mainly eurobarometer, but not only), as well as global – were analyzed, to verify whethere opinions of the Poles changed over time, and how they place in comparison with views of other nations. Overall, the Poles seem less pessimistic regarding the crisis than other nations, mainly due to comparatively better economic outlook, and their opinion on Polish membership in the EU remains very strongly positive. A significant percentage of respondents blamed – at least in part – EU for the crisis, but it did not translate into negative view on EU accession overall.

10

The measurement, structure, and cross-cultural equivalence of political party perception. Evidence from Poland, Lithuania, and Ukraine

86%

Gorbaniuk O., Wilczewski M., Ivanova A., Bevz H., Gorbaniuk J.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2021

|

vol. 1

209-224

EN

This paper examines the cross-cultural universality of the structural model of (voter) perception of political parties (PPP) in three ex-communist countries with party-centered systems, but with different economic and cultural backgrounds, and different levels of democracy development. We conducted a confirmatory study of a five-dimensional structure of PPP, which had been established through lexical research, using data from voters in Poland, Lithuania, and Ukraine. The structure involved personality-related dimensions (Strength, Disagreeableness, and Integrity) and non-personality dimensions, such as worldview (Left Wing vs. Right Wing) and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of PPP. Its dimensions explain political preferences in each country at the individual level, but also differentiate between PPPs at the between-country level, both in the group of supporters and opponents of political parties. We linked voter perceptions with political preferences by presenting a five-factor model of PPP established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory.

11

Electoral Politics in Taiwan: 2008–2012

81%

Lin C.-c.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

|

2016

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vol. 3

|

issue 4(12)

57-75

PL

W niniejszym opracowaniu dokonano analizy wdrożenia nowego systemu wyborczego (system jednoizbowy, system dwóch głosów) w praktyce w 2008 r. Skoncentrowano się na badaniu dwóch aspektów: po pierwsze, świadomości wyborców nowego systemu wyborczego; po drugie, wpływ nowego systemu wyborczego na system partyjny. W metodach badawczych artykuł ten łączy analizę poszczególnych danych ankietowych i informacji o wynikach wyborów, próbując znaleźć odpowiedź na pytanie o tajwańską wyborców wiedzę na temat sytuacji w systemie wyborczym, czynniki wpływające na znajomość systemu wyborczego , a także kwestie wpływu nowego systemu wyborczego na zmianę i rozwój systemu partii politycznej. Badania wykazały, że: tajwańska świadomość wyborców dotycząca obecnego systemu wyborczego nie jest wysoka. Dalsze badania zależności między wiedzą o systemie wyborczym a wyborem do głosowania, a także kontrola innych możliwych czynników wpływu, wykazały, że wyborcy, którzy mają bardziej poprawne i jasne zrozumienie systemu wyborczego, mają tendencję do głosuj na małe imprezy. Z wyników ogólnych informacji wynika, że praktyka systemu wyborczego doprowadziła do spadku pluralistycznych poglądów. Liczba skutecznych partii w parlamencie znacznie zmniejszyła się do tej przed restrukturyzacją. Nowy system wyborczy utrudnił przetrwanie małym partiom, a tempo zmarnowanego głosowania w regionalnym okręgu wyborczym dramatycznie wzrosło, utrudniając reprezentowanie pluralistycznych poglądów. Te ewentualne problemy spowodowane przez nowy system wyborczy również wywołały reakcje i inicjatywy wśród krajowej opinii publicznej dotyczące reformy systemu wyborczego w 2015 roku.

EN

This paper conducts an analysis of the implementation of the new electoral system (single-district, two-votes system) in practice in 2008. It is focused on the research of two aspects: first, the voter’s awareness of the new electoral system; second, the impact of the new electoral system on the political party system. In the research methods, this article combines the analysis of an individual survey data and information on the election results, trying to find an answer to the question about Taiwan’s voters knowledge of the electoral system situation, the factors that affect the knowledge of the electoral system, as well as the issues of the new electoral system’s impact on the change and development of the political party system. The research has found out that: Taiwan’s voter awareness of the current electoral system is not high. The further research into the relations between the knowledge of the electoral system and the voting choice, as well as the control of other possible factors of influence, showed that the voters who have a more correct and clear understanding of the electoral system have the tendency to vote for small parties. From the results of the general information, the practice of the electoral system indeed led to the decline in pluralistic views. The number of effective parties in the parliament has significantly decreased to that one before restructuring. The new electoral system has made survival difficult for small parties, while the rate of the wasted vote in the regional constituency increased dramatically, making it more difficult to represent pluralistic views.These possible problems caused by the new electoral system, also triggered reactions and initiatives among the domestic public concerning the reform of the electoral system in 2015.

12

Poglądy – sympatie partyjne – wiedza polityczna. Przewidywanie zachowań wyborczych w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2015 roku

72%

Kwiatkowska A.

Przegląd Socjologiczny

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2018

|

vol. LXVII (67)

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issue 4

9-35

PL

Zgodnie z popularną percepcją zachowań wyborczych jednostki głosują na partie, których program i praktyka polityczna zbliżone są do ich światopoglądu. Badania zachowań wyborczych wskazują jednak, że zbieżność programowa ma nieduże znaczenie zarówno dla decyzji wyborczych, jak i samych sympatii i antypatii partyjnych, zwłaszcza w przypadku osób dysponujących niewielką wiedzą polityczną. W artykule koncentruję się na dwóch kluczowych determinantach zachowań wyborczych: postawach wobec istotnych kwestii politycznych oraz sympatiach i antypatiach partyjnych, analizując zróżnicowanie ich wpływu ze względu na wiedzę polityczną respondentów. W oparciu o dane Polskiego Generalnego Studium Wyborczego 2015 wykazuję, że: 1) ideologiczna przestrzeń rywalizacji w Polsce jest ograniczona, przede wszystkim w zakresie kwestii ekonomicznych, a postawy wobec kwestii politycznych mają ograniczone znaczenie zarówno dla decyzji wyborczych, jak i samych sympatii i antypatii partyjnych; 2) pomimo ograniczonych różnic ideologicznych podziały polityczne na płaszczyźnie emocjonalnej są silne i są dobrymi predyktorami decyzji wyborczych; 3) wiedza polityczna jest czynnikiem silnie moderującym relację między poglądami a sympatiami partyjnymi i zachowaniami wyborczymi; osoby z większą wiedzą polityczną w większym stopniu opierają swoje sympatie i antypatie partyjne na kwestiach programowych.

EN

According to the popular perception of electoral behaviours, individuals vote for parties whose program and actions are close to their views. However, studies on voting indicate that ideological proximity is of little importance both for electoral decisions and for the evaluation of political parties, especially for people with little political knowledge. In the paper, I focus on two key determinants of electoral behaviour: attitudes towards key political issues and party evaluations, analysing the diversity of their impact due to the political knowledge of the individuals. Based on the data of the Polish General Election Study 2015, I show that: 1) the ideological space of political competition in Poland is limited, primarily in the area of economic issues; attitudes towards political issues are of limited importance both for voting decisions and for party evaluations; 2) despite limited ideological differences, political divisions on the emotional level are strong and are good predictors of electoral behaviours; 3) political knowledge is a factor that strongly affects party evaluations; people with greater political knowledge base their party evaluation on issue proximity to a greater extent.

13

A socio-demographic portrait of Central and Eastern European (CEE) journalists: A comparative analysis of the journalistic profession in eight CEE countries using the Worlds of Journalism Study

72%

Vasilendiuc N.

Central European Journal of Communication

|

2017

|

vol. 10

|

issue 2 (19)

180-192

14

Preferencje polityczne a świadomość ekologiczna – przypadek mieszkańców województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego

72%

Trempała W.

Świat Idei i Polityki

|

2018

|

issue 17

383-411

PL

Niniejszy artykuł zawiera raport z badań empirycznych nad relacjami zachodzącymi pomiędzy preferencjami politycznymi a świadomością ekologiczną mieszkańców województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego. Autor postawił przed sobą zadanie uzyskania odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, czy deklarowane przez respondentów preferencje polityczne przekładają się na ich przekonania ekologiczne dotyczące sposobów postrzegania hierarchii bytów i znaczenia moralnego przyrody, a także gotowość do zachowań proekologicznych i poświęceń własnego interesu dla dobra środowiska przyrodniczego.

EN

This article presents the results of the empirical research on the relationship between political preferences and environmental awareness among the inhabitants of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. The author’s aim was to answer whether respondents’ political preferences transfer to their environmental attitudes - how they perceive the hierarchy of beings and the moral meaning of nature in particular, but also, their willingness to pro-ecological attitude and their readiness to sacrifice their own business for the interest of the environment.

15

The Institution of Election Silence in Political Preferences

72%

Marszałek-Kawa J.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2022

|

issue 3(67)

331-348

EN

Election silence is the time when any form of political campaigning is banned. It is the time that should be spent on peaceful reflection before making a conscious and well- -thought electoral decision. The aim of this paper is to seek the answer to the question whether Polish voters – in the era of development of modern information and communication technologies – find it rational to have the institution of election silence as an element of the electoral system. In the article, I present the findings of the study carried out as part of a nationwide project, Political Preferences. The research was conducted in autumn 2019 by way of a survey method on the representative random sample of 1,072 adult residents of Poland.

PL

Cisza wyborcza to czas, w którym zakazana jest jakakolwiek forma agitacji politycznej. Jest to czas, który ma służyć spokojnej refleksji, zastanowieniu, pozwalający na podjęcie świadomej i przemyślanej decyzji wyborczej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy zdaniem polskich wyborców w dobie rozwoju nowoczesnych technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych racjonalne jest utrzymanie takiego elementu systemu wyborczego jak instytucja ciszy wyborczej. W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badania przeprowadzonego w ramach ogólnopolskiego projektu Political Preferences. Badanie przeprowadzono jesienią 2019 r. w wykorzystaniem metody ankietowej na liczącej 1072 osób reprezentatywnej próbie losowej dorosłych mieszkańców Polski.

Refine search results

Nielojalne szable? O badaniu zaplecza prezydenta miasta in spe za pomocą zmodyfikowanej metody AHP

The Effects of Political Advertising on the Perception of Political Images: a Case Study of Polish Presidential Election in 2015

Zrozumieć Walijczyków w ich politycznych decyzjach

Electoral Geography as a New Mean of Analyzing Social Change. Kraków City and Małopolskie Voivodship Case Study

Pride and Compassion: How Emotional Strategies Target Audiences in Political Communication?

Dylematy i doświadczenia funkcjonowania sejmowych komisji śledczych w Polsce

Voters’ Attitudes towards the Gender Quota System in Elections in Poland and the Possibility of Its Modification

Political party membership and personality characteristics in the Czech republic (2005):

Polska, Unia Europejska i kryzys. Czy Polacy winią Europę?

The measurement, structure, and cross-cultural equivalence of political party perception. Evidence from Poland, Lithuania, and Ukraine

Electoral Politics in Taiwan: 2008–2012

Poglądy – sympatie partyjne – wiedza polityczna. Przewidywanie zachowań wyborczych w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2015 roku

A socio-demographic portrait of Central and Eastern European (CEE) journalists: A comparative analysis of the journalistic profession in eight CEE countries using the Worlds of Journalism Study

Preferencje polityczne a świadomość ekologiczna – przypadek mieszkańców województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego

The Institution of Election Silence in Political Preferences