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EN
Relations between Australia and the United States have developed for long time notably during World War II. Over the following decades, cooperation has become more intense as Australians adopt many cultural patterns from the Americans. Australia declared and supported US presidents in military operations, which is why some have called Australia, America’s sheriff for working to stabilize this part of the world. One cannot overlook the personal arrangements between leaders that help shape the dynamic of deepening the mutual relations these two nations. Donald Trump’s personal interactions’ with the Prime Ministers of Australia play a significant role in this regard.
EN
Considering Poland’s political relations with Ukraine in the years 1991-2005, it is impossible to ignore the earlier years, ie the period from 1989 which was the beginning of the systemic transformation in Poland, the effect of which was, among others, change of the main goals and priorities of Polish foreign policy. According to the agreement of the governments of both countries, Polish-Ukrainian relations have never been as good as today, but if we want to improve them further, it is worth considering the asymmetries that exist in these relations. Poland is currently in a much better situation than Ukraine, as evidenced by, inter alia, a stable democratic system, a much higher standard of living, a legal system adapted to European requirements, market reforms carried out, membership in NATO and the European Union, and Ukraine was in a much worse position at the time of regaining independence.
EN
The purpose of this article was to introduce the possible future relations between China and the United States of America under Donald Trump’s presidency. The paper is divided into five sections: economy, real challenges, trade policy and industry, diplomacy. Each of them is introducing key issues in terms of the main topic. The secondary point of this article was to show the gravity of change after United States of America  election results in December 2016 and the impact of this event on American policy toward China. The main conclusion which arised from the article is: USA-China relations during upcoming decade are going to be eminently tensed that it was before. Trade policy, Taiwan, strategic rapprochement of the United States of America with such countries as India and Russia, as well as innovation race across many industries, will remain a point of contention. The future of Sino-US relations will probably depend mostly on the emerging administration of the 45th President of the United States of America.
PL
Artykuł przybliża najbardziej istotne aspekty życia codziennego mieszkańców Kodnia (pow. bialski, woj. lubelskie) i jego najbliższych okolic. Wykorzystane archiwalia i wybrana literatura przybliża wiele, nierzadko wyjątkowo ciekawych zdarzeń z życia ludności tej nadbużańskiej miejscowości; zarówno z perspektywy administracyjnej (Kodeń, jako siedziba gminy), jak i w kwestiach narodowościowo – wyznaniowych. W Kodniu w latach 1918-1944 mieszkali Polacy, Rusini/Ukraińcy oraz Żydzi.
EN
The article describes the fate of the inhabitants of Kodeń (county: Bialski, province: Lubelskie) in the period from regaining independence in the first decade of January 1919, through a fiveyear period of German persecution, to the annexation of these lands by soldiers of the Red Army in July 1944. Discussed issues concern administrative and political-national topics. At that time, Poles, Ruthenians/Ukrainians and Jews lived in Kodeń. In the municipality of Kodeń (area 2320 ha) 1639 people lived in 09/30/1921 and 2544 in 07/01/1938. Despite the relatively small number of inhabitants, the political life in the commune was extremely turbulent. Kodeń in the 1920s was a poor settlement typical of south-eastern Podlasie. The basic source of income for the population were small, fragmented farms and about 50 craft and small shops. Even a dozen of wealthier farmers could not change their poverty. The lack of tradition of rational management, low agricultural culture and poor soils, in the majority of the Vth and VIth grade, were the cause of hunger especially in the pre-season. A relatively small, and at the same time the most significant social group in Kodeń, was intelligentsia and artisans. The core of the local social elite was created by teachers, clergy, doctors, commune officials, postmen and policemen. A part of craft workshops, a farm, a bakery, brickyards, mills and windmills belonged to the Polish population, unlike retail outlets, which in the vast majority were in Jewish hands. In the interwar period, Jews constituted the largest national minority in Kodeń. Their number was constant and did not exceed over 600 people. Only in the middle of 1939, it de-creased to 300. At the same time, 300 Russians and about 400 Ukrainians lived in the com-mune. They only dealt with agriculture and mostly did not engage into the social and political life of the village. Local authorities suspected Ukrainians of left-wing sympathies. In fact, from the middle of the 1930s, a significant part of them identified with the ideology pro-claimed by the leaders of the Nationalist Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, aimed at the establishment of the Great Ukraine. Since the defeat in September 1939, there were some significant socio-political chang-es in Kodeń’s commune. Germans brought Poles to the second-category inhabitants, favoring the Ukrainian community. In September 1942, over 400 years of Jewish history of had Kodeń ended, when Germans transported all of them into the ghetto in Międzyrzec Podlaski, from where they were moved to the concentration camp in Treblinka. The Germans’ extermination from the Lublin region by Soviet soldiers in the second half of July 1944, did not mean the liberation for its inhabitants. The inhabitants of Kodeń, with the tragic baggage of personal experiences from the period of German occupation, entered a new period of life, marked by great uncertainty and fear related to the rule of the next, the Soviet occupant this time.
EN
The article is focused on four problems in Japanese-Chinese relations in two first decades of the 21st century. These problems were not solved by the last three decades of the 20th century. They are following: the dispute about Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands, the matter of the textbooks, the visits in the Yasukuni Shrine, the problem of Japanese- -Taiwanese relations. The author carries out the short analysis of their evolution and meaning for the present Japanese-Chinese relations.
EN
The article is focused on the political and economic relations between Poland and Great Britain in last three decades. In first part of the article it was introduced the evolution of the most important political events in bilateral relations and convergent and divergent matters relates to the business of both states before and after the obtainment by the Poland of the membership in NATO and the European Union. Asymmetry among both countries in the political and economic aspect was also underlined. In second part of the article, the attention was concentrated on the analysis of mutual economic relations, in this the growth of trade turnover, services and investments. Consequences for Poland connected with the exit of Great Britain from European Union become also approximate. Four principal conclusions were introduced in the end of the article.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2021
|
vol. 86
|
issue 3
61-80
EN
The Mazovian dukes married Ruthenian princesses four times: these were the marriages of Conrad I with Agaphia, daughter of Sviatoslav Igorevich; Boleslaus I with Anastasia, the daughter of the former Prince of Belsk, Alexander Vsevolodovich; Siemovit I and Pereyaslava; and the one between Troyden and Mary, daughter of George I, Prince of Halych. Each of these marriages was arranged in particular circumstances and was aimed to achieve certain political goals. The article discusses the political situation that lead to and resulted from these matrimonies. The marriage of Conrad I and Agaphia was arranged to strengthen the alliance between the sons of Casimir the Just and Sviatoslav Igorevich, father of Agaphia. This alliance did not last long, but despite its dissolution and the death of Sviatoslav, Conrad I did not decide to break his marriage with Agaphia and send her away. The marriages of Boleslaus I with Anastasia and Siemovit I with Pereyaslava, contracted almost simultaneously, secured the eastern borders of the Duchy of Mazovia and provided Daniel of Halych with a strong Polish ally who could be engaged in the military coalition against Yotvingian tribes. In the following years Siemovit and Daniel cooperated in achieving their political and military objectives many times over, and Siemovit even participated in the coronation ceremony of his Ruthenian ally. The matrimony of Troyden and Mary was arranged to renew and strengthen good relations between the Piasts of Mazovia and Rurikids. The momentous political implications of this marriage were revealed many years later, when Boleslaus, son of Troyden and Mary, became the ruler of Galicia and Volhynia. The article is based on medieval written sources – mainly chronicles and annals – of Polish and Ruthenian origins that were confronted with relevant historical studies.
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EN
This study examines bilateral political relations between Czechoslovakia and Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during the year 1929 when the royal dictatorship in Yugoslavia was proclaimed. The author focuses on mutual political relations and on the Czechoslovak attitude toward the Yugoslav dictatorship during its first year. This study is based upon numerous sources from the Czech and Yugoslav archives as well as literature and the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav press from 1929.
PL
Problemy, jakie rozważane są w niniejszym tekście, stanowią próbę porównania wydarzeń związanych z tragicznym końcem życia królowej Bony Sforzy d’Aragona oraz sułtanki Roksolany. Zasadniczą część narracji poprzedza obszerny passus, w którym z jednej strony omówiona została podróż Bony z Polski do Italii, z drugiej zaś zarysowany został kontekst relacji politycznych, jakie łączyły ją z dynastią Habsburgów. W związku z tym omówione zostały przyczyny związane z pożyczką, jakiej Bona Sforza udzieliła królowi Hiszpanii – Filipowi II Habsburgowi. W efekcie – jak wiadomo – doprowadziło to życie polskiej królowej do tragicznego końca. O ile jednak Bona Sforza była ofiarą działań, jakie przeciwko niej prowadzili Habsburgowie, przy znacznym udziale Gian Lorenzo Pappacody, o tyle sułtanka Roksolana – która w niniejszym tekście stanowi dla Bony punkt odniesienia – stała się ofiarą własnych intryg. Polityczna aktywność, tak Bony, jak i Roksolany, skupiała się na tym samym obszarze Europy, przy czym działalność sułtanki doprowadziła do śmierci synów Sulejmana Wspaniałego – Mustafy i Bajazyda. Z kolei Bona, która sama przegrała zmagania z Habsburgami, pozostawiła walczącą z nimi córkę – Izabellę. Jej celem było zabezpieczenie przyszłości syna, wnuka Bony Sforzy d’Aragona – Jana Zygmunta Zapolyi.
EN
This is an attempt to compare events related to the tragic end of the life of Queen Bona Sforza d’Aragona and Hürrem Sultan (also known as Roxelana). The main portion of the story is preceded by a section relating Bona’s journey from Poland to Italy and outlines the context of political connections to the House of Habsburg. Accordingly, reasons for the grant of the loan by Bona Sforza to Philip II King of Spain are discussed. As we know, this put a tragic end to the life of the Polish queen. Even if Bona Sforza was a victim of Habsburgs’ actions aimed against her, with a considerable participation of Gian Lorenzo Pappacoda, Roxelana – treated in this text a reference point for Bona – fell victim to her own intrigues. Bona’s and Roxelana’s political activity focused on the same area in Europe. Roxelana’s acts led to the death of two sons of Suleiman the Magnificent: Mustafa and Bayezid. In turn, Bona, who was defeated by the Habsburgs, abandoned her daughter Isabella, who fought against the dynasty. Her aim was to secure the future of her son and Bona Sforza’s grandson – Jan Zygmunt Zapolya.
EN
Cuba, due to the geographical location, is geostrategically important in the region, which was understood by the leaders of the United States, the Soviet Union, and in recent years also by the People's Republic of China. The history of the Cuban-Chinese contacts dates back to the days of creating of cultural and civilization governance by European invaders in Latin America, but it was not established by the political and economic relations, which began just after World War II, the creation of Communist Cuba and China. In the article, the author took an attempt to present the cultural, polit-ical and economic changes in relations of the two countries over more than 500 years in a variety of conditions arising from changes in the international environment and the position of China and Cuba in the context of the international relations.
EN
The paper presents Germany’s position on the main challenges in cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China in the second decade of the 21st century. The general conditions and objectives of EU cooperation with China, including the interests and objectives of Germany, are presented. This allowed to show the fundamental convergence of interests and aims of the EU and Germany in the policy towards China; they are focused on achieving mutual benefits in political and economic relations. In addition, the article discusses the perspectives of cooperation between the European Union/Germany and China, indicating the importance of advanced technologies as well as foreign affairs and security in its framework.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje stanowisko Niemiec wobec głównych wyzwań we współpracy Unii Europejskiej z Chińską Republiką Ludową w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Przedstawiono ogólne uwarunkowania i cele współpracy UE z Chinami z uwzględnieniem interesów i celów RFN, co pozwoliło ukazać zasadniczą zbieżność interesów i celów UE, i Niemiec w polityce wobec Chin; są one skoncentrowane wokół osiągnięcia wzajemnych korzyści w stosunkach politycznych i gospodarczych. Ponadto w artykule omówiono perspektywy współpracy Unii Europejskiej/Niemiec z Chinami podkreślając na znaczenie zaawansowanych technologii, spraw zagranicznych i bezpieczeństwa.
PL
Po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego w grudniu 1991 roku na 15 niepodległych państw, w tym Federacji Rosyjskiej, pojawiła się realna możliwość zresetowania stosunków między Moskwą i Islamabadem. Federacja Rosyjska nie wykorzystała nowej sytuacji geopolitycznej do znaczącej poprawy wzajemnych relacji w ostatniej dekadzie XX wieku. Natomiast w dwóch pierwszych dekadach XXI wieku doszło do intensyfikacji stosunków politycznych, gospodarczych i militarnych między obu państwami, które ulegały wahaniom. Autor skupił się w artykule na przesłankach, które leżały u podstaw poprawy wzajemnych stosunków w wymienionych trzech obszarach. Przedstawione zostały także przesłanki, które hamowały i hamują bardziej intensywną współpracę, szczególnie na polu politycznym i gospodarczym. W zakończeniu zostało sformułowanych kilka wniosków.
EN
After the collapse of the Soviet Union into 15 independent states in December 1991, including the Russian Federation, there was a real opportunity to reset relations between Moscow and Islamabad. The Russian Federation did not take advantage of the new geopolitical situation to significantly improve mutual relations in the last decade of the twentieth century. However, in the first two decades of the twenty-first century, there was an intensification of political, economic and military relations between the two countries, which fluctuated. The author focused in the article on the premises that underline the improvement of mutual relations in these three areas. The premises that have inhibited and inhibit more intensive cooperation, especially in the political and economic fields, were also presented. In the end was formulated a few conclusions.
PL
Od początku urzędowania administracji prezydenta Johna F. Kennedy’ego w 1961 r. relacje amerykańsko-kubańskie postrzegane były w kontekście dynamiki zimnej wojny, programu Sojusz dla Postępu oraz stosunków z krajami Trzeciego Świata. Po kryzysie rakietowym Waszyngton starał się ustanowić modus vivendi w relacjach z rządem Fidela Castro oczekując zarazem pomocy ZSRR w powstrzymywaniu kubańskiej polityki inspirowania rewolucji w państwach latynoamerykańskich. Natomiast na początku lat 70. Stany Zjednoczone próbowały włączyć Hawanę w ramy détente między Wschodem i Zachodem i w proces poprawy stosunków z krajami Ameryki Łacińskiej, co przyczyniło się jednak do wzrostu międzynarodowej pozycji Kuby i umocnienia jej sojuszu z Moskwą, jednakże między USA i Kubą ustanowione zostało trwałe, choć pełne napięć, polityczne współistnienie.
EN
Since the beginning of John F. Kennedy administration in 1961 the U.S. contacts with Cuba were perceived in the context of Cold War dynamics, the Alliance for Progress and the policy toward the Third World. After the Missile Crisis Washington drifted toward modus vivendi with the Fidel Castro government while at the same time the U.S. expected the USSR to help contain Cuban-inspired revolutions in Latin America. In the early 1990s the United States aimed to engage Havana in the East-West détente framework and in the efforts to improve relations with Latin American countries therefore significantly contributed to the growing international position of Cuba and strengthened the Soviet-Cuban alliance however leading to the permanent, but still tense, political coexistence between the U.S. and Cuba.
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