Search results

1

The Political Parties as Organisations of Representation of the Political Rights of Individuals in Albania

100%

Mone K.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

|

2014

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issue 09

235-247

EN

According to the Constitution or laws, individuals today have extensive political rights closely associated with the right to vote. Here is meant the active and passive right of voting. Membership in a party is not only because of the desire, but also for the fact that the party gives individuals the possibility of career progress, further realization of their political rights. The purpose of this paper is to present the development of political parties and individual rights, not only in Albania, but also combined with the European experience. In this paper we will focus on how political parties have evolved as well as the political rights of individuals after the independence in 1912. The development of political parties in Albania has passed in two stages in the communist system where only one party was known and in the democratic system where was recognized political pluralism. Highlighting the role of political parties, as an important promoter of the functioning of state and of the coverage of the political rights of individuals, makes this study important.

2

Realising Women’s Political Rights in Ukraine

88%

Lesko N., Khomyshyn I., Skochylias-Pavliv O., Lukіanova H., Malets M.

Journal of Education Culture and Society

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2023

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vol. 14

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issue 1

568-574

EN

Aim. The article attempts to study legal fundamentals of realising women’s political rights in Ukraine. Equal rights for women and men in all spheres of social and political life is the important condition and guarantee for strengthening democracy in Ukraine. Methods. The research was conducted by applying general scientific methods of learning (analysis, synthesis, modelling) and private-scientific methods of learning (historical, retrospective, comparative and legal, formally logical). The general methodological basis of the article is made by dialectics, ensuring comprehensive studying the problems of realising women’s political rights in Ukraine. Results. Having analysed particularities of realising women’s political rights in Ukraine, it is worth noting that since 2010 gender quotas have not been set in the Ukraine’s election legislation until 2015. However, 2015 was the year of the first introduction of gender quotas, but they were not of imperative character. According to the new Election Code of Ukraine of 19 December 2019, gender quotas have become a mandatory regulation at the nomination stage. Conclusions. It is reasonable to make transformation of the stereotypes of the women’s role in politics and to draw more attention to mass media, contributing to extension of women’s political rights and destruction of the bias about women’s position in politics. Gender quotas in the election legislation of Ukraine are of great significance for all members of society in the political sphere, whilst it needs improvement of the administrative and legal mechanisms to ensure gender quotas.

3

Rhetoric Tradition and Democracy: Isocrates’ Role in Ancient Greek Political Idea. Start Point of Western Political Philosophy

75%

Shokri M.

Studia Humana

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2015

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vol. 4

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issue 3

14-36

EN

Political participation and the public education that have always been deployed to support the incipient progress of the civic life are revived in the modern political discourses. It has been believed that the age of pre-Socrates was the age of the Sophists whose acrid fallacy works occupied the political sphere, a malaise in government. However, speaking non-traditionally in the modern pedagogical system, there were some pre-Socratic thinkers and political philosophers/orators who’s works are the backbone of modern discourse on this matter. It will be examined whether any part of the classical rhetoric apparatus can be recovered and put to a good practice in the modern education and modern political participation. This point will be illustrated, furthermore, in this paper by alleging the importance of rhetoric, its role in Ancient Greek Democracy, and its influence on the modern concepts of power and democracy, as a continual element in a historical-political life. The further consideration is whether there was any democratic Polis existed in Ancient Athens and then, if there was, what characteristics it consisted of. Moreover, whether such concept can or should be considered in modern political discourses. In this sense, the liberal, non-dogmatic strain of the sophistry of Isocrates tradition urges us to indicate that the findings of this educational principles are, if not necessary, but adjutant complementary metes to our modern political knowledge of the states. In the end, it is inquired to see comparatively that how the tradition of rhetorical art and the concept of power in the Ancient Greek society have pertained to the modern democratic elements and whether we are able to empower this influential element in modern states.

4

Public Participation of Children: Foundations and a Review of Russian Legal Practices under the Convention on the Rights of the Child

75%

Riekkinen M.

Baltic Journal of Law & Politics

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2009

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vol. 2

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issue 2

103-138

EN

Public participation or active engagement in deliberation of political agenda sets up the citizens' ‘will’ to determine the outcomes of political decisions. Hereby various subgroups have a chance to claim their particular interests to avoid being bypassed in the overwhelming mass of even a benevolent majority. Children as a very particular subgroup lack political standing. This leaves a shadow on the democratic backbone of human rights law advocating for free and equal consensual will-formation. Not appealing to the reduction of voting age, it is suggested that children can influence public affairs in other ways than adults do. This question is especially relevant for Russia where the Soviet-era denial of children's legal personality still echoes in the statutory law, challenging their meaningful involvement in public decision-making. Russian legal practices regarding children's participation are examined through state reports and Concluding Observations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. The author utilizes provisions of Russian statutory law and its application to match the participatory picture drawn in the official reports with the Russian legal reality.

5

Electoral Rights and Intellectual Disability: Considerations de lege lata

75%

Babula M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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vol. 4 (47)

642-651

EN

The Constitution of the Republic of Poland mentions as one of the principles of electoral law its universality. This means that anyone who meets the requirements of law is entitled to vote. The admissibility of exclusions from this principle is also expressly defined by the law. One of the limitations in the exercise of electoral rights is an intellectual disability resulting in the incapacity of the individual. Meanwhile, Poland’s international obligations resulting e.g. from the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities provides with a necessity of a deeper reflection on the present solutions. The ratification by Poland of the UN Convention has stimulated discussion on the political rights of people with intellectual disabilities, extending the field of debate on the legitimacy of the current form of institution of incapacitation. The aim of this article is to reflect on the current solutions in the exercise of electoral rights by people affected by intellectual disability but not being incapacitated.

6

Partycypacja kobiet w systemie politycznym Afganistanu w XXI wieku

71%

Jureńczyk Ł.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2019

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issue 1

93-103

EN

The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the participation of women in the political system of Afghanistan in the 21st century. This applies, therefore, to the period after the overthrow of Taliban rule by the international coalition under the American leadership. The main research problem lies in the question of whether the political rights guaranteed to Afghan women are actually respected, and whether women are free, equally with men, to participate in the political system of the state? During researches the method of analysis of the source text was used. In addition, based on surveys conducted in Afghanistan by the Asian Foundation. The article analyzes three main issues, ie the activity of wom- en-politicians, the barriers of women’s activity in the political sphere, and the perception of this issue by Afghans. Although significant progress has been made in the formal and practical empowerment of women in the political system of Afghanistan in the 21st century, there are still many barriers, mainly of socio-cultural and economic nature, which limit the possibility of involvement of Afghan women in political processes.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena partycypacji kobiet w systemie politycznym Afganistanu w XXI wieku. Dotyczy to więc okresu po obaleniu władzy talibów przez międzynarodową koalicję pod amerykańskim przywództwem. Główny problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniu czy zagwarantowane Afgankom prawa polityczne faktycznie są respektowane oraz czy kobiety mogą swobodnie, na równi z mężczyznami, partycypować w systemie politycznym państwa? Podczas pisania artykułu wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych. Ponadto oparto się na badaniach ankietowych przeprowadzonych w Afganistanie przez Fundację Azjatycką. W artykule przeanalizowano trzy główne zagadnienia, tj. aktywność kobiet-polityków, bariery działalności kobiet w przestrzeni politycznej oraz postrzeganie tej kwestii przez Afgańczyków. Mimo, że w XXI wieku osiągnięto znaczący postęp w formalnym i praktycznym upodmiotowieniu kobiet w systemie politycznym Afganistanu, to nadal istnieje wiele barier, głównie natury społeczno-kulturowej i ekonomicznej, które ograniczają możliwość większego zaangażowania Afganek w procesy polityczne.

7

Od welfaryzmu do sentiokracji. [Recenzja książki Alasdaira Cochrane’a Should Animals Have Political Rights? Cambridge: Polity Press, 2020]

51%

Gzyra D.

Zoophilologica. Polish Journal of Animal Studies

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2022

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issue 2 (10)

1-7

RU

Книга британского специалиста в области философии политики и этики Аласдера Кокрейна Should Animals Have Political Rights? была опубликована издательством Polityka Press в 2019 году в серии «Political Theory Today». Эта публикация вписывается в рамки современного течения теоретизирования, касающегося нормативных аспектов отношений человека с другими животными – это течение иногда называют политическим поворотом в этике животных. В рецензии обсуждается структура книги и прослеживается мысль Кокрейна, которая оценивает – в контексте постулата защиты животных и межвидовой справедливости – существующие институты, структуры и политические процессы, предлагая интересные модификации и дополнения.

EN

A book by British political philosopher and ethicist Alasdair Cochrane entitled Should Animals Have Political Rights? was published in 2019 by Polity Press in the Political Theory Today series. This book fits into the contemporary trend of theorizing the normative aspects of the relationship between man and other animals, which is sometimes referred to as the political turn. In his review, Dariusz Gzyra discusses the book’s structure and traces the trajectory of Cochrane’s thought, which evaluates – in the context of the postulate of Animal protection and interspecies justice – the existing institutions, structures and political processes and proposes interesting changes and developments.

PL

Książka brytyjskiego filozofa polityki i etyka Alasdaira Cochrane’a zatytułowana Should Animals Have Political Rights? została wydana w roku 2019 w serii Political Theory Today przez wydawnictwo Polity Press. Jest to pozycja wpisująca się we współczesny nurt teoretyzowania na temat normatywnych aspektów relacji człowieka z innymi zwierzętami, który bywa określany mianem tak zwanego zwrotu politycznego. W recenzji omówiono strukturę książki i prześledzono Cochrane’owską myśl, która ewaluuje – w kontekście postulatu ochrony zwierząt i międzygatunkowej sprawiedliwości – istniejące instytucje, struktury i procesy polityczne, proponując interesujące ich modyfikacje i uzupełnienia.

8

Gouvernance de la religion et liberté de conscience

38%

Aguilon C.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

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2017

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vol. 20

135-166

FR

La religion est souvent conçue comme une limite à la liberté de conscience. Cependant, du point de vue de la philosophie de la religion, il est nécessaire de souligner l'importance de l'adoption de la démocratie, qui reconnaît la liberté de conscience comme un moyen mais aussi comme finalité du pouvoir politique, en tant que principe de gouvernement. La limitation de la liberté de conscience par la religion peut être expliquée, sur le plan anthropologique, par la fonction dentitaire assurée par la religion. Néanmoins, la religion, pouvant exister sans être acceptée par tous, n'implique pas en elle-même une telle contrainte. Au-delà de la preuve d'une possible coexistence de la religion et du pluralisme politique, la religion implique intrinsèquement la reconnaissance de la liberté de conscience, résultant de la condition humaine elle-même. En retour, la foi en la valeur égale de la conscience de chaque être humain apparaît comme une motivation de la consécration juridique de la liberté de conscience.

EN

The influence of religion on the freedom of conscience cannot be defined in simple terms. Religion is often conceived as limiting the freedom of conscience. However, from the perspective of the philosophy of religion it is necessary to underline the significance of the adoption of democracy as a principle of government. The limitation of the freedom of conscience by religion could be explained, on an anthropological level, by the identity function realized by religion. Nevertheless, religion can exist without being accepted by all. Beyond the evidence of a possible coexistence of religion and political pluralism, religion inherently implies the recognition of the freedom of conscience. The respect for the freedom of conscience results from the human condition itself. Religion makes it possible to transcend one’s cultural identity. In return, the freedom of conscience is based on a faith in the equal value of the conscience of every human being. The latter is recognized not only as the means but also as one of the purposes of political power. Religion and the freedom of conscience seem to derive from common foundations. The legal recognition of the freedom of conscience has a concomitant impact on religion by the regulation of its exercise.

PL

Wpływu religii na wolność sumienia nie sposób wyjaśnić za pomocą prostych schematów. Często religia jest postrzegana jako ograniczenie wolności sumienia. Z perspektywy filozofii religii należy jednak podkreślać znaczenie wyboru demokracji jako zasady ustroju. Na poziomie antropologicznym ograniczanie znaczenia wolności sumienia przez religię może być wyjaśniane z odwołaniem się do funkcji identyfikacyjnej realizowanej przez religię. Z drugiej strony, dla swego istnienia religia nie potrzebuje akceptacji ze strony wszystkich. Poza tym, że istnieją oczywiste dowody na możliwą koegzystencję religii i pluralizmu politycznego, religia zakłada w swojej istocie uznanie wolności sumienia. Poszanowanie wolności sumienia wynika z samej natury człowieka. Religia pozwala człowiekowi na przekroczenie jego tożsamości kulturowej. Natomiast wolność sumienia opiera się na przekonaniu o równej wartości sumienia każdego człowieka. Nie jest ona jedynie środkiem, ale również jednym z celów władzy politycznej. Religia i wolność sumienia mają wspólne podstawy. Prawne uznanie wolności sumienia ma pośredni wpływ na religię poprzez regulacje dotyczące korzystania z tej wolności.

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1 Zoophilologica. Polish Journal of Animal Studies

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