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EN
The main objective of the article is an attempt to determine the marketing utility of opinion-forming weeklies in the view of political actors. The following chapters include answers to questions, such as: 1. What kind of functions in the political debate are fulfilled by opinion-forming weeklies? 2. What distinctive features are related to the concept of political marketing? 3. What kind of marketing instruments remain at the disposal of politicians in pluralistic systems? 4. What is the significance of the marketing utility of opinion-forming weeklies in the view of political actors appealing for public support?
EN
The paper contains a case study of the political debate concerning public funding for the religious institutions. It deals with the parliamentary discussions in the years 2004‑2015 on the abolishing of two public bodies: Church Property Commission (Komisja Majątkowa) and Church Fund (Fundusz Kościelny). The paper has two main objectives. First of them is providing the description of the debate (most important themes in the discourse, argumentative strategies, rhetorical instruments used by the interlocutors). The characteristics of the discourse let us draw a picture of the social relations and the place of religion in the public sphere. Therefore, the second objective of the paper is to describe the dominant narratives in the public debate on the role of religion in society and the state.
EN
The article focuses on a debate under way across the European Union on prospects for developing the bloc’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) after 2013. At the center of the debate are ideas to reform CAP being put forward by various researchers. Historical experience shows that the ideas and suggestions of scientists play an important role in the process of reforming CAP, Kosior says. The article analyzes three specific visions of CAP after 2013-a proposal by Bureau and Mahé, who argue that the system of direct payments should be converted into a “general contractual scheme;” the idea of Heissenhuber et al. suggesting a three-step scheme of basic payments, voluntary agri-environmental measures and regional support; and a proposal by a group of leading European agricultural economists on the establishment of a Common Agricultural Policy for European Public Goods. The analysis refers to the achievements of new institutional economics. In conclusion, the author attempts to evaluate the presented ideas for developing CAP from the perspective of Poland’s interests. The shared feature of the analyzed concepts is that they place an emphasis on the environmental aspect of CAP. All the researchers suggest that the new CAP should be more flexible and more useful in the battle against climate change, the loss of biodiversity and the depletion of water and soil resources in Europe. At the same time, the Common Agricultural Policy should rely on the principle of subsidiarity. However, despite some shared features, the analyzed proposals differ in several important respects, Kosior notes. Bureau and Mahé propose co-financing and contracting of virtually all types of payments in the future agricultural policy. The agricultural economists call for national financing of direct payments, but stress the need for full financing from the EU budget of all-European public goods. Heissenhuber points to the need to differentiate payment rates depending on how farmers comply with environmental requirements. The analysis conducted shows that the proposal of the agricultural economists is the most well-balanced and could prove to be the optimal scenario for developing CAP in the long term, the author concludes.
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze
|
2014
|
vol. 57
|
issue 2
221-233
EN
The article is devoted to the questions of ethical dilemmas of political activists’ appearance in the media. The author utilizes the results of monitoring the national radio and TV stations and asks – who is the leader of the media? Who is allowed to speak? Who is recognized as an authority? The article tries to re-create the picture of political leaders and their political agenda. In this context the author calls for a public debate on this issue and discussion on contemporary political reality
EN
The article examines the participation of the political milieu of the left, represented primarily by the Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland and the Democratic Left Alliance, in public debate in Poland on historical politics. The evolution of the left’s attitude towards the past was taken into account, starting from its weak interest in history in the first decade of the Third Republic of Poland, to the recognition of its importance in subsequent years including the attempt to search for one’s own vision of the national past, events and figures worth commemorating, as well as, to a lesser extent, the attitude towards selected issues that were present in the public space and important for competing political circles: the significance of the Warsaw Uprising or the enrichment of the existing pantheon of national heroes with the Cursed Soldiers.
EN
The purpose of the study, it has been mentioned in this article, was to describe the course and the range of public debate on some bioethical problems. The author presented the analysis of the articles and information, it had been published in public web portals and websites, in which the writers had referred specifically to the legislative proposals of in vitro fertilisation procedure, and to the Health Minister’s announcement of in vitro financing program from the public budget. The study includes the analysis of the statements of political and religious (Catholic) community’s representatives, medical and scientific experts and journalists. As a result of the study, five dimensions, which describe the course and range of the debate in the media sphere, has been presented.
EN
The political culture in the Polish media coverage, due to its low level, is one of the most difficult issues in the public debate. Today, media culture (and the culture in media) is determined by the mutual behavior of politicians and journalists. Especially journalists, who are more deeply dependent on politicians and topics bounced by their for public pseudo-discussion. The quality of journalists work is in straight relation to the language of contemporary politics and the media issues are created based on even the most trivial impulse, which is sent to them. Thus, the language of the media is reduced to the level imposed by the language of politics and the culture in the media undergoes the dictates of political life. Therefore, the overriding problem is the transfer of information based on the criterion of social (not political) interests, and not the implementation of the communication chain of artificial issues, which, thanks to the political signals become part of media culture.
8
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Postprawda a myślenie mityczne

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EN
The aim of the article is to show relationships and links between post-truth and mythical thinking and their mutual influence. Understanding these relationships is needed for an in-depth reflection on the increasingly common and important phenomenon shaping the public debate. The development of new media contributes to the development of post-truth, which changes the nature of interpersonal relations. Communication based on trust and certain accepted principles in the perception of the world is undergoing significant changes. It is not possible to say what is true or whether any truth is certain and constant. This epistemological fluidity leads to a situation of chaos and the suspension of the possibility of agreement between individuals, groups and communities. Breaking society into groups focused around its truths antagonizes social relations. The importance of this issue forces the study of its relationships with other forms of organizing the experience. One of them is mythical thinking. As the basic way of thinking about the world, it influences the social and individual vision of reality. In the text, I use my own definition of post-truth, presenting a deeper analysis of the phenomenon and its consequences for social life in the context of the mitogenic potential of this cognitive process.
EN
The paper discusses the Polish Catholic Church’s ambiguous contribution to the public debate on settling accounts with the Polish-Jewish wartime past. The Church is an actor of right-wing historical politics, which casts Poles in the role of the primary victims of the war but is reluctant to speak out on the Shoah. The growing scholarly interest in the dark chapters in the history of Catholic-Jewish relations, which brings to light the Church’s institutional and symbolic responsibility for its attitude towards the persecuted Jewish community, has not translated directly into greater visibility of the issue in the mainstream media. However, the Church’s ceremonial indifference towards the memory of the Shoah is not resistant to changes in the historiography of the Shoah. The Church’s stance in the debate on the memory of the Shoah insufficiently recognises its position about the Jewish tragedy. On the other hand, it includes the actions undertaken by Father Wojciech Lemański and Bishop Rafał Markowski to commemorate the Jewish victims. The recognition of this cleavage aligns with sociological analyses of axiological divisions in Polish society.
EN
The aim of this essay is to discuss the state of democracy in Western Europe in the light of an essential change in public spheres towards more dissonance, disconnection, and noise. It is argued that this condition is the unintended consequence of the co-occurrence of two long-term changes in contemporary societies: political culture changes in liberal democracy and changes in communication infrastructures. The interaction of the disruption of democracy and digital communication has implications for public spheres as opportunity structures for democratic speech and institutions. The dynamics of dissonant public spheres have created a new disinformation order, pushing new political actors and communication modes to the fore. These conditions threaten established patterns of authoritative information flows and public debate, which puts contemporarydemocracy under serious stress.
EN
The dissemination of the media has led to the phenomenon of the mediatization of social reality, which in the era of new media has become dominant, because the new media have infiltrated almost every aspect of human functioning. The surprising paradox of the new media is the fact that on the one hand they give access to almost unlimited information, on the other hand they narrow it down extremely. The modern media user, often without realizing it, “uses” only the information that is offered to him by specially selected internet algorithms. Created in this way the so-called “information/filter bubble” condemns him to the only vision of reality - and in the absence of the possibility of verifying his observations what results from the way the new media works - in his opinion the only true one. This is particularly important in creating the vision of social order and the functioning of the state. The mediatisation of Polish social reality - especially in the context of social media - led to the emergence of polarized groups isolated from each other and caused a lack of rational political debate on a number of important social issues.
XX
The use of the myth concept for research on science has a long tradition. The classic definition of the myth had to be adapted to this area of interpretation. Its core was considered to be 'sacralizing' scientific content, excluded for social, cultural, political or other reasons from standard verification procedures. Changing the traditional status of such content would be tantamount to a violation of the social taboo. The image of science was falsified. Historical and cultural analysis will include selected social, political, ideological, philosophical and other phenomena related to the creation and functioning of science myths. The author shows examples of the construction and function of myths about science. The myth category becomes a capacious and handy tool for interpreting the phenomena that take place around science in the public debate.
EN
Refugee crisis is a major challenge for the whole of Europe the humanitarian, social and political. It affects individual societies both in a direct way, when growth in the number of visitors exceeds the adaptability, and indirectly, through its multidimensional social consequences. In Poland, the refugee crisis can defined as the phantom. Despite the trace number of refugees and the slight number of immigrants, the problem and the way the debate over it cause very significant social repercussions. These repercussions manifest themselves in changes in attitudes with respect to refugees or a more widely-foreign, clearly materialised in the research.
PL
The subject of the article is a contemporary political debate, considered in the aspect of: the dispute over “right-wing populism”, the strong polarization and cognitive credibility of the rival opinions, the controversial nature of its key concepts and intellectual conformism to the dominant climate of opinion. The thesis of key importance to the text as a whole concerns the source of cognitive defects in contemporary critique of “right-wing populism”. It expresses the author’s conviction that they are a consequence of approving the hegemonic aspirations of the liberal mind. The aim of the article has its critical and apologetic aspect. The first of them refers to the style of polemics with the contestation of demoliberal consensus, which discredits it with the stigmatizing epithet “populism”. The second concerns this tradition of understanding the origins and character of Western freedom (present, for example, in the Tory traditionalists of the “Peterhouse School” also known as the “Salisbury Group”), which emphasizes not only the importance but also the vitality of the premodern political heritage. The analyses contained in the article represent an interpretative theoretical approach. The study uses a comparative and historical method. The research procedure includes, inter alia, the confrontation of not only different opinions, but also the clash of two historical perspectives, i.e. the contemporary discussion on “right-wing populism” and the long-term debate on democracy and liberalism.
EN
Human enhancement affects all members of society and is thus closely linked to issues of social justice: up to now, the promises and perils of enhancement are usually only known to, and thus used, by few members of society. This can lead to individual competitive advantages that create or widen social gaps. Broad public information is, therefore, key to ensure that enhancement does not conflict with the principle of equality of opportunities. As possible means of public information, literature and films are able to counter such possible social injustice, which is why they may be allotted a central role in the ethical debates on human enhancement. Two aspects will be considered in this regard: 1) enhancement in art and 2) through art. 1) The extent to which artistic depictions and public information and perceptions of enhancement may be intertwined will be illustrated by two examples where both texts and their accompanying paratexts had a particular bearing on the public debate on enhancement: the film Gattaca of 1997 and the novel Never let me go (2005) by Nobel laureate Kazuo Ishiguro. 2) The second part of the paper is dedicated to the question of how far enhancing selected groups of society may contribute to a greater common good and which potentials art can offer in this regard. Three groups of persons will be taken into account: 1) clinical ethics committees, 2) physicians, and 3) patients.
EN
This paper addresses contemporary political debate regarding the dispute over “right-wing populism”, the strong polarisation and cognitive credibility of the conflicting opinions, the controversial nature of its key concepts and intellectual conformism to the dominant climate of opinion. The key point of the entire text concerns the source of cognitive defects in contemporary criticism of “right-wing populism”. It expresses the author’s conviction that they result from the approval of the hegemonic aspirations of the liberal mind. The aim of the article has critical and apologetic aspects. The former refers to the style of polemics used regarding dissenters against the liberal democratic consensus, which discredits it with the stigmatising epithet “populism”. The latter applies to this tradition of understanding the origins and nature of Western freedom (present, for example, in the Tory traditionalists of the “Peterhouse School” also known as the “Salisbury Group”), which emphasises not only the importance but also the vitality of the premodern political legacy. The analyses contained in the article represent an interpretative theoretical approach. The article uses a comparative and historical method. The research procedure here includes, among others, the confrontation not only between different opinions, but also the clash of two historical perspectives, i.e. the contemporary discussion on “right-wing populism” and, in the longer term, debate on democracy and liberalism.
EN
Both in scientific literature and journalism, there is the thesis about the low quality of the Polish bioethical debate. In support of this statement, the form of media and political discussions on the subject of the conscience clause, specific borderline situations (eg in the cases of Alfie Evans, "Pole from Plymouth") or the legal regulation of termination of pregnancy are cited. Ignacy Dudkiewicz in the chapter The crisis of public debate on the example of bioethical debate attempts to organize the diagnosis of the state of Polish bioethical debate and reflects on further methods of its research and the relationship between the state of bioethical debate and public debate in general. He argues that the understanding of the problems related to the quality of the Polish bioethical debate can help for a better understanding also of the problems relating to the public debate in general, and that an appropriate field for further scientific considerations on increasing the quality of both, may be the concept of deliberative democracy. The chapter includes, firstly, a justification why reflection on the quality of the bioethical debate is needed – due to its semi-nature, the importance of the issues it concerns and the prevalence of the discussion. Secondly, identifying the specificity of the bioethical debate in relation to the public debate in general. Thirdly, an outline of a critical diagnosis of the state of bioethical discussion on the basis of the available literature along with the justification and indication of its numerous weaknesses – both those specific to the bioethical debate and those of a general nature concerning the entire public debate. Fourthly and finally: proposals for further research activities – making an in-depth diagnosis on the example of the discussion on the conscience clause and reflection on whether a deliberative democracy could create conditions for increasing the quality of the bioethical debate, and thus also for enacting better law in bioethical matters, taking into account the worldview differentiation of a democratic society and the rule of law.
PL
Polski uniwersytet jest w ostatnim czasie przedmiotem wielu publicznych kontrowersji. Dotąd niezakończona publiczna debata wokół reformy systemu szkolnictwa wyższego i nauki z roku 2011 zmienia sposób, w jaki zarówno akademicy, jak i inne grupy społeczne, myślą i mówią o uniwersytecie. Celem tego artykułu będzie podsumowanie badań własnych dotyczących obecności, w ostatnich trzech dekadach, krytycznych wobec akademii dyskursów w mediach masowych oraz próba ich interpretacji za pomocą instytucjonalnej teorii organizacji. Obecna sytuacja uniwersytetu jest uznawana za przejaw kryzysu legitymizacji, towarzyszącego blisko ze sobą powiązanym zmianom w zakresie demografii, struktury finansowania, stosunków pomiędzy akademią i państwem i wewnętrznych stosunków pomiędzy aktorami operującymi w sektorze. Sumarycznym efektem tych zmian jest przejście uniwersytetu z obszaru organizacji opartych na autorytecie, do obszaru organizacji technicznych – operujących w oparciu o racjonalną kalkulację dotyczącą przydatności ich produktów i usług. Zmiana ta, chociaż pozostaje w sprzeczności z humanistycznym dyskursem na temat uniwersytetu, posiada wiele historycznych precedensów i jest wyrazem rosnącego znaczenia działalności akademickiej, zarówno w jej wymiarze edukacyjnym, jak i wiedzotwórczym.
EN
Polish university has been recently a subject of much public controversy. The debate concerning the 2011 reforms of the higher education and science sector still continues—changing the way, in which both the academics and the general public think and speak about the university. The purpose of this paper is the analysis of the critical media discourses concerning the academic world during the last three post—1989 decades. The analysis is based on prior research and uses institutional theory of organization as an interpretative framework. Within this framework the current situation of the higher education and science sector can be interpreted as a legitimation crisis, brought about by the interlocking changes in demographics, the mode of financing, the relationships between universities, the state and other social actors, as well as the relationships of actors participating in the sector. The summary effect of this changes is the transfer of universities from the sphere of organizations that base their legitimacy on authority to the technical sphere—operating on the basis of rational calculation concerning the utility of their products and services. This change is at odds with the humanist discourse on the university, but it also has many historic precedents and expresses the growing importance of academic activities in both educational and knowledge-creation dimension.
PL
Polski uniwersytet jest w ostatnim czasie przedmiotem wielu publicznych kontrowersji. Dotąd niezakończona publiczna debata wokół reformy systemu szkolnictwa wyższego i nauki z roku 2011 zmienia sposób, w jaki zarówno akademicy, jak i inne grupy społeczne, myślą i mówią o uniwersytecie. Celem tego artykułu będzie podsumowanie badań własnych dotyczących obecności, w ostatnich trzech dekadach, krytycznych wobec akademii dyskursów w mediach masowych oraz próba ich interpretacji za pomocą instytucjonalnej teorii organizacji. Obecna sytuacja uniwersytetu jest uznawana za przejaw kryzysu legitymizacji, towarzyszącego blisko ze sobą powiązanym zmianom w zakresie demografii, struktury finansowania, stosunków pomiędzy akademią i państwem i wewnętrznych stosunków pomiędzy aktorami operującymi w sektorze. Sumarycznym efektem tych zmian jest przejście uniwersytetu z obszaru organizacji opartych na autorytecie, do obszaru organizacji technicznych – operujących w oparciu o racjonalną kalkulację dotyczącą przydatności ich produktów i usług. Zmiana ta, chociaż pozostaje w sprzeczności z humanistycznym dyskursem na temat uniwersytetu, posiada wiele historycznych precedensów i jest wyrazem rosnącego znaczenia działalności akademickiej, zarówno w jej wymiarze edukacyjnym, jak i wiedzotwórczym.
EN
Polish university has been recently a subject of much public controversy. The debate concerning the 2011 reforms of the higher education and science sector still continues—changing the way, in which both the academics and the general public think and speak about the university. The purpose of this paper is the analysis of the critical media discourses concerning the academic world during the last three post-1989 decades. The analysis is based on prior research and uses institutional theory of organization as an interpretative framework. Within this framework the current situation of the higher education and science sector can be interpreted as a legitimation crisis, brought about by the interlocking changes in demographics, the mode of financing, the relationships between universities, the state and other social actors, as well as the relationships of actors participating in the sector. The summary effect of this changes is the transfer of universities from the sphere of organizations that base their legitimacy on authority to the technical sphere—operating on the basis of rational calculation concerning the utility of their products and services. This change is at odds with the humanist discourse on the university, but it also has many historic precedents and expresses the growing importance of academic activities in both educational and knowledge-creation dimension.
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