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EN
The article concerns the organisation and religious activity of Jehovah’s Witnesses in Warmia and Masuria after World War II, to their suppression by the state in July 1950. The appearance of Jehovah’s Witnesses in these areas resulted from two natural and forced settlement processes. This community consisted of three groups of followers: Polish settlers, Ukrainians from the “Wisła” deportation action, and local groups cooperating with each other. In total, they formed a group of over a thousand people. From 1947, they were subject to the actions and repressive measures of the state and security authorities as the “American denomination.” They often also met with hostility from provincial communities, Catholic clergy and associations of Protestant Churches.
EN
The Russian authorities used repressive measures against the Poles, who were active partic-ipants in the November 1830 and January 1863 uprisings. These measures included arrest and ex-pulsion to the inner provinces of the Russian Empire under the supervision of the police without the right to return to their homeland; the inclusion in military garrisons stationed in various parts of the empire; the direction to serve in the troops in the Caucasus, where military operations were conducted against the local highlanders and expulsion to hard labour and settlement in Siberia or in the internal provinces of Russia.The severity of repressive measures was determined by the fact that, in the exiled Poles, they saw a source of hatred spreading towards the tsarist government. The authorities feared the influ-ence of their thoughts on the liberal strata of Russian society, especially on young people. With such measures, they tried to suppress the restless minds. The imperial authorities also feared the reaction of Europe, which threatened Russia with “anathema” and intervention.
EN
In the Soviet Ukraine, political folklore was a powerful channel of unofficial com-munication for a large part of that country’s population. Telling jokes and performing songs that ridiculed communist authorities as early as in the 1920s was a widespread way of expressing mass resistance against totalitarianism for many Ukrainians. In the 1930s-50s’, the Soviet apparatus of repression applied punishments of imprisonment lasting 3 to 10 years to those disseminating folkloric political satire along with confisca-tion of their property. Some people who were repressed for carrying out political folklore never returned from the GULAG. This article is based on folklore materials gleaned from criminal cases found in former NKVD and KGB archives, which were made available to researchers in 2015 in the Ukraine.
EN
Herbert Marcuse, referring to Freud, demanded positing unrepressed childhood sexuality, characterised by polymorphous perversity and primary narcissism, as the basis for human self-realisation, which is to consist in spontaneous sublimation – that is, the process of unconstrained rationalization of the erotic drive. According to Marcuse, this would enable people – both on the individual and the social level – to live without repressing their nature and, simultaneously, to evolve in a rational and creative way. In developing these ideas, Piotr Rymarczyk – focuses on the notion of the oceanic experience, which according to Freud and Marcuse accompanies primary narcissism. He interprets it as a non-instrumental way of experiencing existence and regards it as the basis for a form of identity based the on self-affirmation of one’s own conscious and autonomous being – and not on identification with instrumentalising social roles. He also points to the possibilities of empathic identification with others provided by primary narcissism. Since Marcuse recognized art as a field where the non-repressive model of life is, to some degree, practiced even in contemporary repressive society, Rymarczyk – to illustrate the difference between the model of individual identity and life based on spontaneous sublimation and the one recommended by consumerist mass culture – tries to analyse the paintings of Frieda Kahlo and Balthus. According to him, both models are somehow founded on the body and bodily pleasures. However, in contemporary mass culture we have to do with identity based on the body treated as an external image determining the individual’s social status, and the model of life based mainly on striving for impressing others with the abovementioned glamorous bodily image and apparently hedonistic lifestyle. On the other hand, Kahlo’s and Balthis’s artworks suggest a model of identity based on identification with an animated body, which symbolizes our internal life and a model of self-realisation based on experiencing pleasures which have sensual roots, but which are enhanced by their symbolic dimension being uncovered by activity of the non-instrumental reason.
EN
During years 1944 to 1956 the communist repression apparatus has kept under surveillance every aspect of civilian life of Przeworsk’s community. There were not people, professions or business entities which could stay out of interest of. Special attention was directed to people who were connected with former Polish Armed Forces on the West and military structures which acted in occupied Poland (f. e. Homeland Army). In the area of interest communist’s security services added inhabitants of Przeworsk city who had private connections with foreigners, listened west radio broadcast or stated negative opinions about communist’s party. Also economic problems in the Przeworsk’s nationalized industry were assessed as planned by enemies of communist system and in order to weaken socialist economy. However, analysis of the documents which were made by communist repression apparatus stated that inhabitants of Przeworsk were not connected with the alleged activity of foreigner intelligence services or harmed city nationalized industry.
PL
The article examines the claim for damages as regulated in Art. 79 section 1 point 3 letter b) of the Copyright Act and contains an assessment thereof presented against the background of European law. The claim for damages in the case of infringement of copyright is currently provided for in two variants: as compensation falling under general principles of liability for damages and, alternatively, as compensation taking the form of a lump sum. As far as the lump-sum compensation is concerned, it is not necessary for the claimant to prove actual damage. The amount of compensation in this form is set as a double amount (in the absence of culpability on the part of the infringer) or a triple amount (when the infringing conduct is culpable) of an “appropriate royalty”. Such a severe liability violates the civil law standards pertaining to the redress of damages, in particular it interferes with the compensative function of liability for damages. It simultaneously distorts the balance between the claim for a lump-sum compensation and other claims available to right holders in the case of infringement of copyright and, in wider perspective, the balance within the entire system of intellectual property law. It appears dubious whether the legal regulation of the claim for a lump-sum compensation contained in Art. 79 section 1 point 3 letter b) of the Copyright Act is in compliance with the Directive 2004/48/EC on the enforcement of intellectual property rights. Arguments in support of this view have been put forward in the article. Doubts which been expressed in that regard will most likely be clarified by the Court of Justice in its future response to the request for a preliminary ruling, which was made by the Supreme Court.
EN
Bożena Koszel-Pleskaczuk in the paper Crimes of the communist security apparatus. The case of death of Zbigniew Simoniuk (1981-1983) propose to analyze the neglected issue concerning the methods used by the apparatus of repression to provoke or pretend self-aggression of the victim. In the vast literature on the subject relating to the security apparatus there is a lack of studies in which the theme of the criminal activity of these services towards the opposition has been analyzed, treating of the „self-aggression”; of the victim. The aim of the article is an attempt to complement the oversimplified view of the past relating to the communist special services and to determine the methods and means which the security apparatus used to eliminate the threat to the authorities of the People’s Republic of Poland. To that end, the author analyses source material concerning Simoniuk’s death, as well as the documentation of the Provincial Office of Internal Affairs in Białystok, the Provincial Public Prosecutor’s Office in Białystok, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Warsaw and the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The 20th century was characterized by the formation of strong social movements. This phenomenon occurred in different forms and with different intensity in different decades. Social movements, in turn, aroused the reaction of the ruling elite. A particular intensity could be observed in the 1980s. The tools used by the repressive apparatus often came down to discrediting the opposition and its individual representatives. Today there is talk about the victims of communism, but the crimes that accompanied the brutal policy of the communist authorities remain in many cases unexplained. The phenomenon of violence is immanent to the functioning of society, it occurs in all radical social transformations. Its forms and intensity remain an open question. One of them is the case of Simoniuk’s death in 1983. The official cause of death was suicide by hanging. An in-depth analysis of source materials will enable us to reconstruct the reality in which the victim was subjected to repression. The paper’s compositional structure will be accompanied by an introduction, six subtitles, and a conclusion.
EN
This article examines the state of Polish communities in rural areas of the North Caucasus between the two world wars. The author notes that mono-ethnic settlements of Poles were not formed in the region for various reasons. This was the result of both objective reasons (dispersion of the Polish settlement, predominance of social groups and professions characteristic of urban life) and the result of the conscious policy of the tsarist (royal) and Soviet authorities (after the Civil War) which prevented their creation. Despite the small number of the Polish rural population, they had more customs, traditions, faith, language and national identity for a long time than their urban compatriots.
RU
В статье рассматривается состояние польских общин в сельских населенных пунктах Северного Кавказа в период между двумя мировыми войнами. Автор отмечает, что в регионе по разным причинам не сформировались моноэтниче-ские поселения поляков. Это было как следствием объективных причин (дисперсность расселения поляков, преобладание социальных групп и профессий, характерных для городской жизни), так и результатом сознательной политики царских, а после революции и гражданской войны советских властей, препятствовавших их созда-нию. Несмотря на малочисленность польского сельского населения, в быту селян в большей степени, чем у городских соотечественников, продолжительное время сохранялось следование обычаям, традициям, вере, использовался родной язык и преобладало национальное самосознание.
EN
The aim of this article is to describe Bulgaria’s policies towards its Turkish minority in the 1970s and 1980s, analyzing its causes and consequences. The text is based upon the author’s study of unpublished sources and published editions of documents from the Bulgarian archives, as well of secondary literature of Bulgarian and Western provenience. In the first subchapter, Bulgaria’s minority policies in 1956–1971 are introduced because they are important for contextualizing later developments. The main part of the study is composed of two related texts that analyze the assimilationist character of Bulgaria’s policy for its Turkish minority, which reached its highwater mark in the so-called “renewal process”. These subchapters analyze the measures undertaken by Zhivkov’s administration in detail, and then examine reactions by members of the Turkish minority and the impact of the repressive policy on bilateral relations between Sofia and Ankara. In conclusion, the author attempts to evaluate the intentions behind these measures within the context of their time, and to answer the question of whether or not the initiative fulfilled its authors’ expectations.
EN
In the article on the basis of archival materials (The state archive of the Russian Federation, The state archive of the Krasnoyarsk territory, The national archive of the Republic of Khakassia) considers the process of forced labor migration as a result of deportation of Russian Germans during the war. Analysis of archival information led to the conclusion that the labor resources of the germans were used in agriculture, logging and industrial enterprises.
EN
The paper discusses the clash between State Security (Státní bezpečnost) and political dissent during Czechoslovak normalisation, or rather one of its aspects: the expert knowledge that both sides used in the conflict. While State Security was making an effort to improve in the field of psychology and also in its use of technology, especially during surveillance, the dissidents gradually acquired a perfect knowledge of the Czechoslovak legal system, which helped them to defend themselves, at least to some extent, against the harassment by the security apparatus. The paper discusses the approaches taken by both sides as well as how they actually worked in practice.
EN
Surveillance and communist repression of the Church in Wadowice based on selected documents of the Security Service of 1961.
EN
The article is devoted to the social and political activity of Anatol Osipovich Bonch-Osmolovsky, who was one of the best representatives of the neopopulist direction in the revolutionary movement of Belarus and Russia in 1905–1917. This political biography of one of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party leaders looks at the revolutionary process and the establishment of democratic institutions in a predominantly peasant country by following Bonch-Osmolovsky’s opinions. The attitudes of the “red landowner” to the farm program, to the SocialistRevolutionary Party’s terror, to the Belarusian national movement, and to the idea of Belarus’ political independence are analysed in this article.
EN
The research aims to identify and explain the dynamics of Blockupy radicalization. It explores the activity of the movement during the whole cycle of anti-austerity mobilization. The analysis addresses the research problems of why, despite the declared peaceful orientation, the movement radicalized immediately after its rise, what its dynamics of radicalization was, and what informed the radicalization processes. Research hypotheses are theory-driven and draw on the Political Opportunity Theory. According to the hypothesis, repression might have informed the dynamics of radicalization. The closer the protest policing was to the escalated force model, the higher was the extent of Blockupy radicalization. The adoption of features of negotiated management by the protest policing influenced the movement deradicalization. Finally, the duration of repression might have informed the dynamics of radicalization. The research uses the qualitative method of sources analysis and the technique of conceptual, qualitative content analysis. The sources are the information on Blockupy protest events provided by the Federal Ministry of the Interior (Germany) and GDELT datasets. The analysis revealed that during the first two phases of Blockupy radicalization, the police employed an extremely repressive type of protest policing, which was the escalated force model. Since the third phase of radicalization, the model took on the characteristics of the negotiated management model. The fact and duration of police repression informed the dynamics of Blockupy radicalization. The closer the protest policing was to the escalated force model, the higher was the extent of Blockupy radicalization. Still, the increase in radicalization occurred in the subsequent phases of contention rather than immediately. Despite the peaceful blueprint, the movement radicalized immediately after its rise due to the existing dominating model of repressive protest policing in Germany.
EN
The relationship between memory and literature is a complex and curious one. While memory implies a relation with the past, with the factual, literature’s realm is the fictional. They, nevertheless, implicate each other: while re-membering the past which is what is gone and not there anymore always entails mediation and a degree of fictionality, we can consider literary language as acting out psychic processes through metaphor, concealment and temporal dislocation. The novel that I deal with in this paper is Austerlitz by W.G. Sebald which recounts the story of a series of chance encounters between two travelers – the narrator and Austerlitz – in a time span of thirty years. As they traverse Europe, conceived in the text as a landscape in which cultural, natural and personal history intermingle, their paths converge several times and it is in their lengthy talks that Austerlitz’s traumatic past gradually emerges. Sent to England by his parents on a kindertransport just before the beginning of the Second World War and raised in Wales by foster parents, Austerlitz pursues a life unaware of his real identity. In this paper, focusing on the relationship of forgetting and remembering with storytelling, I explore how the mnemonic processes are represented in the text with an emphasis on the effect of the mechanisms of repression on the way the narrative is told.
EN
Legitimacy along with co-optation and repression are the three main pillars of the stability of autocratic regimes. Explanation of their relative stability should take into account the complex relationships between these variables. The elites of authoritarian regimes systematically formulate legitimacy claims in order to justify their power, and the processes of institutionalization and effective distribution of these claims depends on a number of factors and mechanisms. The purpose of this paper is to analyze these factors and mechanisms of legitimacy contributing to the stability of authoritarian states by drawing on the example of Central Asian republics.
PL
Legitymizacja wraz z kooptacją oraz represją stanowi trzy zasadnicze filary stabilności reżimu autokratycznego, a wyjaśnianie mechanizmów trwałości powinno uwzględniać skomplikowane relacje pomiędzy wymienionymi zmiennymi. Elity reżimów autorytarnych systematycznie formułują legitymizacyjne roszczenia mające usprawiedliwiać ich władzę, a proces ich skutecznej dystrybucji oraz instytucjonalizacji zależy od szeregu warunków i mechanizmów. Zadaniem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza wybranych warunków efektywności i mechanizmów legitymizacji w państwach autorytarnych, w oparciu o przykłady pochodzące z krajów Azji Centralnej.
PL
Bureaucracy is one of the leitmotives underpinning the ouvre of Andrei Platonov. The article explores the many facets this theme contains, both within the writer’s literary output as well as in his non-fiction works (notebooks, letters, literary critique, journalistic pieces). Drawing from his life experiences in the Soviet Russia of 1920s and 1930s, Platonov shows us how bureaucratic procedures destroy human relationships, destroying trust, friendships and family ties. He confronts a powerful state with alienated citizens asking moral questions about the nature of totalitarianism and how disastrous it is for society as a whole. And although Platonov excels in satire, the conclusions he draws are sombre.
18
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The Paradox of Repression

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EN
The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon described in the literature as "the paradox of repression", "backfire" or "political jiu-jitsu". First of all, the explanation of its essence and the significance for the course of asymmetric conflict. Next, the history of scientific reflection on the paradox of repression was presented. The presentation of various forms of social control is a starting point for the analysis of the way in which the participants in a conflict called "asymmetric" manage repressions. State authorities try to apply a number of techniques to stop indignation, while activists of the contestation movement may activate counter-techniques, especially if they have knowledge of the strategic nonviolent struggle and alternative sources of communication.The author argues that the paradox of repression is not a simple consequence of using brutal repression against a weaker opponent, but depends to a large extent on the communication policy of both sides of the conflict.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza zjawiska określanego w literaturze przedmiotu jako „paradoks represji”, „backfire” lub „polityczne ju-jitsu”. W pierwszej kolejności dokonano wyjaśnienia jego istoty oraz znaczenia dla przebiegu konfliktu asymetrycznego. Następnie przedstawiono historię refleksji naukowej nad paradoksem represji. Prezentacja różnych form kontroli społecznej była punktem wyjścia do analizy sposobu zarządzania represjami przez uczestników konfliktu. Władze starają się zastosować szereg technik powstrzymania oburzenia, zaś aktywiści ruchu kontestacyjnego mogą uruchomić kontr-techniki, zwłaszcza jeśli dysponują wiedzą z zakresu strategicznej walki bez przemocy oraz alternatywnymi źródłami komunikacji. Autor argumentuje, że paradoks represji nie jest prostą konsekwencją stosowania brutalnych represji wobec słabszego przeciwnika, ale zależy w dużym stopniu od polityki komunikacyjnej obu stron konfliktu.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje osobę grodziskiego harcerza i społecznika Łucjana Jankowskiego urodzonego w 1901 roku w Poznaniu. W tekście ukazane zostały także losy grodziskiego harcerstwa w latach 1945-1949. Podobnie jak w całym kraju również i na terenie Grodziska Wielkopolskiego harcerze oraz harcerki płacili wysoką cenę za udział w tworzeniu ZHP a później za działalność w nim w drugiej połowie lat 40. XX wieku. Jednym z prześladowanych przez funkcjonariuszy aparatu bezpieczeństwa był Ł. Jankowski, który w okresie 1946-1949 pełnił funkcję Hufcowego Powiatowego Hufca Harcerzy w Grodzisku Wielkopolskim. Za swoją działalność harcerską doświadczył ze strony funkcjonariuszy aparatu bezpieczeństwa różnego rodzaju represji między innymi wielomiesięcznego aresztu połączonego z przesłuchaniami a po jego opuszczeniu utraty stanowiska prezesa Spółdzielni Spożywców „Zgoda”. W toku śledztwa zarzucono mu także przynależność do konspiracyjnej organizacji. Z powodu braku dostatecznych dowodów śledztwo wobec Ł. Jankowskiego zostało umorzone. Opuszczenie w 1952 roku aresztu nie zakończyło jednak represji prowadzonych przez aparat bezpieczeństwa. Powyższe szykany stały się przyczyną wylewu krwi do mózgu, co doprowadziło do śmierci 21 lutego 1958 roku. Pogrzeb Ł. Jankowskiego stał się ważnym wydarzeniem, w którym uczestniczyła liczna rzesza mieszkańców Grodziska Wielkopolskiego w tym znaczna grupa harcerzy.
EN
This paper introduces a person from Grodzisk, a scout and social activist Łucjan Jankowski who was born in 1901 in Poznań. The text also presents the lot of scouting in Grodzisk in the years 1945-1949. In Grodzisk Wielkopolski, like in the rest of the country, Boy and Girl Scouts paid a high price for their participation in the creation of the Polish Scouting Association (Polish abbr. ZHP) as well as for the activity in ZHP in the second half of the 40s of the twentieth century. One of the persecuted by the security apparatus officers was Ł. Jankowski, who in the years 1946-1949 served as a Troop Leader of District Scout Troop in Grodzisk Wielkopolski. For his scouting activity Jankowski was subjected to various kinds of repression on the part of the security apparatus officers, including many months of custody interrogation. After being released, he was deprived of the post of president of the Consumer Cooperative “Zgoda”. In the course of the investigation, he was accused of belonging to a clandestine organization. Due to the lack of sufficient evidence investigation against Jankowski was discontinued. Leaving prison in 1952 did not end the repression carried out by the security apparatus. This harassment led to a stroke, which resulted in death on 21 February 1958. Burial of Ł. Jankowski was an event of great importance, attended by a numerous crowd of inhabitants of Grodzisk Wielkopolski including a large group of scouts.
EN
The purpose of the article is to demonstrate that Freud's theory in its late, mature form significantly goes beyond the model associated with the "repressive hypothesis" and thus can potentially be a useful conceptual tool for analyzing the contemporary non-repressive society and the form of subjectivity it creates. To this end, an outline of the development of the Freudian psychoanalytic theory will be presented in relation to the "repressive hypothesis" from the early period of his work, and then move on to the mature work of Freud to discuss its most important elements such as the concept of narcissism, reformulation of the relationship between anxiety and repression and the concept of duality of life and death drives.
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