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EN
Compulsory military service has become very rare over the last 30 years in the western world. In the past, most countries considered military service as a socialisation platform, given the fact that most of the population was recruited and military units were a "meeting point" for different cultures – because of that the service then was functional as a social integrator. The current research studied changes in social attitude during compulsory military service in Israel, where the society is considered to be essentially divided around ethnical and national issues. This study is based on an analysis of the attitudes of 3200 internet questionnaire participants via social networks in Israel, followed by a U-test of the collected data. Half of the participants were high-school students (average age 17) and half of them discharged soldiers (average age 23). Analysis of the results reveals significant evidence: discharged soldiers tend to be more tolerant then high-school students with regard to other cultures and ethnic origins. A discharged IDF soldier is less afraid of security threats and considers budget prioritisation towards social welfare to be more important than security challenges. These findings show that compulsory military service can still be effective as a social integrator, even in the post-modern world where countries are dealing with migration issues and ethno-national tensions.
EN
Jewish culture deals a lot with survival stories – most of them became myths, especially since the establishment of the state of Israel. The Jewish ‘survival ethos’ is assimilated in Israel mostly by customs, traditions, and education. Above all, it has been claimed that military service in the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) is the most significant institution that empowers the survival ethos. As a result, it is assumed that those who serve in the IDF are characterized by hatred towards Arabs, and by being extreme nationalists. This claim is examined in the current article, which analyses the level of the sense of security threat among Israelis during the last decade, draws on data on military service and levels of trust in Israeli government institutions, and reveals an essential finding: Israeli’s survival ethos is being eroded among IDF soldiers. This finding, followed by the fact that the leaders of the liberal party in the Israeli parliament are former military generals, indicates that military service in Israel does not empower extreme nationalism; on the contrary, service in the IDF has become a moderating social mechanism. 
PL
Artykuł przedstawia problematykę procesów etnopolitycznych (polityzacji etniczności, mobilizacji etnopolitycznej mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych) w państwach Europy Wschodniej. Autorka analizując aktywność społeczno-polityczną oraz udział mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w organach władzy Republiki Białorusi, Republiki Mołdawii, Ukrainy dochodzi do wniosku, że procesy te wpływają na bezpieczeństwo państw subregionu. Szczególne znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa państw mają te zorganizowane aktywności, które zgłaszają działania separatystyczne. W przypadku Republiki Białorusi problem ten nie występuje, natomiast w Republice Mołdawii (Gagauzja i Naddniestrze) i na Ukrainie (Donbas, Zakarpacie) ma realny wymiar. Tendencje separatystyczne poszczególnych grup etnicznych stanowią istotny element w kształtowaniu polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa. Stają się również przestrzenią, w której konieczna jest reakcja władz państwowych, w tym dotycząca nie tylko bezpieczeństwa, ale także umiejętnego zarządzania procesami etnopolitycznymi w państwie.
EN
The following article discusses ethnopolitical processes (politicization of ethnicity and ethnopolitical mobilization of national and ethnic minorities) in Eastern European countries. The author analyses social and political activity of national and ethnic minorities, as well as their representation in state authorities of the Republic of Belarus, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, and concludes that those processes affect the national security of the countries that make up the sub-region. Particular threat to national security is posed by organized separatist actions. In case of the Republic of Belarus, the problem is not observed, but in the Republic of Moldova (Gagauzia, Transnistria) and Ukraine (Donbas, Carpathian Ruthenia) it is a very serious issue. Separatist tendencies of various ethnic groups have a significant impact on the national security policy. They also call for intervention by state authorities, not only in connection with security issues, but also in relation to appropriate management of ethnopolitical processes within the country.
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EN
European union (EU) since the end of cold war did not tackle with more tangible and serious question in security sector than question of migration and especially illegal migration through its Schengen borders. Control of EU´s external borders is becoming of increasing importance due to significant increase of migrant flows from Middle East and North Africa. Migration pressure on Schengen borders and especially of illegal migration does increase security risks for EU. Those are linked not only with potential infiltration of terrorist groups through the Schengen border but also to increased right and left wing extremist groups and their activities, which are increasing divissions in societies and do add to political radicalisation. In this paper we will try to deal primarily with illegal migration. First we will provide general definitions related to migration and look into EU´s strategic documents and how migration is defined in relation to EÚ. We will go through some mechanism EU does have on its disposal in order to deal with migration on its schengen border. In second part of this paper we will deal with migration routes, main causes for migration as well as with impact those movements of migrants do have on country of origin as well as recipient countries. In conclusion we will try to asses overall impact of migration on EU from long term perspective.
PL
Bezpieczeństwo publiczne jest stanem będącym przedmiotem normatywnym wielu aktów regulujących obszary wymagające szczególnej troski państwa. Pojawia się ono w ich treści już w XVIII w. Mimo to nie doczekało się definicji normatywnej – legalnej. Sytuacja taka powoduje, że zdefiniowanie bezpieczeństwa publicznego stało się przedmiotem uwagi doktryny. Konieczność taka wynikała z potrzeby ujednolicenia jego stosowania przy realizacji norm prawnych je zawierających. W niniejszym opracowaniu autor podjął próbę przedstawienia ewolucji pojęcia bezpieczeństwa warunkowaną zmiennymi okolicznościami społeczno-gospodarczymi państwa. Ich prezentacja stała się podwaliną do zrozumienia współczesnych określeń bezpieczeństwa publicznego, szczególnie tych, które funkcjonują po uchwaleniu Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. Stały się one zasadniczym elementem pozwalającym poszukiwać własnego ujęcia bezpieczeństwa publicznego. Pozwoliło również skonfrontować je z pojęciem porządku publicznego często używanego jako jedna konstrukcja z bezpieczeństwem publicznym. Dały także podstawy odniesienia bezpieczeństwa publicznego do bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego państwa. Przedstawiony materiał pozwala ocenić zróżnicowanie pojęcia bezpieczeństwa publicznego zależne od kontekstu jego ujęcia. Dokonana w opracowaniu próba poszukiwania ujęcia bezpieczeństwa publicznego została uwieńczona propozycją jego definicji oraz współzależnej definicji porządku publicznego
EN
Public security is a condition of a normative subject, many regulations cover the special concerns of the state. It appears in them as early as in the eighteenth century. Still, its normative (legal) definition has not been coined. As a consequence, the provision of a definition of public security has become a subject of interest for the doctrine. This necessity resulted from the need to unify its application during the process of implementation of the relevant legal norms containing it. In the study, the author attempts to present the process of evolution of the concept of security, conditioned by the changing socio-economic circumstances of the state. Their presentation became the foundation for understanding the contemporary terms of public security, especially those that function after the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 2, 1997. They have become an essential element that enables us to search for our own definitions of public security. It also allows us to confront it with the notion of public order, which is often used in conjunction with the notion of public security. Apart from that, they constitute the basis for the reference of public security to state internal security. The evidence provided allows us to evaluate the differentiation of the notion of public security depending on the context. The attempt to grasp the essence of public security made in this paper resulted in the provision of its definition as well as the definition of the interdependent notion of public order.
EN
The image of Africa as a main drug smuggling transit point has emerged relatively recently. Almost till the 1970s it was thought that the drug problem did not apply to the African continent. But one decade was enough to change this vision and make Africa, and especially West Africa, be seen as an important transit point for drugs (mainly cocaine and heroin) produced in South America and Asia. International efforts to combat drug trafficking in West Africa have been so far unsuccessful. Moreover, since 2005 it has been observed an increase in drug smuggling operations on a large scale in this region, carried out mainly by nationals of Latin America and Europe, with use of new ‘popular' transit points located in small West African countries, such as: the Gambia, Guinea, or titular Guinea-Bissau, to which a few years ago the international press attached the label of “the first African narco-state”. The development of narco-business in Guinea-Bissau is most often associated with its state dysfunctionality problems, this article is trying to analyse the roots of this phenomenon, as well as the influence it may have on the country itself, as well as on the whole region.
RU
Китай за последние тридцать лет стал одним из важнейших элементов мировой экономики. Китай является одной из ведущих стран-инвесторов. В 2020 году стоимость исходящих прямых иностранных инвестиций из Китая составила около 153,71 миллиарда долларов США. Поэтому угроза попадания других стран в зависимость от давления Китая растет. Китайские лидеры склонны использовать потенциальные выгоды от сотрудничества с ними в качестве разменной карты в отно шениях с другими странами – как развивающимися, так и развитыми. Цель данной научной статьи – представить те аспекты экономического сотрудничества с Китаем, которые обычно упускаются из виду в публичном дискурсе, и пробудить интерес читателя к этой теме. Данная статья носит в значительной степени описательный характер и основана на научных исследованиях и анализе польских и зарубежных ученых. В своем исследовании автор использовал исторический, сравнительный и монографический методы.
EN
In the last thirty years, China became one of the most important elements of the global economy. China is one of the leading investor countries. In 2020, the value of outward Foreign Direct Investment from China amounted to approximately 153.71 billion U.S. dollars. Therefore, the threat of making other countries dependent on Chinese pressure is growing. Chinese leaders tend to use the potential benefits of cooperation with them as a bargaining card in relations with other countries – both developing and developed. This research article aims to present aspects of economic cooperation with China that are usually overlooked in public discourse and to arouse the reader’s interest in the subject. This article is largely descriptive, based on scientific studies and analyses of Polish and foreign researchers. The author has used historical, comparative, and monographic methods in his research.
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