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EN
The article looks at the social roles of the sibling and the sibling-inlaw among older adults and how these roles are interconnected. It is based on an analysis of data collected in Czechia in 2017–2019 from 91 qualitative interviews and three focus groups with participants aged 50+. The concept of social roles used here considers a plurality of role repertoires, which actors can choose from, combine, and variously emphasise. Focusing on the social roles of the sibling and the sibling-in-law shows how each of these roles is specific. Both of these roles have a repertoire of targeted support for sibling/ kin cohesiveness and a repertoire of common solidarity and sociability. The sibling‘s role also includes repertoires of intimate closeness and emergency assistance. Both roles can be performed as a minimalist repertoire. The repertoire of the sibling-in-law role is defined in relation to the role of the sibling/ the life partner; the minimum expectation of a sibling is to not avoid contact with others and to show an interest in his/her sibling. Both roles are based on mutual autonomy and at the same time a willingness to maintain the sibling / kin relationship. How the two roles interfere and interact with each other is clear and provides insight into other dimensions of both roles. While it is possible to remain with the minimalist repertoire, it can generally be said that the role of a sibling and the role of a sibling-in-law acquire increasing importance as people grow older.
EN
Aggression between siblings is one of the most common – and the most downplayed – forms of aggression in the family. It is seen as natural and harmless. In fact, research has shown that such aggression leaves lasting scars in the child’s mind and affects functioning in adult life. Objective: investigate correlations between the perceived quality of the family environment, the experience of aggression in the family, including aggression between siblings, and the level of aggression in adult life. Method: 201 respondents – 167 women and 34 men, aged 19–36 years – took part in the study. To measure the variables under analysis, the respondents were asked to complete a questionnaire designed for this study, which included questions about aggression and violence between parents, parental aggression towards children, and the use of punishment in parenting; the Family Assessment Scale (FACES-IV) by David H. Olson, adapted by Andrzej Margasiński (2009, 2015); and the Aggression Questionnaire by Buss and Perry (1992), adapted by Aranowska, Rytel and Szmar (2005). Results: experience of domestic violence was shown to be related to the assessment of family functioning along four dimensions: cohesion, flexibility, communication and satisfaction. The data also showed that aggression was engendered by models of aggression, that is, by observing aggression between parents and by experiencing parental (especially paternal) violence. Unexpectedly, punishment turned out to be significantly correlated with all dimensions of family assessment – it was positively correlated with each of the manifestations of aggression under analysis. It was also demonstrated that while certain types of punishment were associated with specific manifestations of aggression (e.g. physical punishment with physical aggression, reprimands with verbal aggression, etc.), one type of punishment – screaming/threats/ insults – was significantly correlated with each of the analysed dimensions of aggression and was the only one associated with the tendency to react with aggression in relations with siblings.
EN
Trivers (1974) argued that offspring demand much more parental investment than parents want to give. This conflict of interest stems from a genetic conflict. Parents are genetically equally related to all of their offspring (the coefficient of relatedness r = 0.5; children share 50% genes of each of parents) and, for the parents, they present the same value as the “vehicle” of their genes. For this reason, parents are selected to balance investment among their offspring. For the offspring, it is a different standpoint: for each “full” sibling (r = 0.5) its value is twice as much to the other sibling (because it has 100% of its own genes, and the second sibling shares only 50% of its genes), and its value is fourfold higher than the value of a half-sibling (r = 0.25). The “selfish” children, driven by their own genetic interest, try to obtain more parental investment than their parents intend to provide, even at their siblings’ disadvantage. In this situation, a parent–offspring conflict arises that concerns the distribution of parental investment, and what is important, one can expect a sibling rivalry for these resources. In this paper the social and psychological consequences of parent – offspring conflict are discussed: i.a. infanticide, mate preference conflict, sibling rivalry and allomothering as a way in which parent–offspring can be reduced.
EN
Aggression between siblings is one of the most common – and the most downplayed – forms of aggression in the family. It is seen as natural and harmless. In fact, research has shown that such aggression leaves lasting scars in the child’s mind and affects functioning in adult life. Objective: investigate correlations between the perceived quality of the family environment, the experience of aggression in the family, including aggression between siblings, and the level of aggression in adult life. Method: 201 respondents – 167 women and 34 men, aged 19–36 years – took part in the study. To measure the variables under analysis, the respondents were asked to complete a questionnaire designed for this study, which included questions about aggression and violence between parents, parental aggression towards children, and the use of punishment in parenting; the Family Assessment Scale (FACES-IV) by David H. Olson, adapted by Andrzej Margasiński (2009, 2015); and the Aggression Questionnaire by Buss and Perry (1992), adapted by Aranowska, Rytel and Szmar (2005). Results: experience of domestic violence was shown to be related to the assessment of family functioning along four dimensions: cohesion, flexibility, communication and satisfaction. The data also showed that aggression was engendered by models of aggression, that is, by observing aggression between parents and by experiencing parental (especially paternal) violence. Unexpectedly, punishment turned out to be significantly correlated with all dimensions of family assessment – it was positively correlated with each of the manifestations of aggression under analysis. It was also demonstrated that while certain types of punishment were associated with specific manifestations of aggression (e.g. physical punishment with physical aggression, reprimands with verbal aggression, etc.), one type of punishment – screaming/threats/ insults – was significantly correlated with each of the analysed dimensions of aggression and was the only one associated with the tendency to react with aggression in relations with siblings.
PL
Agresja pomiędzy rodzeństwem to jedna z najbardziej rozpowszechnionych i najczęściej bagatelizowanych form agresji w rodzinie. Jest traktowana jako zjawisko naturalne i nieszkodliwe. Tymczasem, jak pokazują badania, pozostawia trwały ślad w psychice dziecka i wpływa na jego funkcjonowanie w dorosłym życiu. Cel: W badaniu poszukiwano związków pomiędzy spostrzeganą jakością środowiska rodzinnego, doświadczaniem agresji w rodzinie i w rodzeństwie oraz poziomem agresji w dorosłości. Metoda: Przebadano 201 osób, 167 kobiet i 34 mężczyzn, w wieku 19–36 lat. Do pomiaru badanych zmiennych wykorzystano autorską ankietę zawierającą pytania dotyczące: agresji i przemocy między rodzicami, agresji rodziców wobec dzieci, dyscyplinowania w procesie oddziaływania wychowawczego, Skalę Oceny Rodziny (FACES-IV) Dawida H. Olsona w adaptacji Margasińskiego (2009, 2015) oraz Kwestionariusz Agresji Bussa i Perry’ego (1992) w adaptacji Aranowskiej, Rytel, Szmar, (2005). Wyniki: Wykazano istnienie związków pomiędzy doświadczaniem przemocy w rodzinie i oceną jej funkcjonalności na czterech wymiarach: spójności, elastyczności, komunikacji i zadowolenia. Przeprowadzone analizy pokazały także, że rozwijaniu agresji sprzyja modelowanie agresji, czyli obserwowanie przemocy pomiędzy rodzicami oraz doświadczanie przemoc ze strony rodziców, a w szczególności ojca. Nieoczekiwanie skorelowane istotnie ze wszystkimi wymiarami oceny rodziny okazały się kary – związane dodatnio z każdym z analizowanych przejawów agresji. Ujawniono także, że o ile określone rodzaje kar wiążą się z konkretnymi przejawami agresji u dzieci (np. kary fizyczne z agresją fizyczną, nagany słowne z agresją werbalną etc.), o tyle jeden rodzaj kar – krzyk/straszenie/wyzwiska – wykazuje znaczące związki z każdym z analizowanych wymiarów agresji i jako jedyny powiązany jest ze skłonnością do reagowania agresją w relacjach z rodzeństwem.
PL
Celem artykułu jest prezentacja zagadnień teoretycznych i empirycznych dotyczących agresji i przemocy rodzeństwa. Zjawisko to, mimo że dość powszechnie występuje w społeczeństwie, rzadko jest przedmiotem badań. Artykuł zawiera różne wątki, takie jak: terminologia, epidemiologia, fenomenologia, percepcja społeczna zjawiska, wybrane koncepcje teoretyczne wyjaśniające genezę agresji rodzeństwa oraz przegląd badań na ten temat z uwzględnieniem wybranych zmiennych.
EN
The article is aimed at presenting the theoretical and empirical issues pertaining to sibling aggression and violence. Although the phenomenon occurs quite frequently in society, it is a rare research topic. The article contains various threads such as: terminology, epidemiology, phenomenology, social cognition about this occurrence, the selected theories that are supposed to explain the genesis of sibling aggression as well as a review of the research on the effect of certain variables.
EN
The article focuses on siblinghood-in-law – a dimension of siblinghood revealed in qualitative research on siblinghood at age 50 and over, based on individual interviews and focus groups, realised in the Czech Republic. It introduces the interconnectedness between siblinghood and siblinghood-in-law, and pays particular attention to old age. A sibling-inlaw relationship is created in the context of a more complex relationality (where conjugal construction of reality plays an important role); in addition to the dyadic relationship of two siblings-in-law, or a triadic relationship mediated by the linchpin person, the siblingin-law relation to his/her siblings-in-law (even as individuals) may be primarily defined as a sibling-in-law relationship to a sibling group (generating itself its own definition of reality), possibly even to a larger kin. Late-life situations create a context to possibly intensify relations between the “remaining” siblings and siblings-in-law. The article concludes with a typology of sibling-in-law relationship patterns.
PL
Artykuł zajmuje się szwagrostwem – wymiarem rodzeństwa ujawnionym w jakościowych badaniach nad rodzeństwem w wieku 50 lat i późniejszym, opartych na indywidualnych wywiadach i grupach fokusowych, zrealizowanych w Czechach. Relacje szwagierskie wytwarzają się w kontekście bardziej złożonej relacyjności (gdzie ważną rolę odgrywa małżeńska konstrukcja rzeczywistości). Relacje szwagierskie, oprócz bezpośredniej dwojga szwagrostwa lub pośredniej przez osobę pokrewną, obejmują także relacje szwagrów/szwagierek do ogółu rodzeństwa, a być może nawet do szerzej pojętego pokrewieństwa. Sytuacje z późnego etapu życia – śmierć rodziców, partnerów i rodzeństwa, nieobecność dzieci w domu – tworzą kontekst, który może zintensyfikować relacje między „pozostałym” rodzeństwem a szwagrostwem. Na końcu przedstawiona jest typologia wzorów relacyjnych między szwagrami bądź z udziałem szwagrów.
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