Search results

1

Internowani, aresztowani, skazani. Pozbawieni wolności w okresie stanu wojennego 1981–1983/1984

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Friszke A.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2017

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vol. 124

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issue 2

PL

Do najbardziej charakterystycznych cech stanu wojennego należało internowanie obywateli na zasadzie swobodnej decyzji władz, a także aresztowanie i skazywanie osób, które naruszyły wprowadzone 13 grudnia 1981 r. drakońskie prawa. Liczba internowanych ulegała zmianie od chwili wprowadzenia stanu wojennego do jego zawieszenia, które nastąpiło w grudniu 1982 r., kiedy możliwość internowania przestała istnieć. Nadal jednak obowiązywały surowe paragrafy wymierzone przeciw wolnościom obywatelskim, które – po zniesieniu stanu wojennego – przeniesiono do kodeksu karnego. One of the most characteristic features of the martial law in Poland was the internment of citizens by the arbitrary decision of the authorities, and also detention and conviction of people who infringed the draconian laws imposed on 13 December 1981. The number of internees fluctuated between the imposition of martial law to the date it was suspended in December 1982, which closed the possibility of interning people. Still, however, strict laws were in force, aimed against civil freedoms, which ‒ after martial law was lifted ‒ were introduced into the Civil Code.

2

Zatrudnienie skazanych w świetle danych statystycznych na przykładzie Zakładu Karnego w Inowrocławiu w latach 2011-2015

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Zeszyty Naukowe Zbliżenia Cywilizacyjne

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2016

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vol. 12

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issue 3

90-103

PL

Celem wykonania kary pozbawienia wolności jest wzbudzenie w skazanym woli współdziałania w kształtowaniu jego społecznie pożądanych postaw. Dla osiągnięcia tego celu stosuje się szereg środków oddziaływań resocjalizacyjnych, wśród których na pierwszym miejscu wymienia się pracę, zwłaszcza taką, która sprzyja zdobywaniu odpowiednich kwalifikacji zawodowych. Zgodnie z art. 121 § 1 Kodeksu karnego wykonawczego skazanemu zapewnia się w miarę możliwości świadczenie pracy, ponieważ jako pozbawiony wolności nie może tej pracy sam znaleźć. Zatrudnienie skazanych jest korzystne zarówno dla samych skazanych, jak i dla pracodawców. Ogromne znaczenie mają także względy resocjalizacyjne. W artykule zaprezentowano analizę poziomu zatrudnienia skazanych w Zakładzie Karnym w Inowrocławiu w latach 2011-2015. Autorka dokonała przeglądu poszczególnych kategorii zatrudnienia skazanych, a także wskazała na zarysowujące się w tym zakresie kierunki zmian.

EN

The aim of the imprisonment penalty is to arouse the willingness of cooperation of the convict in order to shape the preferable social attitudes. To achieve this goal a number of rehabilitation means are applied. The priority here is an employment which helps to acquire professional qualifications. If possible, the convict is provided a workplace because as a liberty deprived person, he is unable to do it personally, in accordance to Rule 121§ 1 of Penal Code. Employing the convicts is profitable for both sides; the convicts and the employers. Additionally, rehabilitation reasons are also significant. This article presents the analysis of the level of the convicts employment in Penitentiary in Inowrocław between 2011-2015. The author surveyed the individual categories of the convicts employment and mentioned the new directions of changes in this area.

3

Statutory Guarantees of Freedom of Conscience and Religion of Convicts and Detainees vs. Security in Prisons and Detention Centres

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Nikołajew J.

Nurt SVD

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2020

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issue 2

179-197

EN

The enforcement of custodial sentence should take place in a safe manner. Preservation of security guarantees proper implementation of all rights of persons deprived of liberty, including freedom of conscience and religion. Restrictions in this respect may be justified only by the reasons of non-infringement of the principles of tolerance and order in the prison. However, most of the statutory rights that ensure religious freedom for prisoners are exercised without any obstacles.

PL

Wykonanie kary pozbawienia wolności powinno odbywać się w sposób bezpieczny. Zachowanie bezpieczeństwa gwarantuje należytą realizację wszystkich praw osób pozbawionych wolności, w tym wolności sumienia i wyznania. Ograniczenia w tym zakresie mogą być uzasadnione jedynie względami nienaruszania zasad tolerancji i porządku w zakładzie karnym. Jednak większość ustawowych praw zapewniających osadzonym wolność religijną jest wykonywana bez żadnych przeszkód.

4

Wolontariat – szansą na rehabilitację społeczną osób odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności

100%

Iwanicki H.

Problemy Opiekuńczo-Wychowawcze

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2019

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vol. 585(10)

3-14

PL

Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie i omówienie wolontariatu jako szansy na rehabilitację społeczną osób odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności i ukazanie jego wpływu na proces resocjalizacji. Omówiono w nim podstawy prawne wolontariatu, jego specyfikę i charakter przede wszystkim w kontekście możliwości realizacji tej formy działalności społecznej przez więźniów. Skupiono się także na motywach skłaniających osadzonych do podjęcia działalności woluntarystycznej. Główna część publikacji skupia się na omówieniu korzyści wynikających z wolontariatu w kontekście przemiany osobowościowej i społecznej skazanych i podkreśleniu jego roli w oddziaływaniach resocjalizacyjnych.

5

Modele adaptacji skazanych do warunków więziennych - wyniki badań własnych

100%

Kanarek-Lizik D.

Resocjalizacja Polska

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2013

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issue 4/2013

193-213

PL

Skazani, którzy trafiają do jednostek penitencjarnych w celu odbycia kary pozbawienia wolności stają przed koniecznością dokonania wyboru odpowiedniej techniki (modelu) radzenia sobie z dolegliwościami sytuacji więziennej, a jednocześnie sposobu zmniejszania rozbieżności pomiędzy środowiskiem zamkniętym, a światem zewnętrznym. Aby poznać te techniki skonstruowano kwestionariusz dotyczący modelu adaptacji skazanych do warunków więziennych w oparciu o wyszczególnione przez E. Goffmana typy przystosowania tj. wycofanie, bunt, zadomowienie, zimną kalkulację i konwersję. W artykule zaprezentowano wyniki badań własnych dotyczące modeli adaptacji skazanych do warunków więziennych. Badaniami objęto recydywistów penitencjarnych oraz dorosłych pierwszy raz odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności.

EN

Convicted who are sent to penitentiary, units in order to serve a sentence of imprisonment, are obliged to choose a proper technique (model) of coping with the imprisonment discomfort and the way of minimizing discrepancy between the restricted and the outer world at the same time. In order to know these techniques, there has been a special questionnaire written which applies to a model of adopting the convicted to the imprisonment conditions. This questionnaire is based on the types of adaptations enumerated by E. Goffman and these are withdrawal, rebellion, settling down, cold calculation and conversion. In this article I introduced the results of my own research that concern the models of adopting the convicted to the imprisonment conditions. The survey included recidivists and the adults who serve a sentence of imprisonment for the first time.

6

Prizonizacja a skazani na karę dożywotniego pozbawienia wolności

100%

Klimczak J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2017

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issue XXXIX

231-248

EN

The article is based on my master’s thesis and addresses the issue of the prisonisation of inmates serving life sentences. Ever since Donald Clemmer introduced the idea of prisonisation, different interpretations of this phenomenon have been proposed. In particular, prisonisation has been described as a negative process, forcing a convict to become a ‘good prisoner’, incapable of fending for him or herself outside the penitentiary walls. According to Clemmer, long-term sentences contribute to a greater degree of prisonisation. Hence life prisoners are doomed to it. Is this a bad thing? In my view, prisonisation cannot be treated as a purely negative phenomenon. Given the unlimited duration of life imprisonment, I decided to formulate my own definition of this concept. By prisonisation I mean a process that the inmate has to face upon entering prison. It is a way of contributing to the conditions found on arrival: the inmate with his or her personality and past experiences plus the prison environment (other inmates and prison staff). Let me emphasise that everyone influences everyone else to some degree in a prison environment. The purpose of the research described in the article was to see how prisoners serving life sentences ‘prisonise’. My division of inmates according to the length of the served sentence was supposed to reflect the meaning of time in their lives – whether the inmates ‘blended into’ the penitentiary system as time went by.I assumed that the way prisoners sentenced to life coped in prison depended on how they assessed their chances of obtaining parole. This is important because looking ahead into the future determines how a convict serves their sentence, i.e. how the process of their prisonisation will unfold. Secondly, I assumed that in the case of ‘life’ prisoners, prisonisation was a desired process. Assuming that such inmates will spend all of their life in prison, it is difficult to conceive of prisonisation not taking place. Moreover, lack of prisonisation would pose a serious difficulty in serving the sentence. Taking into account the time factor in prisonisation, I determined that my research had to reflect the experience of inmates at different stages of their sentences. I divided a group of 15 convicts into five sub-groups of three. I set point ‘zero’ for my calculations at the date of the final judgment condemning each individual to life. Thus emerged a picture of inmates sentenced to life imprisonment across different time windows.I conducted 15 open interviews with inmates serving life sentences using my own questionnaire. I also examined the penitentiary records (part B) of inmates who had agreed to be interviewed. This was necessary in order to reconstruct the inmates’ ‘pre-sentence’ and prison past as well as their present circumstances.Assuming that the actions and behaviour of life prisoners are determined by their perception of how likely they are to be released on parole, I developed the following categories:A. Blending into prison – the inmate puts down roots in prison. He/she feels well as a prisoner and sees no other place for him/herself. B. Sponger – uses his/her time in prison as he/she likes, insofar as possible. Doesn’t want to talk about the future and has no specific view on this matter. Focuses on him/herself in the present; the future will bring what it will.C. Light at the end of the tunnel – the inmate knows that the tunnel he/she is in is very long. This is why he/she realizes that he/she must simply inch through it (or march forward). He/she may make plans or find activities to bide the time. Nevertheless, there is a light at the end of the tunnel – a distant one, but a light nonetheless. D. I’m not here – the prisoner does not agree with the nature of the sentence they are serving or even questions their guilt with regard to the crime. He/she does not accept him/herself in the prisoner role and does not see prison as a place to live. He or she devises plans that help him/her survive, while being in denial of having to spend the rest of his/her life in prison. Clings to the world of freedom and feels him/herself a part of it.The ‘light at the end of the tunnel’ category appeared most frequently (7 out 15 interviewees in every group, i.e. at every stage of their sentence). This shows that at every stage of serving their sentence and regardless of the time they have already spent in prison, inmates want to maintain and nourish the hope that they will one day be free. Of course they adapt to prison life and even become ‘good prisoners’, yet one cannot say unequivocally that prisonisation kills their desire to live beyond the prison walls. Further, I present four important factors related to prisonisation:• Time – when serving an unlimited sentence it is extremely important to be active in prison. It is also interesting how inmates change with the passage of time. • Prison subculture – being part of a subculture is supposed to be a factor that increases prisonisation, but it turned out that the interviewees were not interested in being part of such a group. • The Prison Service and the inmate – the interviewees receive positive assessments and are regularly rewarded by their supervisors. Meanwhile, in the interviews the inmates said that there was no point resisting the Prison Service and that they saw benefits to maintaining good relations with staff.• Contacts with the outside world – the inmates maintain contacts with family through every possible channel – by phone, via visits or letters. Family is important for most of them. Sometimes they also have contacts with new acquaintances from outside the prison. There is no doubt that all of the inmates in the studied group of 15 are ‘prisonised’ in some way. They have adapted to the daily prison schedule and learned the rules. What is important, it is not possible to pigeonhole them depending on the length of their sentence. We would do well to recall Clemmer’s position that the process of prisonisation (and its consequences) depend first and foremost on an individual’s personality. It is therefore extremely important to consider every case in its individuality when reviewing parole applications.

7

Poczucie kontroli u sprawców przestępstw agresywnych

84%

Belniak K., Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski im. Jana Pawła II I. P., kasia.wilkolek@gmail.com

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Psychologica

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2014

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vol. 18

PL

Głównym celem badania było ustalenie, jakim poczuciem kontroli charakteryzują się sprawcy przestępstw agresywnych. Założono, że zewnętrznym poczuciem lokalizacji kontroli charakteryzują się sprawcy czynów agresywnych. Poczucie przypadkowości zdarzeń jest wyższe u skazanych za przestępstwa z użyciem przemocy, którzy również cechują się mniejszym poczuciem kontroli nad zdarzeniami i brakiem własnej sprawczości. Dla zweryfikowania tez przebadano 140 mężczyzn osadzonych w zakładzie karnym przy pomocy skali I-E J. B. Rottera oraz Kwestionariusza Przystosowania Osobistego I. Niewiadomskiej, M. Kalinowskiego, A. Majcherczyk. Badaną grupę stanowiło 69 skazanych za czyny agresywne i 71 nieagresywne. Zaprezentowane w artykule rezultaty badań pokazują, że warunki, w których znajdowali się skazani, wpłynęły na ujawnienie się zewnętrznego poczucia kontroli, czego wynikiem jest przeświadczenie, że oni sami i ich otoczenie zależy od innych (Berne, 1998). Osadzeni agresywni i nieagresywni charakteryzują się podobnym odczuciem przypadkowości zdarzeń oraz brakiem kontroli nad nimi, różnicuje ich tylko poczucie braku własnej sprawczości.

EN

The main purpose of the research was to find out what type of locus of control is typical for aggressive criminals. It was assumed that aggressive criminals have external locus of control, mainly because the feeling of incident randomness is higher for aggressive criminals who also have lower sense of control of incidents and lack of sense of agency. To verify this statement, 140 jailed males were examined using the I-E Scale by J. B. Rotter and the Questionnaire of Personal Adaptation by I. Niewiadomska, M. Kalinowski, A. Majcherczyk. The examined group included 69 aggressive criminals and 71 nonaggressive ones. Results described in the article show that conditions in which the criminals were living influenced showing up external locus of control, which results in their conviction that they and their environment depend on others (Berne, 1998). Aggressive and nonaggressive criminals have similar incident randomness feeling and lack of control of incidents. The only difference is lack of self-efficacy.

8

Zmiany w strukturze podejrzanych, osadzonych i skazanych w kontekście starzenia się społeczeństwa – analiza danych statystycznych

84%

Włodarczyk-Madejska J.

Prawo w Działaniu

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2022

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issue 53

155-194

EN

The aim of the article is to analyse the changes in the structure of suspects, convicts and inmates in the context of aging society, based on statistical data: police, court and penitentiary, collected for two research projects carried out at the Institute of Justice in 2022. The article presents three main issues: the scale and dynamics of elder criminality, the type of crimes and misdemeanors committed by the elderly people, and the reaction to such behaviour. Conducting such analyzes seems to be important in the context of the aging population. Although elder people still account for a negligible percentage of suspects, convicts and inmates (about 5%), their share is increasing. It can be assumed that the current demographic situation will further support this growth. This article confirms the findings so far, that the crime of elderly people is different from crime in general. The reaction of law enforcement agencies and the judiciary to such behaviour is also different. The elderly people are visible among the perpetrators of misdemeanors, mainly theft and misappropriation of items of little value.

PL

Celem artykułu była analiza zmian w strukturze podejrzanych, osadzonych i skazanych w kontekście starzenia się społeczeństwa, na podstawie danych statystycznych: policyjnych, sądowych i penitencjarnych, zgromadzonych do dwóch projektów badawczych zrealizowanych w Instytucie Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości w 2022 r. W artykule zostały przedstawione trzy główne zagadnienia: skala i dynamika przestępczości osób starszych, rodzaj przestępstw i wykroczeń popełnianych przez osoby starsze oraz reakcja na takie zachowania. Prowadzenie analiz w tym zakresie wydaje się istotne w kontekście starzenia się społeczeństwa. Choć nadal osoby starsze stanowią znikomy odsetek podejrzanych, osadzonych i skazanych (jest to ok. 5%), to ich udział zwiększa się. Przypuszczać także można, że obecna sytuacja demograficzna będzie sprzyjała temu wzrostowi. Niniejszy artykuł potwierdza dotychczasowe ustalenia, mianowicie że przestępczość osób starszych różni się od przestępczości ogółem. Niejednakowa jest także reakcja organów ścigania i wymiaru sprawiedliwości na takie zachowania. Osoby starsze są też widoczne wśród sprawców wykroczeń, głównie kradzieży i przywłaszczeń przedmiotów o niewielkiej wartości.

9

Rola edukacji w readaptacji społecznej skazanych

84%

Łuczak E.

Edukacja Ustawiczna Dorosłych

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2019

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issue 4

81-90

EN

The article is of a theoretical and empirical nature. Its aim was to show the role of education in the social re-adaptation of prisoners both from the legal regulations presented in the subject literature as well as the results of own research carried out among convicts leaving penitentiary units. The analysis of research results was focused in particular on issues related to the type of educational activity undertaken by convicts, assessment of the received vocational training, proposal of changes in the educational offer as well as on the establishment of a criminological and social forecast being a very important premise of social readaptation of prisoners

PL

Artykuł ma charakter teoretyczny i empiryczny. Jego celem było pokazanie roli edukacji w społecznej adaptacji więźniów zarówno na podstawie przepisów prawnych przedstawionych w literaturze przedmiotu, jak i wyników własnych badań przeprowadzonych wśród skazanych opuszczających jednostki penitencjarne. Analiza wyników badań koncentrowała się w szczególności na zagadnieniach związanych z rodzajem działalności wychowawczej podejmowanej przez skazanych, oceną odbytego szkolenia zawodowego, propozycją zmian w ofercie= edukacyjnej oraz ustaleniem prognozy kryminologicznej i społecznej.

10

Przestępczość młodocianych w latach 1951-1957 na podstawie statystyki sądowej

71%

Jasiński J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1960

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issue I

241-295

EN

The Polish criminal law treats everybody who has completed his or her seventeenth year as an ,,adult" and does not provide for any separate principles of responsibility, nor for the possibility of applying any special means with regard to young adults, i.e. persons in the transition age between minority and full adult age. The Department of Criminology of the Institute of Legal sciences has, in the course of its investigation concerning the delinquency of juveniles (up to 17 years of age) and of young adults, singled out offenders between the seventeenth and the twentieth year of age, and carried out research on the problem of the forms which their delinquency assumed in the light of judicial statistics. During the period under investigation the total number of persons age 17 to 20 among the whole population of Poland amounted to an approximate figure of between 1 800 000 and 1 900 000 persons, including from 910 000 to 960 000 men and from 900 000 to 960 000 women (the total of Poland’s population aged over 17 amounted to from 16 600 000 to 19 000 000 people, of whom between 7 700 000 and 9 200 000 were men, and between 8 900 000 and 9 800 000 – women). The materials of judicial statistics on the basis of which our calculations have been compiled proceed from the summing up of the records entered on special cards made by the law-courts in the event of their having convicted an accused person, and with regard to every person convicted by the law-court in question for a felony or a misdemeanor , i.e. for acts provided for in the 1932 Criminal Code, still in force, or else in special criminal statutes, and for which the penalty is one of more than three months custody or a fine of more than 4500 zlotys. The above-mentioned cards, after the use has been made of them for statistical purposes, are preserved in the record of convicts in order to make possible the establishment of any previous delinquency of an apprehended offender. Because of the law-courts frequent failing to send such cards to the Register of Convicts, recourse has been had to another source of information concerning convictions, namely judicial reports' which have yielded data making it possible to go in for an approximate estimation of the actual number of all the persons convicted by the law-courts, and being over the age of 17. The diminution of the number of persons convicted in 1953 as compared with 1952 is a result of the carrying out of the Amnesty Act of the end of 1952, while that of 1957 as compared with 1955 seems to be connected to a considerable extent, with the very serious increase, within the year 1957, of the number of criminal cases awaiting to be tried by the courts. During the 1951 to 1957 period the rate of convictions pronounced against adults increased by 19 per cent, while the corresponding figure for young adults was 26 per cent. The delinquency coefficients quoted above show that in 1951 one out of each 64 young adult inhabitants of Poland was convicted by the law-courts, while in 1957 it was one out of every 57. If we take into consideration all the convicted persons adults and juveniles together, it will appear that in the years 1951 to 1957 persons aged under 17 years (juveniles) constituted between 9 and 16 per cent of the total of persons convicted by the courts; persons aged under 21 (juveniles and. young adults together) - from 21 to 27 per cent; persons under 25 years of age - from 34 to 40 per cent, and persons under 30 years of age - between 53 and 57 per cent. The convicted persons aged 17 to 29 formed a group comprising from 46 to 48 per cent of the total of convicted persons in every single year of the 1951 to 1957 period, so that the age of nearly one in every two convicted persons was comprised within the limits of from 17 to 29 years. The researched number of delinquency coefficients provide us with an appropriate knowledge of the rate of convictions of young adults as compared with further age groups of convicted adults, as well as of the differences in the rate of convictions of men and women. Thus the rate of convictions in the pre-war period (1937) was considerably higher than in the years 1951 to 1957. Particularly big differences, yielding coefficients nearly twice as high, can be noticed with regard to men aged 17 to 20, 21 to 24 and 25 to 29. On the other hand, the rate of convictions of women in 1937 very closely approximated the present-day rate. In the years 1951 to 1957 the amount of young adults delinquency coefficients for men towered high above the coefficients for the remaining age groups (the only exception can be recorded in 1957, with regard to the 25 to 29 years age group). It ought, however, to be emphasized that the coefficients for the 21 to 24 years age group for men are somewhat lower than they ought to be, since they have been calculated for all men within the above age limit while in a reality number of them who were then doing military service would be tried by courts-martial, the sentences of which have not been taken into consideration in the present contribution. Among women (similarly as in 1937) the highest rate of convictions was that for women aged 21 to 24, while the coefficients for young adults were lower than those for the 30 to 39 of age group. The mutual relation between the number of convicted men and women has undergone a considerable change as compared with the pre-war period; this change was most clearly marked in the initial years of the 1951 to 1957 period; it consisted in a diminution of the difference between the number of men and women convicted. In the years 1951 to 1957 the highest rate of convictions of young adult offenders (incidentally the same was true of juveniles as well) was shown by the two largest cities, Warsaw and Łódź, the voivodeships of the Western Territories and the most urbanized and industrialized area in the whole of the country - the voivodeship of Katowice. The information quoted so far was based on the estimative evaluation of the actual number of persons convicted, which we have mentioned above. Since an analogous estimation of the data concerning the kinds of offences committed by the persons convicted in the years 1951 to 1957 seemed too risky, in discussing the information concerning them we have relied directly upon the calculations furnished in the conviction cards made by the law-courts. Young adults delinquency seems to be considerably less differentiated than that of adults: first and foremost, offences property, and then against life and health, constitute those acts for which nearly three out of every four young adults punished by the courts in the years 1951 to 1957 were convicted. Apart from these two categories, it was only the offences against documents, in practice consisting mostly in remaking or forging various kinds of certificates and others documents, that young adults were more numerously represented than adults as a total. The percentage of persons convicted for offences against property among the several age groups of convicts clearly diminished as we passed from the younger to the older age groups. Among the older group of juveniles they still constituted 83 per cent, while among young adults – a mere 50.9 per cent. In the case of convictions for offences against life and health the opposite was true, while such offenders were most numerous among young adults (as much as 22.5 per cent of all the persons convicted in this group), while among the groups of adults nearest in age they were already somewhat less numerous. Speaking of the most important differences in the structure of the delinquency of young adults men and women, it may be worth while to note the fact that among women aged 17 to 20 there were relatively fewer convictions for offences against social property that among men of the same groups, and rather more convictions for offences against individual property; similarly, there were several times less convictions among women of the same age for offences against life and health, authorities and offices, as well as against morals, while women were several times more frequently convicted for offences against documents. The most important changes in the structure of young adults delinquency in the course of the 1951 to 1957 period were: a diminution of the share of those convicted for offences against property (60.4 per cent in 1951 and 58.3 per cent in 1952 – as against 52.2 per cent in 1955 and 50.9 per cent in 1957), and a very considerable increase of the percentage of young adults convicted for offences against life and health (from 11.8 per cent in 1951 and 15.1 per cent in 1952 - to 20.2 per cent in 1955 and 22.5 per cent in 1957). The latter change is attributed, first and foremost, to an increase in the activities of the police in pursuing such offences. Among the young adults convicted for offences against property (whether social or individual) the tremendous majority consisted of persons convicted for theft (92 per cent and 74 per cent respectively). In 1957 394 young adults were convicted for robbery (out of a total of 1004 persons convicted for the same offence). On the other hand, among the persons convicted for such offences as the receiving of stolen goods (a total of 5457 persons in 1957) there were relatively very few young adults (522 persons), similarly as in the case of convictions for fraud (119 young adults as against 1225 adult persons convicted in 1957). About 28 per cent of all the young adults convicted in 1957 for offences against life and health were prosecuted for infringement of bodily inviolability (1620 persons), 28 per cent for inflicting slight bodily harm (1655 persons). Nearly one out of every three young adults (31 per cent, 1857 persons) convicted for offences against life and health in 1957 was convicted for participation in a brawl (if he used a dangerous tool or else if the result was death or grievous injury to the body). Within the same year 38 young adults were convicted of murder and manslaughter, out of a total number of 263 adults, 10 young adults of infanticide, out of a total number of 31 adults, and 51 young adults of unintentionally causing death, out of a total number of 333 adults. Out of a total of 134 young adults convicted for sexual offences in 1957 there were 55 who had committed immoral acts with juveniles under 15 years of age, 64 were convicted for rape, 1 for incest, 8 for various forms of abetting to prostitution and deriving profits from it, and 6 for various other offences included in this group.

11

WPŁYW SYTUACJI OSOBISTEJ SKAZANYCH NA ICH RESOCJALIZACJĘ I ADAPTACJĘ SPOŁECZNA

67%

Felczak J.

Polityka Społeczna

|

2020

|

vol. 47

|

issue 9(558)

18-24

EN

The article analyzes the problems that influence the personal situation of the convicts, hindering their rehabilitation and social readaptation. Four main factors are specified: lack of family and intimate relationships, addictions, debt, recidivism by choice. The four areas are discussed in detail on the basis of the research conducted by the Author. The article also presents the circumstances that increase and decrease the chances of readaptation.

PL

W artykule analizowane są problemy kształtujące sytuację osobistą skazanych, stanowiące bariery resocjalizacji i readaptacji społecznej. Wyszczególniono cztery główne czynniki: brak rodziny i relacji intymnych, uzależnienia, zadłużenie oraz recydywa jako wybór i postawa. Obszary te zostały omówione szczegółowo na podstawie wyników badań prowadzonych przez autorkę tekstu. Przedstawiono okoliczności zwiększające i zmniejszające szanse readaptacyjne.

12

Podstawy prawne zatrudniania osób odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności

67%

Badowiec R., Szabłowska-Juckiewicz M.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

|

2022

|

vol. 84

|

issue 2

85-101

EN

The work of convicts is one of the essential elements of the process of executing imprisonment sentences. Work should be provided primarily to convicts who are obliged to pay maintenance payments, but also to those who have a particularly difficult financial, personal or family situation. The purpose of the article is to present the legal grounds for employing people serving a prison sentence. This article presents the legal norms regulating the possibility of employing people serving a prison sentence on the basis of a referral to work and other legal forms listed in Article 121 § 2 of the Executive Penal Code of 1997. The considerations lead primarily to the conclusion that, regardless of the choice of legal form of employment, the priority is to achieve the objectives of imprisonment; however, the form of employment of people serving a sentence of imprisonment affects the manner of shaping legal relations between the convicted person and the entity for whom he is working.

PL

Praca skazanych jest jednym z istotnych elementów procesu wykonywania kary pozbawienia wolności. Pracę należy zapewnić przede wszystkim skazanym zobowiązanym do świadczeń alimentacyjnych, ale również tym, którzy mają szczególnie trudną sytuację materialną, osobistą lub rodzinną. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie podstaw prawnych zatrudniania osób odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności. W ramach niniejszego artykułu przeanalizowano normy prawne regulujące możliwość zatrudniania osób odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności na podstawie skierowania do pracy oraz innych form prawnych wymienionych w art. 121 § 2 Kodeksu karnego wykonawczego z 1997 r. Podjęte rozważania prowadzą przede wszystkim do wniosku, że niezależnie od wyboru formy prawnej zatrudnienia priorytetem jest realizowanie celów kary pozbawienia wolności, jednakże forma zatrudnienia osób odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności ma wpływ na sposób ukształtowania stosunków prawnych pomiędzy skazanym a podmiotem, na rzecz którego świadczy on pracę.

13

Programy wspierające proces readaptacji społecznej skazanych w zakładach karnych (Wybrane przykłady)

67%

Witkowska-Paleń A.

Journal of Modern Science

|

2015

|

issue 2(25)

177-194

EN

Th is article has review character. Its analysis concentrates on selected programmes of social rehabilitation of prisoners which are realized in polish prisons. Th ese programmes are formed by penitentiary personnel and usually have original project. Th ey allow to overcome the barriers to social rehabilitation of prisoners. Th e author analyses the programmes and projects which are realized in two penitentiary institutions in Podkarpackie Voivodship – in prison for women functioning in Remand Prision in Nisko and in prison for men in Rzeszów-Załęże. Th e starting point of discussion are in this article the main problems of prisoners that hinder them eff ective social rehabilitation and therefore there are the barriers of proper functioning in society aft er leaving the prison. Such problems include fi rst of all the broken or disturbed relationships with family, insuffi cient education, qualifi cations and professional experience, social skills defi cit, passivity and helplessness in the implementation of daily aff airs, abuse of alcohol and drugs, inability to control negative emotions, inability to cope with stress and frustration, inability to build positive relationships with others and on the other hand reluctance to prisoners and their stigmatization in society.

PL

Niniejszy artykuł ma charakter przeglądowy. Ukazuje wybrane programy z zakresu społecznej readaptacji więźniów realizowane w zakładach karnych. Są to programy autorskie, tworzone przez kadrę penitencjarną w odpowiedzi na problemy skazanych, stanowiące bariery ich efektywnej resocjalizacji. Analizie poddano programy i projekty realizowane w dwóch jednostkach penitencjarnych w województwie podkarpackim: w zakładzie karnym dla kobiet funkcjonującym na terenie aresztu Śledczego w Nisku oraz w zakładzie karnym dla mężczyzn w Rzeszowie-Załężu. Punktem wyjścia rozważań uczyniono wiodące problemy, utrudniające społeczną readaptację więźniów, stanowiąc tym samym bariery ich bezkonfl iktowego włączania się w życie społeczne po opuszczeniu zakładu karnego. Do takich problemów zaliczyć należy przede wszystkim: zerwane lub zaburzone więzi z rodziną, niski poziom wykształcenia, brak kwalifi kacji i doświadczenia zawodowego, defi cyt umiejętności społecznych, bierność i bezradność w realizacji spraw życia codziennego, skłonność do uzależnień (nadużywanie alkoholu i zażywanie środków odurzających), brak umiejętności kontrolowania negatywnych emocji, radzenia sobie ze stresem w sytuacjach trudnych, nieumiejętność budowania pozytywnych relacji w otoczeniu społecznym, a z drugiej strony niechęć społeczeństwa i stygmatyzacja osób karanych w środowisku społecznym.

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WPŁYW SYTUACJI OSOBISTEJ SKAZANYCH NA ICH RESOCJALIZACJĘ I ADAPTACJĘ SPOŁECZNA

Podstawy prawne zatrudniania osób odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności

Programy wspierające proces readaptacji społecznej skazanych w zakładach karnych (Wybrane przykłady)