Search results

1

Walka klas, czyli powrót wypartego

100%

Jagielski S.

Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna

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2020

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issue 159

1-26

EN

Jerzy Hoffman’s film Trędowata (1976) belongs, according to Zygmunt Kałużyński, to the history of ‘Polish psychopathology’. Jagielski, drawing on tools developed on the basis of psychoanalysis, Marxism and affective film theory, points to the repressed class antagonisms and ideological contradictions which Hoffman attempts to work through in his film. The author traces the symptoms of what is repressed in society in the work’s melodramatic excess. It is in this excess that Trędowata’s political unconscious manifests itself. The problem of a conservative revolution restoring the old order based on gentry ideology is linked to the genealogy of the ‘new elite’ (‘upstart aristocracy’). These conflicts are expressed in the film through the figure of the class uncanny: the mechanical body of Stefcia-doll, which produces an alienation effect rather than one of proximity, disrupting the film’s conservative and reactionary message.

2

Transforming the educational style of the working class in Poland

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Sadura P.

Edukacja

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2017

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issue 2(2017)

45–62

EN

The article presents the impact of the introduction of lower secondary schools on the educational style of the working classes in Poland. This particular reform is seen as one of the elements of change to the education system adapting it to the general parameters of post-Fordism. The author supports the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, which states that society is divided into three social classes (upper, middle and popular) and each of them produces a specific lifestyle and style of education. The education style of a class provides individuals with certain dispositions to educational institutions and school careers, which are realised in the form of social practices (selection of specific type of schools, learning techniques, ways of spending time, etc.). The changes taking place in the education system in Poland over the last 15 years, i.e. since the 1999 reform, are similar to processes that occurred in the 1980s and 1990s in western countries. They include the economisation of education, the parameterisation and quantification of educational results, as well as the introduction of market mechanisms for managing and financing state-owned schools. The article is based on individual in-depth interviews conducted during two field studies organised in 2013–2014: Cultural practices of the working class (120 IDIs) and Class differences in cultural practices in the North-Eastern Poland (60 IDIs). The findings become the basis of formulating new theoretical and research proposals for the field of education.

3

How to Criticize Our Societies Today? Part I: Pragmatic Sociology and Pragmatic Critical Theory as a Social Critique

100%

Znepolski B.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2016

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issue 2

33-48

EN

The article is dedicated to the pragmatic social critique as one of the most influential patterns of contemporary social critique. It is focused on the evolution of Luc Boltan-ski’s pragmatic sociology of the critique, which initially refused to play an overtly criti-cal role and restricted itself to reconstructing the modalities of critique social actors recourse to in their everyday practices. In his most recent publication, however, Boltan-ski seems to return to Pierre Bourdieu’s definition of sociology as a critical sociology. According to Boltanski, the critical vocation of sociology is supposed to answer the increasing critical deficit that social actors experience in the context of contemporary societies with their complex forms of domination. The aim of our study is to make this two-sided transformation comprehensible by putting into question the underlying methodological and political arguments. The prag-matic sociology seems methodologically more convincing but politically weaker than Bourdieu’s critical sociology. Moreover, it seems more legitimate but less efficient in its critical effects. How could this dilemma of social critique opposing requirements of legitimacy and requirements of efficiency be solved?

4

Determinants of Success in Public Opinion in Poland: Factors, Directions and Dynamics of Change

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Baczko-Dombi A., Wysmułek I.

Polish Sociological Review

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2015

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vol. 191

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issue 3

277-274

EN

In this paper we present the analysis of changes in perceiving subjective determinants of success in Poland, including implicit attitudes towards the idea of meritocracy. On the basis of factor analysis, we have prepared two scales for the ‘meritocratic’ and ‘family and friends’ dimensions of opinion about path to success. We investigate how support for these scales is differentiated and influenced by sociodemographic characteristics and social class.We accompany in the paper the analysis of ‘meritocratic’ and ‘family and friends’ scales with the analysis of the changing support for individual determinants, such as for example ‘hard work’, ‘good education’ and ‘knowing the right people’. We examine how the opinion of the same group of people on path to success changes over time and to which extend radical changes have occurred in the perception of certain determinants. Our analyses are based on data from the Polish Panel Survey (POLPAN, 1988–2013), where the question as to what conditions success in life was asked in every survey wave. It provides an opportunity to compare attitudes towards success from just before regime transformation and every five years thereafter. We place in the paper a particular emphasis in the paper on previously unanalysed data from the years 2008–2013.

5

Krytyka i kontynuacja teorii Pierre’a Bourdieu w socjologii Bernarda Lahire’a

86%

Gdula M.

Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa

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2016

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vol. 05(1-2)

11-30

PL

The value of Pierre Bourdieu’s theory is proven not only by his recognized position in contemporary social thought, but also numerous polemics, criticism which it faces and proposals of reformulation it inspires. This article presents one of the most important theoretical and research projects related to reinterpretation of Bourdieu’s category – Bernard Lahire’s sociology. It takes as a starting point the proposal to correct the thoughts of the author of Distinction if it comes to studies on social classes and the meaning of the concepts of habitus, cultural capital and reproduction. The article presents Lahire’s ideas in action, as he uses them in his early research. Moreover, the evolution of Lahire’s views is examined starting from continuation to criticism of structural constructivism with L’homme pluriel as culmination. The concept of a polymorphic human is confronted critically with Bourdieu’s work to demonstrate simplifications and limitations of Lahire’s theory. There are also other proposals of reformulation and continuation of the concept of Pierre Bourdieu’s classes.

6

Populizm, autorytaryzm, Polska. Maciej Gdula o konsekwencjach polskiej transformacji liberalnej

86%

Haremska K.

ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal

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2018

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vol. 8

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issue `1

129-140

7

Changes in Class Structure in Poland, 1988–2003: Crystallization of the Winners-Losers’ Divide

86%

Słomczyński K. M., Janicka K., Shabad G., Tomescu-Dubrow I.

Polish Sociological Review

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2007

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vol. 157

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issue 1

45-64

EN

This paper builds on the work of Słomczyn´ski and Janicka (2005) and examines changes in the social structure in Poland, and the role of social classes on public opinion formation. The main hypothesis is that the divide between winners and losers crystallizes over time, as the social distance that separates these categories solidifies, and their reaction to economic and political transformation becomes increasingly divergent. Using data from the Polish panel survey POLPAN, conducted in 1988, 1993, 1998 and 2003, we find that the main changes in the class structure in Poland occurred between 1988 and 1993. Following 1993, the patterns of the post-communist social structure start to settle, becoming, by 2003, typical of a capitalist society. Results further show substantial and significant differences between the privileged and the disadvantaged in evaluation of socialism, as well as in their subjective assessment of changes in life, and active and passive support for the institution of elections.

8

Marksowskie ujęcie klas społecznych a paradygmat nauk o polityce

86%

Machalica B.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2020

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issue 24

5-18

EN

The paper outlines the Marxist theory of social classes in reference to the paradigm of the political science. The first part demonstrates the classical Karl Marx’s theory of social classes. Further on, the paper presents the main elements of the neo-Marxist class theory, including the works of Erik Olin Wright. Next, the paper points to the utility of ‘the social class’ term in the political science paradigm, in reference to the works of Artur Bodnar, Mirosław Karwat, Julian Hochfeld and others. Subsequently, the paper advocates the statement to the effect that politics is the concentrated emanation of economic relations, which alludes to the significance of the Marxist social class theory.

9

Przestępczość na terenie Warszawy. Analiza ekologiczna

75%

Kossowska A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1976

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issue VII

141-263

EN

This work is devoted to an analysis of the territorial differentiation of crime and delinquency in Warsaw and the establishment of the factors, conditioning it from the socio-economic and demographic point of view. The various Polish studies on the problem of delinquency in a big city milieu (differing substantially from one another, regarding the range of the phenomenon studied as well as the research methods used) point to the differentiation of the terrain of the big cities, subjected to studies, as to the degree of intensification of delinquency. One often comes across opinions that Warsaw, because of its war and post-war history, is not a typical city, where there could exist conditions for an unhampered influence of general ecological laws. During the Second World War Warsaw was utterly destroyed and efforts were made, when the city was being rebuilt, so that the various regions of the city would be uniform from the social point of view. The general balance of losses amounted in 1945 to approximately 70% of the city's buildings, and almost 100% of the most valuable complexes of buildings of the mid-town had been destroyed. Before the outbreak of the war in 1939 Warsaw had 1,282,000 inhabitants and when the city was liberated in 1945 only 162,000 people inhabited the capital, of whom 22,000 lives on the left bank of the river (mainly in the suburbs); in 1975 Warsaw had 1,300,000 inhabitants. According to estimates 700,000 Warsaw residents were killed and the remaining inhabitants were after the collapse of the Warsaw Uprising tin 1944 driven out of the city. Due to this deportation the Varsovians scattered all over the country and only part of them returned in 1944 to Warsaw. It is estimated that the main wave of return to Warsaw of its prewar inhabitants took place up to the year 1950, when the number of prewar Varsovians in Warsaw amounted to 500,000 (out of a total of 750,000). Thus, the remaining part of the residents of Poland's capital was a population either made up of migrants or due to the natural increase in population, or because new territories were incorporated into Warsaw. A stop was put to the initial spontaneous migration movement of the population from other regions to Warsaw in 1954 through the introduction of registration restrictions; this was caused by the fact that the building of new houses could not cope with the rate of growth of the population. The introduction of restrictions, checking the migration movement was not combined with putting the brake to the increase in employment, which brought in its wake an enormous, steady growth of the number of people daily commuting to work in Warsaw, sometimes from quite distant regions. Summing up, one could say that contemporary Warsaw is a city, which after almost complete destruction during the war has at a rapid rate been rebuilt, remodelled and markedly expanded as compared with its prewar shape. In principle, with the exception of relatively small parts of the city, present-day Warsaw cannot be compared with prewar Warsaw. It is being emphasized in studies, that a typical feature of postwar Warsaw is the lack of territorial segregation of the newcomers among the population, something which could be noticed in the city before the Second World War and is true today also of cities in Western Europe, America or other continents. In this city there are now no districts of traditional Varsovians and districts of the new-comers, especially from the countryside. The social changes in postwar Warsaw find their expression in the levelling of class and economic divisions between the population in the various residential areas. Social differences between the various districts also disappear at a rapid rate. It was the aim of the new social policy to shuffle the inhabitants from the social point of view, but partial studies conducted and observations revealed not only remnants of prewar aspects but also processes of some sort of selection, at the root of which lie once again economic reasons, as well as more complex psychological reasons. One of the factors differentiating the city as a whole, is the phenomenon of delinquency. This is being revealed by partial studies, of the delinquency in Warsaw, conducted during the course of the past 20 years, and concerning the various groups of offenders (mainly juvenile delinquents). The studies, to which this work is devoted, concentrate on the intensity of delinquency in the various regions of Warsaw. We have in mind here the differentiation of the city from the point of view of the intensity of various kinds of offences as well as the intensity of the number of delinquents inhabiting the various districts. Discussing the differentiation existing in the city in regard to delinquency we shall base ourselves on the administrative division of the city into districts, taking into account smaller regions, too i.e. what is called town planners’ regions. The table illustrates some of the characteristic features of these districts. These districts differ substantially from the point of view of socioeconomic features. And thus Praga North (VI) and Wola (IV) are the districts, with the biggest concentration of industry while the largest number of people employed in industry live in Praga North and Praga South (VII). The population of the various districts also differs in regard to their educational level: the highest percentage of people with at least secondary school education lives in Mid-town (district I), that with the lowest educational level in Praga North (VI). To this short characteristic should still be added that both Praga districts, situated on the right bank of the Vistula River were least destroyed during the war and there are more prewar Varsovians living there than in other districts. Especially in Praga North (VI) can be found regions which remained unchanged almost till now and which before the war were inhabited by the “lumpenproletariat” and a relatively large percentage of delinquent elements. The second division of the city used here was that into 79 town planners’ regions. This division was arranged for purposes of town planning and made it possible to set apart areas which were homogeneous from the urban and economic point of view. In our analysis this made it possible for us to set apart within each district some smaller regions, marked by a special intensification of delinquency. This study is based on statistical material of a dual type. We deal here with the official police statistics (containing data on the cleared up offences) for the various years between 1953-1973 (and in some cases also data from court records) as well as data especially collected by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, concerning almost all the offences reported to the police or which were revealed during investigations in 1968. This research was initiated in 1971, but material concerning the year 1969 could not be taken into consideration because of the amnesty nor that of 1970, which was the first year when the new penal code had become binding. During the course of the research- data were registered on special questionnaires, taken from the police investigation records, regarding offences committed in the area of Warsaw reported to the police in 1968 as well as the addresses of people, suspected of having committed them. When gathering these data certain types of offences of a specific nature were not taken into consideration, such as traffic, or fiscal offences or malfeasances in office. The analysis finally covered 82.4% of all the offences reported to the police in Warsaw in 1968, i.e. a total of 20,960 offences. The number of suspected individuals amounted to 12,257. Before the presentation of the results of the studies it should be recalled that, as is generally known, statistical data do not reflect the real extent of delinquency, not all the information about some the committed offences as being reported to the police and the officials entitled to prosecute. The dark number of offences that remain unrevealed, is everywhere a serious problem when examining the dimensions of delinquency. Presenting data regarding delinquency in Warsaw we want to start with a short comparison between delinquency in Warsaw and that of other cities in Poland. The intensity of offences committed in the area of Warsaw has markedly surpassed the average figure for delinquency in the whole of Poland. During the postwar period the gap between the figure for Warsaw and that of the whole of Poland was greater than before. While in 1938 there were 219.6 registered offences per 10,000 inhabitants of Warsaw (168.7 for the whole country), in the years 1965-1967 this coefficient amounted to 247.7 (142.3 for the whole country). The greater difference between the intensity of delinquency in Warsaw and the entire country can be explained mainly as being due to the large migration, following the almost complete destruction of Warsaw during the war. But for a number of years already, there is no longer a noticeable tendency for an increase in the difference of the dimensions of delinquency between Warsaw and the rest of the country. Comparing with other cities in Poland the number of reported offences in Warsaw is rather high, though it is by no means the highest (Warsaw is the largest city in Poland, the only one that has over one million inhabitants). The delinquency rates (i.e. the number of offences in relation to that of the inhabitants) as well as its structure are in Warsaw similar to an entire group of cities, with over 200,000 inhabitants. It should be emphasized that there are only slight differences between big and small towns as regards the intensity of delinquency, though there can be noticed a distinct difference in the structure of delinquency. While Warsaw - just as the remaining cities in Poland - is marked by a considerable number of offences against property, offences against the person are distinctly much more frequent in small towns. The above-mentioned facts are related to offences registered in police records. The situation is different if one takes into account the number of people convicted for offences committed in the area of Warsaw. But in this case one should separately discuss convictions of people above 17 and of juveniles (between 10 .and 16, i.e. who are under age). Criminality of persons above the age of 17, who constitute approximately 82% of the total of persons convicted for offences, is relatively low as compared with other towns. Thus in the years 1971-1973 there 72.8 of the convicted offenders per every ten thousand of inhabit-years were ants above 17, while this coefficient for all the cities and towns in Poland amounted to 85.1. However, juvenile delinquency adopts in Warsaw especially large dimensions. In the years 1971-1973 the coefficient of convictions of juvenile delinquents amounted in Warsaw to 128.6 per 10,000 inhabitants between 10 and 16 years, while the average every coefficient of all the towns amounted to 89.5. The general picture of delinquency in Warsaw as compared with other towns in Poland is as follows: a large (though not the largest) number of offences committed, a very large number of convictions of juveniles and a small number of convictions of adults. Striking in this picture are the remarkable differences between indices related to reported offences on the one hand and indices of convictions of adults on the other hand, which is not noticed to such an extent in other cities and towns. Not taking into account here the problem of the dark number of unrevealed offences, one has to reckon with the probability of a larger average number of offences committed on an average by the individual perpetrator from city areas than is the case with those from other areas, due to the anonymity in a city crowd. We start our analysis of the differences regarding the dimensions of delinquency in the Warsaw area with a presentation of the intensity of this phenomenon in all seven administrative districts of the city, taking into account the place where the offence was committed. Use was made of police records from the years 1965, 1968 and 1971. These data reveal that only two districts differed as to the intensity of delinquency, while delinquency in the remaining districts was on an even level. Thus, the highest coefficients of registered offences per 10,000 inhabitants were found in the Mid-town district (the average coefficient of the three above-mentioned years was 377.3) and the Praga North district (average coefficient 325.4). However, in the remaining five districts the average coefficients of delinquency remained in a relatively narrow range from 159.0 to 218.4. Also from the point of view of the structure of the offences committed, only the two above-mentioned districts Mid-town and Praga North were marked by specific features. The Mid-town district is characterized by a particularly high percentage of offences against individual property and by petty offences against the person, as a rule committed under the influence of alcohol. Praga North distinguishes itself by the especially great extent of offences against the socialized property and by the more serious offences against the person. All Warsaw districts are large administrative units, each one of which is inhabited by approximately 200,000 people and they perform simultaneously various 'socio-economic functions; nevertheless Praga North and Mid-town districts reveal in this respect quite separate features, which is undoubtedly connected with the larger dimensions of delinquency. The Mid-town district situated in the centre of the city, is the only one that has no suburban areas, occupies the smallest area and has decidedly the greatest density of population. From the functional point of view it is the commercial, entertainment and transportation centre of Warsaw. In this area are the largest department stores, cinemas and other entertainment places, there also cross the urban and suburban transportation and traffic routes. The Praga North district on the other hand distinguishes itself from other districts neither by the size of its territory nor the density of population, it also has suburban areas. But part of it performs nevertheless the role of a commercial and entertainment as well as transportation centre for that part of the city, which is situated on the opposite bank of the river than the Mid-town district. In addition to this the Praga North district was one of the two districts of Warsaw that were least destroyed during the last war and retained part of the old buildings of a low standard, inhabited by the former residents, mainly by workers. Not without significance, too, is the fact that the Praga North district includes one of the most industrialized territories of Warsaw. The statements made above are related to large territorial units, namely the administrative districts of the city. Studied, too, were differentiations in the intensity of offences committed within each district, on the basis, as mentioned before, of the division of the city into town planned regions. It turned out, that the coefficients of delinquency in the various regions as well as the absolute figures of offences reported, make one reach unanimous conclusions. The largest extent of reported delinquency was found in two types of regions: in the central regions of the entire city or of particular districts as well as in regions with a concentrated industry. However, the smallest dimensions of this phenomenon are noted in suburban regions, which perform above all the functions of residential and recreational areas. Mention was made above of the differences in intensity of delinquency in Warsaw as the place where the offences were committed.. Now we wish to pass over to a discussion of the place of residence of people suspected of having committed offences. Analyzing data on the intensity of delinquency in relation to place of residence (the number of the perpetrators of offences in relation to the number of inhabitants of a given area, in the respective age groups), for the various districts, regarding juvenile delinquents (from 10 to 16 years), young adults (17-20) and adults (21 and above), it was found that the largest number of offenders live in Praga North. The sequence of other districts arranged according to the intensity of delinquency depends on the given age group. In the case of juveniles, Zoliborz takes second place and the Mid-town third. Note, that as far as young adults and adults are concerned the Mid-town has the smallest number of them living there. An illustration of these statements are the coefficients of suspected inhabitants of a given district, in the given age groups as compared with the total population of that age. Thus, the coefficients pointing to the number of juvenile, young adult and adult delinquents domiciled in the given area, are the highest for Praga North, amounting in this district, respectively to: 20.1, 25.1 and 9.1 (per 1,000 inhabitants of the given age groups). In the Mid-town district are much lower coefficients than those mentioned before: 11.3 for young adults and 4.8 for adults. Thus we see, that the Mid-town, which as far as the place where the offence was committed, belonged, together with Praga North, to the districts where the number of offences committed was highest. Nevertheless the Mid-town has the lowest number of young adult and adult delinquents living there. Thus the number of juvenile delinquents living there is rather high in the Mid-town district, but this is understandable, if one takes into account the fact that juvenile delinquents as a rule commit offences in the direct neighbourhood of their place of residence. On the other hand, it should be stressed that in Praga North, which distinguishes itself also by a high number of offences committed and outdistances even more the remaining districts as regards the number of offenders who have their domicile in this district. The difference found in the number of offenders with domicile in the various districts as compared with the differentiation of these districts regarding the offences committed there can also be noticed when one takes into account the structure of delinquency. For the sake of simplicity in this analysis offences have been divided into five categories: against the person, against the authorities and public offices, against the property, robberies and “others”. When we compare the coefficients regarding the number of offenders with domicile in a given district the number of offenders living there per the total number of inhabitants of the district in the age group 10 years and more (ratio 1:1,000), it has been revealed that most persons suspected of having committed robbery and offences against property can be found in Praga North. In the case of those who committed offences against the person first place is taken by Żoliborz. An analysis of the structure of delinquency of persons in various age groups indicates that a larger percentage of juveniles suspected of having committed offences against the person are living in the Mid-town than in other districts, and that a high percentage of persons suspected of having committed offences against property among young adults and adults live in Praga North. Striking in all the age groups is the particularly high percentage of persons suspected of offences against property among those living outside Warsaw. The next problem that has to be dealt with in the ecological analysis of delinquency is that of the “mobility” of the offenders living in the various districts of Warsaw. In other words, to what extent the offenders living in a given district commit offences in this district and to what in other districts. It is known that juveniles as a rule commit offences in the direct neighbourhood of their domicile, and that is why in their case one may not expect special “spatial mobility”. Despite this, though 75-90% of the juvenile delinquents living in each district commit offences there (excluding the Mid-town where this percentage is higher), nevertheless it can be clearly noticed that juveniles, committing offences not in their own district do that most frequently in the Mid-town district. This is true especially of that part of Warsaw situated on the left bank of the Vistula; in both districts Praga North and Praga South on the other bank of the river a slightly larger percentage of “wandering” juveniles commit offences in the district on the same side of the river than in Mid-town. But 'the differences in this case are minimal and do not blur the general picture of the Mid-town as a district with the largest centration of delinquency committed there by juveniles inhabiting other districts. This is true especially if one takes into account juveniles from outside of Warsaw, of whom as many as 27.5% commit offences in Mid-town. As to young adults, the same conclusions may be drawn, regarding their “delinquent mobility” as in regard to juveniles, but with two exceptions. First, young adults more frequently than juveniles commit offences outside the district where they live, secondly, almost the same percentage of young adults living outside Warsaw commit offences in Praga North (22%) as in the Mid-town (21.3%). In other districts these percentages are markedly lower. As far as delinquency of adults is concerned, the Mid-town is marked by the greatest concentration of offences committed outside the place of residence, while Praga North is the site where most frequently offences are committed by adults, living outside Warsaw. It seems that the latter phenomenon is connected with the fact that in this district there are two large railway stations. The concentrating role of the Mid-town and to a lesser extent of Praga North - can also be noticed if one takes into account the various types of offences. Those living in various districts who commit offences against the person, against authorities and public offices, as well as offences against property, if they commit these offences outside the district of their domicile, do that most frequently in the Mid-town (in the case of offences against property this concerns left-bank part of Warsaw). Note, that the perpetrators of robbery do it mainly in the district where they live and in the case of this category of offenders no concentrating role of the Mid-town is being observed. Note the interesting ecological phenomenon that the Vistula River constitutes some sort of barrier, cutting through the channel of “delinquency mobility”. While offenders living in the five districts of Warsaw, situated on the left bank of the river most frequently committed offences in the Mid-town (in cases when such offences were committed outside the district of their domicile), those who lived in the two districts on the right bank more often committed offences in the neighbouring district, situated on the same bank of the river and not in the Mid-town. The data presented above on the place of residence of certain categories of offenders in the various districts and their “mobility” in connection with the offences committed by them, lead to the unequivocal conclusion, that the differentiation of Warsaw districts from the point of view discussed here makes it possible to divide them into two groups. The first group are the Mid-town and Praga North, each one of which has its clearly defined specific features, while the second group is made up of the remaining districts, which as a rule are similar regarding delinquency. The further part of this work discusses the connections between the demographic and socio-economic character of 'the various districts and the extent of delinquency on their territory approached from the point of view of the site where the offences were committed as well as the domicile of the perpetrators studied with the use of factor analysis. Taken into account in this analysis were 7 variables related to delinquency and 19 variables defining the above-mentioned characteristic features of the district. As a result of the analysis two independent factors were set apart. The first of them defines the district in the following way: a large number of adults living in this district who are suspected of having committed offences, the extent of alcoholism among the residents, a population earning their living in industry, a large percentage of the population with a low educational level, higher infant mortality than somewhere else, the concentration of industry in this district and a lower housing standard than elsewhere. The second factor defines the district in the following way: a high concentration of delinquency in general, juvenile delinquency and that of adults (here it is a question of the site where the offences were committed and not of the domicile of the offenders), a large number of juveniles living there, suspected of having committed offences, high sales figures of alcohol, concentration of trade, better access to social services rendered to the population. Thus we see that factor I defines city regions, characterized by remnants of the past social and urban neglect. It is striking that precisely those regions where there is a concentration of the features making up an undoubtedly negative milieu (alcoholism, low housing standard, higher infant mortality than elsewhere) are simultaneously inhabited by a majority of young adults and adult offenders. However, at the same time those regions in which juveniles are residing and offences are being committed (by adults and juveniles) are of a different character. These latter regions are defined by factor II, regarding the Mid-town district with its features of commercial and entertainment centre. To the syndrome of variables, making up this factor, do not belong any traits which could characterize unfavourable environmental conditions (as an urban milieu). Nevertheless, precisely with this factor in connected the concentration of delinquency committed by adults and juveniles as well as the concentration of juvenile delinquents’ domicile. Among those Warsaw districts which are being defined by factor I, first comes Praga North and the last place is occupied by the Mid-town district. The order in which districts are arranged as defined by factor II is: first comes the Mid-town and then Praga North. Thus one notes a certain duality as regards Praga North, which being a commercial and entertainment centre of 'that part of the city, situated on the rigiht bank of the river, is characterized by the appearance, side by side, of terrains with modern big city buildings and regions with a very low standard of housing, and frequently one and the other are in closest neighbourhood. Connected with this is also a substantial differentiation as regards the population from the point of view of socio-demographic features. Undoubtedly it is precisely the dual nature of this district which explains the high place occupied by it among districts which come under the above-mentioned factors. Note also the fact that - in contradistinction to the case of adults - both aspects of juvenile delinquency, i.e. the domicile of the juveniles as well as the site where they commit the offences, are connected with the same “mid-town” factor. While the fact that the majority of offences are being committed in mid-town regions which are the commercial and entertainment centres of the city, seems understandable, due to the greater influx of people, the anonymity of the human crowd, etc., it may be surprising, that it is the domicile of the majority of the juvenile delinquents and not the regions marked by the remnants of social and urban backwardness, as is the case with adults offenders. But it should be borne in mind, that we are realing here with all the reported juvenile delinquents, irrespective of the degree of their demoralization. One may assume, that juveniles with a high degree of demoralization live in the same regions as the adult delinquents. In turn juveniles who are less demoralized have undoubtedly, in case their domicile is close to the commercial and entertainment centres, more opportunities to avoid the control of the adults, which is also connected with more convenient conditions for the committment of petty offences against property, typical of juvenile delinquents.

10

The Sociology of Educational Mismatch

72%

Kucel A.

Polish Sociological Review

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2011

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vol. 173

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issue 1

21-34

EN

This paper studies the theoretical relationships between core research lines of sociology, such as intergenerational mobility, class structure and cultural capital, with educational mismatches. By educational mismatch we mean two things. Firstly, an individual can be horizontally mismatched whereby their field of study is inadequate for the job.Another direction of educational mismatch is the so called vertical mismatch, where the worker possesses more/less education than the job requires resulting in over-/under-education. While analyzing the educational mismatches we keep present the conclusions of Rational Action Theory on individuals’ rational choices in their educational careers.We arrive to conclusions where the influences between educational mismatches and social classes are bidirectional and one can establish fairly clear theoretical links between class of origins and likelihood of being educationally mismatched.

11

O budulcu okrętowym i uprawie drzew oraz krytyczne uwagi o autorach, którzy ostatnio podejmowali problematykę upraw

72%

Matthew P.

Filozoficzne Aspekty Genezy

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2015

|

vol. 12

109-126

PL

Hodowcy od dawna wiedzą, że aby otrzymać pożądaną odmianę zwierząt czy roślin należy uważnie dobierać jednostki do rozrodu. To właśnie pod bacznym okiem człowieka został ukształtowany pies, koń, krowa, owca, ptactwo domowe, jak również jabłko, gruszka, śliwka, agrest, ziemniak czy groch, które różnicują się w niezliczone odmiany, różniąc się znacznie pod względem rozmiaru, koloru, smaku, stałości budowy, czasu wzrostu — zatem niemalże w każdej dostrzegalnej właściwości. W stanie natury również zachodzi podobny proces selekcji, na skutek której zachowana zostaje każda płodna istota najlepiej przystosowana do warunków bytowania właściwych dla jej rodzaju, co wydaje się zamierzone w celu ukształtowania fizycznych, psychicznych czy instynktownych zdolności dla jak najlepszego jej przystosowania i zapewnienia przetrwania. Ten naturalny proces selekcji utrzymuje siłę lwa, szybkość zająca i podstępność lisa. Przyrost naturalny w stanie natury, wraz ze wszystkimi modyfikacjami organizmów, wykracza daleko poza potrzeby wypełnienia powstałych luk. Jednostki powodowane koniecznością zdobycia pożywienia, które nie posiadają wystarczającej siły, szybkości, odwagi czy sprytu, zginą przedwcześnie i bezpotomnie. Ich miejsce zostanie zajęte przez lepsze jednostki pochodzące z tego samego rodzaju, które także poszukują środków do życia. W stanie natury występuje zatem powszechna rywalizacja, która utrzymuje naturalną równowagę życia. Rywalizacja ta obecna jest też między różnymi rasami człowieka, a także w społeczeństwach, w których istnieją nieużyteczne prawa i przywileje. I dlatego zniesienie prawa majoratu i pierworództwa w obecnym stanie cywilizacji nie tylko uczyni właściciela ziemskiego szczęśliwszym i szlachetniejszym, ale także przyczyni się do uzyskania znaczenie większej stabilności porządku społecznego, jak również okaże się zasadniczym bodźcem do rozwoju przemysłu, zwiększając dobrobyt i poprawiając sytuację klasy robotniczej. Europejska szlachta postąpiłaby roztropnie, gdyby unieważniła każde roszczenie czy prawo, które tworzy z niej odrębną klasę i tak szybko, jak to tylko możliwe, połączyła się ze społeczeństwem. Istnieje w naturze prawo, na mocy którego wszystko to, co nie jest użyteczne, zostaje wyeliminowane.

EN

There is a common practice in breeders to carefully select plants or animals to reproduction in order to obtain desirable variety. It has been forced upon man's notice in the dog, horse, cow, sheep, poultry — in the Apple, Pear, Plum, Gooseberry, Potato, Pea, which sport in infinite varieties, differing considerably in size, colour, taste, firmness of texture, period of growth, almost in every recognisable quality. Similar process of selection is also prevalent in the state of nature where survived only reproductive being the best possibly suited to its condition that its kind which appears intended to model the physical and mental or instinctive powers, to their highest perfection, and to continue them so. This natural process of selection sustains the lion in his strength, the hare in her swiftness, and the fox in his wiles. As nature, in all her modifications of life, has a power of increase far beyond what is needed to supply the place of what falls by Time’s decay, those individuals who possess not the requisite strength, swiftness, hardihood, or cunning, fall prematurely without reproducing — either a prey to their natural devourers, or sinking under disease, generally induced by want of nourishment, their place being occupied by the more perfect of their own kind, who are pressing on the means of subsistence. Thus there is common competition in the state of nature which kept natural balance of life. This competition is present also among different races of men and within societies where useless laws and privileges still appears. Consequently, the abolition of the law of entail and primogeniture, will, in the present state of civilization, not only add to the happiness of the proprietor, heighten morality, and give much greater stability to the social order, but will also give a general stimulus to industry and improvement, increasing the comforts and elevating the condition of the operative class. It would be wisdom in the noblesse of Europe to abolish every claim or law which serves to point them out a separate class, and, as quickly as possible, to merge themselves into the mass of the population. It is a law manifest in nature, that when the use of any thing is past, its existence is no longer kept up.

12

Zapomniany marksista Dow Ber Borochow

72%

Kochan J.

Nowa Krytyka

|

2017

|

issue 38

9-22

EN

The article presents the theoretical activity of Dow Ber Borochow (1881–1917), who was a Marxist theoretician and co-founder of Poale Zion. Special attention was paid to Borochov’s original reflection on the theory of the nation and the theory of class struggle.

13

Zmiana ustrojowa w Polsce w latach 2015–2017 w perspektywie zróżnicowania klasowo-warstwowego

72%

Ruszkowski P., Przestalski A., Matuszewski P.

Przegląd Socjologiczny

|

2018

|

vol. LXVII (67)

|

issue 2

35-63

PL

W artykule pokazujemy dwa czynniki kształtujące stosunek społeczeństwa do zmiany ustrojowej. Pierwszym czynnikiem jest przynależność jednostki do określonych klas i warstw społecznych. Drugim czynnikiem jest stosunek tych klas i warstw do wartości demokratycznych. W szczególności dotyczy to akceptacji pojęć rządów demokratycznych oraz rządów niedemokratycznych. Dane empiryczne, stanowiące podstawę analiz, zostały zaczerpnięte z badań CBOS . Ważnym aspektem poznawczym artykułu jest weryfikacja hipotezy: klasy i warstwy społeczne, które ukształtowały się w warunkach ustroju socjalistycznego, w mniejszym stopniu akceptują wartości demokratyczne niż klasy i warstwy, które ukształtowały się w trakcie procesu transformacji ustrojowej. Artykuł jest prezentacją teoretycznej koncepcji struktury społecznej, opartej na wyodrębnieniu dwóch kategorii zróżnicowania: klas społecznych i warstw społecznych. Podstawą tego rozróżnienia jest podział pomiędzy osobami, które zdobywają środki utrzymania w oparciu o prywatną własność środków pracy i renty oraz w oparciu o publiczną własność środków pracy i renty. Teoretycznymi punktami odniesienia tej koncepcji są teorie klas Marksa i Webera.

EN

There are two factors presented in the paper that have an impact on the general public attitude towards the change of the sociopolitical system. The first factor is the affiliation of individuals to a specific social class or stratum. The second factor is the attitude of these classes and strata towards democratic values. What is particularly significant in that respect is the acceptance of the notions of “democratic government” and “nondemocratic government”. The empirical data used in the analysis are based on research by the Public Opinion Research Centre (CBOS ). The important cognitive aspect of the article is a verification of the following hypothesis: the social classes and strata that have existed since the times of socialism accept democratic values to a lesser degree than the classes and strata established during the transformation of the sociopolitical system. The paper is the presentation of the theoretical model of social structure, based on two separate categories of social differentiation: social classes and social strata. The criterion of this differentiation is the division into those whose means of existence are based on private property of means of labour and rent vs. those based on public property of means of labour and rent. The theoretical background of the conception is the class theories of Marx and Weber.

14

Ideologia klasy średniej: od modernizacyjnego projektu do niespełnionej obietnicy

72%

Lepczyński K.

Studia Socjologiczne

|

2021

|

issue 4(234)

5-31

PL

Artykuł analizuje, często pomijany, ideologiczny wymiar klasy średniej. Jego celem jest zebranie rozproszonych spostrzeżeń na ten temat i wpisanie ich we współczesną dyskusję o kształcie, kondycji i znaczeniu klasy średniej. Tekst przedstawia obecną w polskiej socjologii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku i po roku 2000 krytykę dominującego wówczas podejścia do analizy klasowej. Ukazuje klasę średnią jako postulat, typ idealny wzorowany na krajach rozwiniętych i część modernizacyjnego projektu czasów transformacji, a co za tym idzie obietnicę składaną zarówno państwom, jak i jednostkom. Wskazując na aktualność i ponadlokalny zasięg przytaczanej krytyki, autor dowodzi, że klasa średnia to część hegemonicznej, neoliberalnej ideologii. Tym samym definiuje klasę średnią jako przestrzeń intersubiektywności, społeczny konstrukt reprodukujący się w oparciu o własną wizję i centralną kategorię współczesnego systemu społeczno-ekonomicznego.

EN

The article examines the often-overlooked ideological dimension of the middle class. Its purpose is to collect scattered insights on the subject and embed them into a contemporary discussion about the definitions, condition and significance of the middle class. The article presents the criticism of the approach to class analysis present in Polish sociology in the 1990s and early 2000s. It shows the middle class as a demand, an ideal type, and a part of the modernization project of the times of transformation, and thus a promise made to both states and individuals. By pointing to the topicality and supra-local scope of the cited criticism, the author argues that the middle class is a part of the hegemonic, neoliberal ideology. Thus, it defines the middle class as a space of intersubjectivity, a social construct that reproduces itself based on its own vision and the central category of the contemporary socio-economic system.

15

Struktura społeczna w Polsce: klasowy wymiar nierówności

72%

Janicka K., Słomczyński K.

Przegląd Socjologiczny

|

2014

|

vol. 63 (LXIII)

|

issue 2

55-72

PL

W pierwszej części artykułu – wbrew hipotezie „o śmierci klas” – argumentujemy na rzecz tezy o ważności klas społecznych. Po 1945 roku klasy społeczne w Polsce stały się całościami wewnętrznie zróżnicowanymi ze względu na podstawowe zasoby jednostki – formalne wykształcenie, pozycję zawodową i dochody z pracy, a także ze względu na postawy wobec siebie i społeczeństwa. Odnosząc się do danych historycznych, wykazujemy, że w czasach realnego socjalizmu struktura klasowa – wyjąwszy nomenklaturę – była względnie egalitarna. Przedstawione analizy opierają się na danych z Polskiego Badania Panelowego, który to panel jest projektem realizowanym w pięcioletnich odstępach, począwszy od roku 1988. W artykule wykazujemy, że pod względem ogólnej pozycji społecznej – mierzonej poziomem wykształcenia, statusem społeczno-zawodowym i dochodami z pracy – klasy społeczne ulegają polaryzacji. Okazuje się także, iż zwycięzcy postkomunistycznej transformacji, a więc przedsiębiorcy, menedżerowie i specjaliści przejawiają silniejsze postawy prorynkowe i prodemokratyczne niż czynią to pozostałe klasy, a zwłaszcza niewykwalifikowani robotnicy i rolnicy.

EN

In the introductory part of this paper we argue against the “death of class” hypothesis. Since 1945 in Poland social classes have been entities clearly stratified according to the basic individuals’ resources – such as formal education, occupational rank, and job income – and general attitudes toward self and society. Using historical data, we show that during the “real existing socialism” class structure was relatively egalitarian, with exception of the nomeklatura positions. Our own main empirical analysis is based on the data from the Polish Panel Survey POLPAN, a study conducted every five year since 1989. We demonstrate that social classes become more polarized with respect to general social stratification position measured by education, occupational status and income. We also find that winners of the post-communist transformation – employers, managers, and professionals – reveal stronger pro-market and pro-democracy stances than other social classes, with unskilled factory workers and farmers as most apparent opposite groups.

16

Przemiany stylu edukacyjnego klasy ludowej w Polsce

72%

Sadura P.

Edukacja

|

2015

|

issue 4(135)

33–50

PL

Wprowadzenie gimnazjum – jednego z elementów zmiany systemu edukacyjnego, dostosowującej go do ogólnych parametrów postfordowskiego kapitalizmu – wpłynęło na styl edukacyjny klasy ludowej w Polsce. Zmiany zachodzące w systemie od reformy w 1999 r., dotyczące ekonomizacji edukacji, parametryzacji i kwantyfikacji wyników edukacyjnych oraz wprowadzenia elementów gry rynkowej do zarządzania i finansowania szkół publicznych, przypominają procesy zachodzące od lat 80. XX w. w krajach zachodnich. Ich wpływ na styl życia klasy ludowej w Polsce wywołuje konsekwencje wynikające z lokalnej specyfiki. Artykuł opiera się na analizie 120 wywiadów pogłębionych przeprowadzonych w latach 2013–2014 z robotnikami, rolnikami i pracownikami fizycznymi w czterech regonach Polski oraz 60 wywiadów z przedstawicielami klasy średniej i wyższej z województwa warmińsko-mazurskiego. Wykazano, że charakterystyka poddanego prawom rynkowym systemu edukacyjnego jest najlepiej dostosowana do kultury klasy średniej, w związku z czym dzieci z rodzin o niższej pozycji społecznej mogą mieć trudności z funkcjonowaniem w takim systemie. Ustalenie to staje się podstawą do formułowania nowych propozycji teoretycznych i badawczych w obszarze badań edukacyjnych.

EN

The article presents the impact of the introduction of the lower secondary schools on the educational style of the working and rural classes in Poland. This particular reform is seen as one of the elements of change to the education system adapting it to the general parameters of post-fordism. The author supports the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, which states that society is divided into three social classes (upper, lower secondary and popular) and each of them produces a specific class lifestyle and class style of education. The class style of education provides individuals with certain dispositions to educational institutions and school careers, which are realized in the form of social practices (selection of specific type of schools, learning techniques, ways of spending time, etc.). Changes that have been taking place in the education system in Poland over the last 15 years, i.e. since the 1999 reform, are similar to processes that have taken place in the 1980s and 1990s in Western countries. They include the economization of education, the parameterization and quantification of educational results, as well as the introduction of market mechanisms for managing and financing state-owned schools. The article is based on individual in-depth interviews conducted during two field studies organized in 2013–2014: “Cultural practices of the popular class” (120 IDIs) and “The class diversity of cultural practices in north-eastern Poland” (60 IDIs).

17

Wielokrotni recydywiści w świetle badań kryminologicznych i psychologicznych

62%

Ostrihanska Z.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1976

|

issue VII

7-139

EN

This work presents the findings of studies of offenders, whose offences were time and again revealed, who had been frequently tried and many times been imprisoned. Studies were made of prisoners, convicted at least four times and who found themselves in prison at least for the fourth time, being of the age between 26-35 (the average age being 31). Studies were conducted in 1965-1966 in the Warsaw Central Prison. Selected from among the 440 prisoners there at that time, whose age and recidivism was in accordance with the above mentioned criteria, were those, who had domiciles in Warsaw or the voivodship of Warsaw and who possessed closest family members (as a rule father or mother), who could supply information about them. Making the successsive selection for studies, efforts were nevertheless made to take into account in the studied group those persistent recidivists who were convicted of robbery; this was due to the intention to take into account all the cases of recidivism, involving more serious offences. In connection with this departure from the principle of random samples, this group contained considerably more offenders convicted of robbery than was the case in the remaining group of persistent recidivists which was not subject to thorough investigation. The subject of thorough studies were half of the persistent recidivists, which at the time under discussion, were inmates of the Warsaw Central Prison, namely 220 prisoners. Studies concentrated on: collection of data about the convictions of the offenders, checking at the juvenile court records, whether they had been brought before a court while they were minors, collection of extracts from court records (regarding the most recent as well as prior convictions), efforts to obtain, by means of interviews and questionnaires, information about the work of the studied persons in various enterprises, where they had been employed, the drawing up of extracts from prison records, collection of medical documents of those prisoners who had received treatment in psychiatric outpatient clinics, in anti-alcoholic outpatient clinics or who had been in psychiatric hospitals; interviews conducted with the closest family members of the offenders, psychological examinations conducted with the prisoners of the group selected for studies (psychological interviews, the Wechsler-Bellevue scale, Sachs’s and Levy’s Sentence Completion Test, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) and the Buss-Durkee inventory). In addition to this 60 recidivists underwent psychiatric examinations. The studies were conducted by a team with the participation of Professor S. Batawia, who also headed the entire research; in the work of the team participated in addition to the author of this article: M. Kiezun- Majewska, S. Szelhaus and D. Wojcik. ; The average number of convictions per recidivist amounted to 6.5; the average number of stays in prison to 6.0. A persistent recidivist committed on an average 10.1 offences for which he was convicted, of these: 6.8 offences against property, 3.0 offences against the health or public authorities and offices as well as 1.3 other offences. One of the striking features of the offences committed by multiple recidivists was the variety of their offences: as many as two-thirds were convicted of offences of various types, only 27% were convicted exclusively of offences against property and a mere 9% were convicted exclusively of offences against the health as well as against the authorities and public offices. What is striking even in the case of those who were convicted exclusively of offences against property, is the heterogeneous nature of their offences and the lack of specialization in this respect. Violent offences (against the health or public authorities and offices) were committed by the overwhelming majority of those studied (71%). Almost all of the offences, and also the majority of the robberies were committed while they were intoxicated. Persistent recidivists are relatively rarely convicted of serious offences. Only 12.5% of those investigated could be considered dangerous because of frequent serious violent offences (including also robbery) and besides this only 12% could be qualified as people causing serious material damage. According to statistics concerning the whole of Poland every twenty-fifth persistent recidivist only was in 1973 convicted of an offence qualified according to the penal code as a felony (statutory minimum of punishment - 3 years). According to this study, a typical persistent recidivist is a person whose offences have caused not only social damage, but also serious damage to the perpetrators themselves, because the offences committed as a rule did not bring him any greater material advantages, but gave rise to consequences, due to which he spent a considerable part of his life in prison: 69% spent after the age of 17 more time in prison than out of prison. Almost half of them were less than a year at liberty between two successive convictions. These studies aimed at obtaining the possibly most allround information about the persistent recidivists and about their life histories. Special stress was laid on the problem of the early maladjustment of these people and the age when their first offences were committed, their professional work and attitude to their family, on the very essential problem of habital excessive drinking on their part, and also on personality disorders. Information on the family milieu from which the prisoners indicates that the majority of their fathers (77%) worked systematically (mainly as unskilled workers) and a mere convicted. However, fathers drinking to excess were a serious problem in the families of the sampled prisoners. When the prisoners were children approximately 27% of the fathers were heavy drinkers, in addition 25% were alcoholics. It is also interesting that alcoholism was found with almost half of the families of the parents of the investigated prisoners, involving their fathers or brothers. The social behaviour of the mothers of the sampled group was more positive. While half of the fathers were considered socially negative (due to excessive drinking, frequent convictions or unsystematic work), only 16% of the mothers deserved such an opinion. About 10% of the mothers drank systematically to excess, 6% had been convicted and 3% were suspected of being prostitutes. Only 41% of the recidivists lived, while being minors, within a complete family, in the cases of 48% of the families one of the parents had died (most frequently the father); in half of the cases the family was broken up when the studied prisoners were below 15 years. Connected with a disturbed family structure were changes regarding the educational milieu. 40% of the group changed their homes in their childhood, in the case of about one-fourth of them many changes were found: they brought up at least in three different homes. The marital relations of the prisoners’ parents were often (50%) very bad. The frequent breaking up of the family and work of the mothers to earn a living was often combined with the neglect of the children, found in as many as two-thirds of the families of the recidivists. On the basis of statements made by the studied group and their mothers the material conditions during their childhood were in 55% of the families very difficult, preventing the satisfaction of the most basic needs. The sampled recidivists relatively frequently came from families with many children: in 38% of the cases these were families with at least four children, in 21% these were families with three children. The brothers and sisters of the recidivists often, just as the latter themselves, had gaps in their primary school education (in 39% of the families there are found among the brothers and sisters persons who have not finished primary school education) and also had similar shortcomings regarding professional skills (over half the brothers had no vocational training at all). But the recidivists who were studied also had (though only in few cases) brothers and sisters by far outdistancing them as regards education. In as many as two-thirds of the families it was found that there were socially maladjusted brothers; in 44.5% of the families somebody from among the siblings had committed theft, had been brought before a court, while still being a minor, or had been convicted after having reached the age of 17; in as many as one-third of the families brothers were recidivists. The negative educational ditions in the families of the recidivists thus found their reflection in substantial social maladjustment of their brothers and sisters. The intensification of this maladjustment was, however, with the sampled group higher than was the case with their brothers, only one-fifth were families where all the brothers were recidivists. Studying the extent to which the sampled individuals were socially maladjusted While being juveniles, questions were asked during interviews regarding their early childhood. According to data obtained from mothers, neurotic symptoms could be noticed in many of the sampled recidivists (two-thirds). Though the percentage of those who showed such symptoms during the school period was slightly smaller (58%), there nevertheless were still many with such symptoms as bed-wetting (13%) and stuttering (17%). Half of the studied group of recidivists, who showed neurotic symptoms in school, displayed a number of such symptoms. During the investigation in prison 58% of the respondents admitted some neurotic symptoms, mainly disturbances of sleep and special fears. Striking was the frequent fact of stuttering (16.5%), found during inations in prison (on the basis of observation). A large group of persistent recidivists revealed a striking durability of neurotic symptoms from their childhood on till adulthood. Half of the recidivists of this group were defined by their mothers as ‘’difficult to bring up” during childhood (very disobedient and stubborn), while 44% were much more aggressive than the other children in the family. The childhood of the recidivists was marked by considerable disturbances at school: 16% of them finished no more than 3 grades of primary school, 25% -4-5 grades and 15% - 6 grades. A total of as many 56% did not finish primary school education. These shortcomings in primary school education were found especially often with those individuals among the group who had a lower IQ (IQ below 91), and those who had been brought up in negative family milieux, as well as those whose school years were during the war period and those who had revealed early social maladjustment. Two-thirds of this group of recidivists repeated the same class in school, 44% systematically played truant, in many cases (60%) it was found that the teachers had complained about their behaviour in school. While still being minors 41% of them had run away from home. Two-thirds maintained that during their childhood they spent much time outside their home, running the streets in the company of colleagues, who were stealing and drinking alcohol. Worth special attention is the fact, that close to half of the sampled group (46.8%) began already as minors to drink alcohol to excess, and there is information regarding 22%, indicating that when being barely 13-14 years old, they already were drinking wine or vodka at least once a week. On the basis of interviews and information obtained from juvenile court records, it was found that at least 36.2% of the recidivists from this group faced courts at an age below 17, while 21.3% were sent to approved schools. Taking into account also additional information regarding theft that was not found out, it has appeared that as many as at least 57% of the persistent recidivists were stealing or brought before a court while they were still under age. They belong to the category of former juvenile delinquents who are recidivists and whose offences are of a most persistent nature. Those recidivists whose delinquency started while they were still adolescents, more frequently than the remaining ones, came from negative family milieux. In interviews and tests results more frequently data found among them testifying to personality maladjustment: aggressiveness during school attendence and aggressiveness during the period when these studies were conducted (found on the basis of the opinions of psychologists and questionnaires according to the Buss-Durkee inventory, MMPI profiles with a markedly raised F scale). In addition to those of the group who committed offences while minors, there were still 53 (25%) of them who, though they had, as it was found, not committed offences at that time, nevertheless revealed considerable social maladjustment. Only in the case of 17% of the recidivists studied, no such symptoms were found. These recidivists were during the period when the studies were conducted in many respects better than the remaining ones: they more often possessed professional skills, had worked more systematically, more rarely been in prison and had longer intervals between the successive convictions. The first convictions of these individuals after the age of 17 started later, more among them had their first trials only after the age of 21. But as regards alcohol drinking they did not differ from the other recidivists. This is a very important fact, since in the genesis of offences committed by recidivists who as minors had not shown symptoms of social maladjustment, drinking of alcohol in excess played a larger role than was the case with the remaining recidivists and the entire character of the offences committed by them later was connected with habitual drinking of alcohol. Recidivists in whom no symptoms of social maladjustment were found while they were adolescents, nevertheless came, just like the remaining recidivists, relatively frequently from negative family milieux and often data were found concerning them, which pointed to early personality disorders; thus they were especially susceptible to unfavourable social conditions. In the life histories of these recidivists can be clearly noticed the significance of unfavourable situations for the genesis of their delinquency; the lasting aspect of this delinquency is later combined with alcoholism and difficulties encountered in the social functioning of individuals, who have already been in prison. Data from the juvenile period of persistent recidivists indicate that they entered adult society already with substantial gaps in their education, without the habit of systematic work and without any vocational training. Only three from among the studied group had finished vocational school, and at the time the study took place 55% had no professional qualifications whatsoever. This lack of vocational skill was especially often typical of those, who in connection with their lower intelligence quotient had objective difficulties at school, were lacking sufficient motivation to learn a trade and those, who had stayed at liberty only for a very short period. The studied group started to work at an early age (41% already below 16), which was connected with their difficult material conditions and the early dropping out from school. When being young adults half of the sampled group had worked relatively systematically (at least during half the period they stayed at liberty and were able to work). Later in their life can be noticed a distinct decline in systematic work. During their last stay at liberty 43% did not work at all; among the remaining individuals, 40% of those who started to work, were longer without work than with work. During the entire period since they reached the age of 17 only one-third of them worked more than half the time they actually could have worked, while the majority worked very little, of these 35% less than 25% of the time they would have worked. Unsystematic work was often combined with certain* personality traits of these individuals, such as agressiveness and inability to submit to discipline combined with a lack of professional qualifications and also with social derailment. In 30% of the recidivists degradation in the performance of their professional work found expression not only in the decrease of systematic work, but also in the shifting from work, requiring certain professional skill, to unskilled labour. This was partly connected with a complete lack of interest in the trade they had learned and above all with degradation due to alcoholism. Not without significance were undoubtedly also difficulties in obtaining a job, connected with prior stays in prison. Those recidivists to whom offences were almost the only source of maintenance, accounted for 17.7%. As many as 19% earned their living partly by committing offences and partly by getting help from their families. Thus, a 'total of over one-third were recidivists who lived above all from offences and work was not their source of income. 29% of the recidivists got the means to cover their expenses through work and by committing offences against property. For 34% of the studied individuals delinquency was most probably not the main source of their income: either they earned their living only through work (16%) or through work and by partly being kept by the family (10%) or they were exclusively maintained by the family (8%). The data gathered indicate that the recidivists studied here were frequently a burden for their families, that many of them had not established a family of their own, those who were married frequently did not perform their duties in regard to their families, and many of the marriages broke up. Their behaviour and relations with the family were characterized by substantial maladjustment to the requirements of family life. The percentage of bachelors among the sampled group was twice as high as is the case with their age group in the whole of Poland’s population of men and amounted to 40%. As many as 20% were divorced and 40% married. But only 20% lived during the period before their last arrest together with their wives; as many as 44% lived with their parents (mainly with their mothers). More than half of the married couples were marked by marital discord. Very bad relations with the wife were often connected with frequent imprisonment of the recidivists, with alcoholism and also the fact that their wives often were women whose personality and mode of life could contribute to the unstability of their married life. The majority of the recidivists completely neglected their children, one-third carried various objects out of the house and afterwards sold them to buy vodka. 18% were convicted of offences harmful to the family. Almost half of them received material help from their families. After release from prison only one-fourths of the studied group can live with their wives. Over half counted on living with their parents and on material help from them, the remaining 25% could not count on anybody's material help, 17% of them even had nowhere to live after their release. While they were at liberty the recidivists studied here drank alcohol as a rule to excess, much more than the average of men does in the towns of Poland. Almost 88% drank at least a quarter of a litre of vodka three times and more a week. The systematic drinking of alcohol to excess was typical not only of the persistent recidivists, of the studied sample, but also of other populations of recidivists studied in Poland. It was found that among this group of recidivists there were many individuals, who were alcoholics already at an advanced stage. In the case of 117 of them (53%) a syndrome of symptoms was found, typical of alcoholism. With the majority of them the abstinence syndrome could be established, 21% had gone through an alcohol psychosis. The recidivists started to drink alcohol to excess very early, half of them already before they were 17 years old, 20% at the age of 17-18, 10% from 19-20 years and only 15% - at the age of 21 or later. Combined with the early drinking of alcohol to excess, were distinct symptoms of alcoholism appearing at an early age. They could be noticed with the majority of the alcoholics after at least eight years from the time they had started systematically to drink alcohol to excess. However, this period would be shorter, if one took into consideration the periods of imprisonment, which were for the recidivists enforced breaks in their systematic drinking. In 25% of the recidivists, who were alcoholics, distinct symptoms of alcoholism appeared already at an age below 25 years, 36% - it started between 25 and 27. Symptoms testifying to an advanced stage decreased tolerance and abstinence syndrome appeared according to the recidivists around the age of 27. Systematic drinking of alcohol to excess already at a very early age thus led to early appearance of symptoms of alcoholism. The genesis of the progressive process of demoralization and delinquency, as a rule, had its source not in the abuse of alcohol. Drinking of alcohol to excess usually began already when people started to go astray or to commit offences. Those of the recidivists who drank alcohol to excess from the -time they were still under age, were already at such an early period more socially maladjusted than the remaining recidivists and 'drinking alcohol to excess was at that time one of the elements of their mode of life within a group of demoralized adolescents. For those who started to drink alcohol to excess as young adults (as a rule being also socially maladjusted while still under age), the beginning of abuse of alcohol was often combined with work to earn a living and opportunities to drink at work. Though abuse of alcohol did not play an essential role in the genesis of the process of social maladjustment in the case of this group of persistent recidivists and in the genesis of their delinquency, it nevertheless exerted a distinct influence on the intensification and nature of their further offences. This influence can be noticed in the heterogenity of the offences committed by them and also in the fact that there are only few among the persistent recidivists who have committed offences exclusively against property; connected with the abuse of alcohol is the considerable percentage among the recidivists of those who have committed violent offences. Connected with drinking alcohol to excess are also short periods of being at liberty between the successive convictions. Two categories can be distinguished among the persistent recidivists, where systematic drinking alcohol to excess played a major role regarding their delinquency; this was the group of 41 recidivists, convicted almost exclusively for violent offences in a state of drunkenness and a group of 33 individuals who committed theft while drunk, the motive being as a rule to obtain in this way money to buy alcohol. In the case of the investigated from these two groups, as a rule abuse of alcohol precedes substantially the beginning of delinquency; there are more skilled workers among them, who first used , to work systematically, but later degradation in professional work sets in; among these groups are more recidivists who were first convicted at a later age (above 20 years). Among those who committed petty theft connected with alcoholism, a type of alcoholic already in an advanced stage of alcoholism can be often noticed. He is passive, with a low educational level and a lowered intelligence quotient. Those who commit assaultive offences while drunk, are especially often characterized by bad tolerance of alcohol; an analysis of the individual cases reveals that the patterns of demoralization of these offenders are most varied. Though 40% of the recidivists who are alcoholics started treatment against alcoholism, while at liberty, they usually gave it up again after a few visits at the outpatient clinics. Only 10% of the alcoholics were treated in psychiatric hospitals in connection with alcoholism; they were sent there because of symptoms of alcoholic psychosis. Dealing with the problem of personality disorders of this group of recidivists the research concentrated on finding answers to the following problems: - whether and in what respect results of the psychological examinations of persistent recidivists differ from the results obtained through studies of the average population and studies of prisoners who are not persistent recidivists. Differences were taken into account in the intelligence level tested with the Wechsler-Bellevue scale and in the personality measured by the MMPI; - what the findings of psychiatric examinations were (examinations to which 59% of the recidivists were subjected); - the setting apart and analysis, on the basis of the entire material, of some of the personality determinants in behavioural deviations of these individuals. The Wechsler-Bellevue scale was administered to 211 of the persistent recidivists. The results obtained testify to the fact that they markedly differ from 'the average population and the level of their intelligence belongs to the lowest as compared with the results of various other studies of prisoners. As many as 44% of -them had a lower IQ (IQ below 91), 27% were dull (IQ 80-90), 11.8% of boderline intelligence (IQ 66-79) and 5.2% were mentally deficient. The percentage of individuals with the above average intelligence was among those studied here small (9.0%). Though the level of education and the acquired professional qualifications were as a rule very low in the group under investigation, they were particularly low in the case of those recidivists, who had a lowered IQ. The lowered level of intelligence thus made it for many of the recidivists difficult to obtain primary education and to learn a trade. The majority of those with a low level of intelligence were individuals who had not even graduated from primary school, who had learned no trade and revealed substantial shortcomings in reading and writing. (As many as 44.5% of those investigated were rather bad in reading and writing). The results obtained through intelligence tests also make one reach the conclusion, that most probably the deterioration of certain intellectual functions noticed with the recidivists under investigation were connected with their alcoholism. Though it was not established (which is in accordance with the results of a number of studies) that the recidivists who revealed symptoms of alcoholism and a lower IQ than the remaining prisoners, it nevertheless was found in the case of alcoholics that more frequently the verbal scale outdistanced the performance scale; besides, tests of alcoholics revealed more frequently profiles with symptoms, according to Wechsler, typical of alcoholics in an advanced stage of alcoholism. No significant differences in intelligence level were found between recidivists, depending on the 'type of offences committed by them. But it was found, that recidivists, who were for the first time convicted when already older than 20 years, revealed a lower IQ than recidivists, who had prior convictions at an earlier age. Among recidivists with a later start of convictions is a particularly large number in the genesis of whose delinquency alcoholism played a role and their inability independently to perform the basic tasks in life, which may be connected also with their low IQ. MMPI was administered to 148 recidivists serving according to its authors’ intentions to evaluate the most important personality traits, influencing the personal and social adjustment. The results obtained indicated marked personality disorders in the case of persistent recidivists as compared with other groups of people, studied with the same inventory, who did not commit offences and did not reveal mental disorders, and also in comparison with prisoners with a lesser degree of social degradation. Among the profiles obtained from these recidivists very frequently high-ranging profiles could be found (48%), where at least one scale reached 81-100 points.High profiles were rarely found in other Polish research. The average profile of the recidivists studied here shows a predominance of scale 6 (Pa) and 4 (Pd) and high too are scales 8 (Sc) and 2 (D), pointing to considerable hostility on the part of the sampled individuals, their suspicious attitude to and lack of confidence in their environment, irritability, shallowness of emotional reactions, alienation, lack of positive family ties and defiance of moral norms. Typical of this group is also a considerable moodiness, low self-esteem, lack of belief in one’s own possibilities and mental demobilization. The average profile of this group is similar to a psychopatic profile, but (as is the case in certain other Polish studies of prisoners) with a substantial paranoid and schizoid component. The results obtained point to greater personality disorders in recidivists, revealing symptoms of alcoholism than in those, where such symptoms were not found. Alcoholics obtained higher scores than non-alcoholics in all the clinical scales. There were, however, found no differences in the shape of the mean profile, which in both compared groups is similar and characterized by elevation of the same scales. Alcoholics revealed higher scores in all the scales; the differences noticed reached a level of statistical significance in all the scales with the exception of scales 4 (Pd) and 2 (D). This result is interesting, because in various foreign studies on alcoholics it was found that precisely these two scales differentiated in a statistically significant manner in the case of alcoholics and non-alcoholics. But in the population of persistent recidivists, characterized in general by marked psycho-social maladjustment, dating back to childhood, and alcoholism of some of them has its roots in this maladjustment, it was found, that alcoholics failed to differ significantly from non-alcoholics in scale 4 (Pd). The life situation of all the recidivists studied (within prison walls because of convictions) undoubtedly exerted its influence on the scores in scale 2 (D), in the case of alcoholics as well as non-alcoholics. Expert psychiatric opinions (regarding various periods of the life of the persistent recidivists) and/or results of psychiatric examinations conducted during this survey were collected for 60% of the cases. These data show that only in 10% of the examined recidivists neither personality disorders nor any other mental disorders were found. In as many as 70% of the recidivists, subjected to psychiatric expert examination, personality disorders of various etiology were discovered: psychopathy in 48%, encephalopathy in 22%; in 40% alcoholism was found, appearing as such or jointly with other disorders. Data regarding the remaining recidivists, not embraced by psychiatric examinations, indicate, that the majority (as many as 63%) of them were marked by advanced alcoholism, or had suffered from brain damage or psychological examinations revealed mental deficiency. After having studied data related to the remaining 37% of cases not subjected to psychiatric examination, it turned out, that though the above mentioned disorders were not found, nevertheless the majority of them were people, whose behaviour was marked by considerable agressiveness as well as self-aggression and only in 9% of the recidivists, not subjected to psychiatric examinations, no such behaviour patterns were found. The entire information about all the prisoners who were persistent recidivists - those who underwent psychiatric examinations as well as those who did not - indicates that individuals who revealed no distinct psychopathological symptoms are rare among them, amounting according to estimates to around 10% (taking into account the established percentage among those who underwent psychiatric examinations), and to 20%, if one would take into consideration also data about recidivists who underwent no psychiatric examinations, taking into account their mental deficiency, alcoholism and brain damage. The last mentioned percentage (20%) would, however, decrease markedly, if one would take into account data about certain behavioural disturbances of the recidivists, above all about their aggressiveness and self-aggression. When discussing the entire material special attention should be drawn to the fact that in one-fifth of the group encephalopathy (disturbances connected with brain damage) was diagnosed and in another 9% encephalopathy was suspected, since it was 'to a considerable degree justified by the entire aspect of the data stemming from the interview. In additional 25% it was found during interviews that they had suffered from concussions of the skull, combined with loss of consciousness. But in these cases (there nevertheless, was a lack of sufficient data, confirming this information. Data regarding the age at which the recidivists suffered from brain damage or diseases of the central nervous system indicate, that in the case of 40% of them such diseases took place during the earlier period of their - life (complications of delivery, traumas or meningitis at preschool age), with only one-third it occurred when they were already young adults or adults. Those recidivists who suffered from brain damage, frequently distinguished themselves by substantial impulsiveness, they were aggressive, committed acts of self-aggression and badly adjusted to prison conditions. Thus, those who had suffered from brain damage obviously had difficulties in social adjustment. However, with approximately half of those who had suffered such damage, the process of social maladjustment had already begun before they had suffered such damage. On the basis of the entire aspect of data about the behaviour of the recidivists during various periods of their life - in prison as well as at liberty - a psychopathological characteristic outline was drawn up for each one of them. Included in this characteristic outline were those personality traits appearing with special intensity, which according to the psychologists, conducting the survey in prison, were of special significance for social maladjustment in each case. A comparison of the above-mentioned characteristic traits yielded a picture, similar to that obtained in surveys conducted with MMPI. The majority of the recidivists were defined as touchy, quick-tempered, incapable to make systematic efforts, with insufficient resistance to cope with the difficulties of life. They often revealed a deep conviction of having been wronged and in connection with this strong resentment, directed against their environment. As many as 45% of the recidivists were defined as showing substantial disturbances in their emotional attitude towards their surroundings: of these 29% - as being unable to establish lasting, positive emotional ties with their milieu, 16% had completely broken all ties with their nearest family, due to intensified conflicts with them. Relatively frequently (52%) could be isolated a type of a passive recidivist whose passivity was partly being explained by his constant lack of achievements, not only in the sphere of approved social activity, but also in the sphere of delinquency. 59% revealed marked impulsiveness; these were individuals, whose behaviour was characterized by shortrange activity, without any more distant goals, lack of giving any thought to the consequences of their own conduct, an attitude aimed at getting temporary, immediate pleasure out of it. The impulsiveness was particulary striking in two types of behaviour patterns: in aggression and self -aggression. Three-fourths of the recidivists were defined as aggressive (such who time and again, in various situations and in regard to various individuals had behaved aggressively and those who revealed generalized, great hostility). Among the aggressive ones one-third were those, who behaved aggressively only when /not sober. In the case of a considerable part of the aggressive individuals information about their aggressiveness was from a period, when they were still of school age. More frequently aggressive were those who showed symptoms of alcoholism than those who did not. Frequently, acts of self-aggression were sombined with aggressiveness. Acts of self-aggression were committed by 56%. Many of such acts were not some specific reaction to prison situations, the majority of the perpetrators had committed acts of self-aggression while at liberty (28% of them committed self-aggression only when at liberty, 41% - while at liberty and in prison, too). More frequently alcoholics committed acts of self -aggression than those who showed no symptoms of alcoholism. The biographies of recidivists indicate that significant for the genesis and the deepening of their social maladjustment was a negative family milieu, during their childhood as well as personality disorders revealed by them, which grew in intensity in connection with later experiences in life and also with their alcoholism. A comparison of persistent recidivists, coming from families, evaluated as negative, with the remaining persistent recidivists, revealed a number of essential differences among them. Recidivists from negative family milieux began more frequently to commit theft while still under age, more frequently revealed aggressiveness during their school period, more often did not graduate primary school, began at an especially early age to drink alcohol to excess. In individuals brought up in a negative atmosphere and deprived of care, the early symptoms of maladjustment revealed considerable durability. Alcoholism - having its roots in the social maladjustment of the recidivists studied here - deepened existing disorders, proof of which are the results, presented above, pointing to lowering of certain intellectual functions with some of them and personality disorders in the case of those recidivists who showed symptoms of alcoholism. This testifies to the fact that alcoholics were more frequently marked by passivity, impulsiveness in action, aggressiveness and self-aggression. The data collected indicate that multiple stays in prison intensified the alienation of the recidivists and hampered their attempts at social readjustment. Imprisonment weakened the anyhow already weak ties with the family and limited their social contacts to other prisoners only. In regard to the prison officers the recidivists revealed considerable hostility, which, as it seems, could not remain without an influence on their attitude towards other people representing the authorities. Though terms meant for 'the persistent recidivists a compulsory break in prison drinking, this, however, did not prevent, as results from their statements, the further drinking of alcohol to excess immediately after their release from prison. These studies reveal that persistent recidivists are not a homogeneous population. There could be noticed distinct differences between those among them (who account for 70.4%) who had early convictions after the age of 17, when still being young adults and those (29.6%) who had their first conviction at a later age, when 21 years old and more. Those “late” recidivists are less socially degraded, they committed rather petty offences, most frequently connected with drinking alcohol to excess.Though the “late” recidivists do not suffer substantially from the “early” recidivists as regards the number of those showing symptoms of alcoholism and though they started later th&n the “early” offenders to drink too much alcohol, there nevertheless are more individuals among them, whose delinquency is already of a secondary nature, making its appearance in their life later than systematic abuse of alcohol. In the case of “late” recidivists it was found more often than in that of “early” ones that they had a lower IQ, but there were among them fewer individuals considered aggressive and more rarely individuals guilty of self-aggresion. The data presented before, point to the heterogeneity of the offences committed by persistent recidivists. First of all there should be set apart among the recidivists those (approximately one-fourth of the total) who, on the basis of the offences committed by them may be listed as “serious” and the remaining ones who should rather be considered perpetrators of petty offences. In addition to this there can be set apart 27% of the perpetrators of offences exclusively against property and 9% of recidivists who were exclusively guilty of offences against the person. The majority of the recidivists were, however, the perpetrators or a variety of offences, which was undoubtedly due to drinking alcohol to excess. Those who committed theft, under 'the influence of alcohol committed assaults, some of those who committed offences against the person started in connection with their growing habit of drinking alcohol to excess, to steal, in order to obtain the money needed for alcohol. Though the abuse of alcohol effaced the differences of delinquency of the various categories of recidivists, it was possible to establish that those among them, who committed exclusively or mainly offences against the person (27.6%) more frequently had in the past suffered from brain damage. Those individuals studied, who were almost exclusively perpetrators of offences of an assaultive nature (18.7%), differed from the remaining ones by an essentially smaller degree of social maladjustment, the later start of delinquency (more often only above the age of 20), by more systematic work at 'the time they were still adolescents, and the fact that more often they had learned a trade and spent less time in prison. Often poor alcohol tolerance was found with these individuals. Proof of the heterogeneous nature of the population of persistent recidivists are the results, pointing to the significant differences among those of them, who were convicted for the first time when above twenty years old and those, who were brought before a court and convicted much earlier, between the perpetrators of offences against the person and the remaining persistent recidivists. To the heterogenous features of the examined population point also the previously mentioned results, indicating significant differences among recidivists, revealing symptoms of alcoholism and those where such symptoms were not found.

18

Dzieci z 200 rodzin alkoholików i alkoholiczek

62%

Strzembosz A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1976

|

issue VII

265-286

EN

1. Subject of discussion will be such families of alcoholics (involving mothers and fathers) from the area of Warsaw, where the necessity arose to curtail, or suspend parental authority or deprive parents of such rights completely. The families investigated can be divided into the following categories: families where only the father was an alcoholic - 95 families (49.5%), families in which the father as well as the mother were alcoholics 64 families (33.3%) and families where only the mother was an alcoholic 33 familes (17.2%).* Note in the material studied here that as many as 54.5% of the mothers were considered to be alcoholics, and in this case 46% of these mothers-, alcoholics were registered as prostitutes. The mothers who were alcoholics had in 39% of the cases been convicted by courts (those who were not alcoholics in about 20% of the cases). Data regarding fathers who were alcoholics, whose average age in 1973 was 44 years, testify to the fact that the majority of them had no prior convictions or were only once convicted (57%): those with multiple convictions (four times and more) accounted for 20%. In the delinquency structure of the fathers was a predominance of violent offences committed when intoxicated. The majority of the fathers (57%) did not work or worked only on and off . The material conditions in these families of alcoholics were very unfavourable. 68% of these families lived in misery and want. Complete neglect of the children was found as regards the overwhelming majority of the fathers (62%) and a large number of mothers (41%). Especially adverse was the situation in families where the mothers were alcoholics and where misery and want was found in as many as 80%, complete neglect of the children by mothers in two-thirds of the families. As results from the above-mentioned data the situation of children in the families examined (especially in families where the mothers were alcoholics) was very bad; the criminality on the part of the fathers was, however, not a special problem here. 2. In 200 of the families of alcoholics, surveyed here, 487 children below the age- of 18 were brought up - 258 boys and 229 girls. Among these children, 20% were of pre-school age, 39.8% between 7 and 12, 38.2% between 13 and 17 years. The follow-up period was studied, regarding 487 children and juveniles from these families until the oldest among them (being at the beginning of the study above 10 years old) had reached the average age of 20 years. It should, however, be borne in mind that during the follow-up period only those data were at the disposal which could be obtained from official records, which contained information about cases brought before a court and arrests of these individuals by the police. Thus, an essential shortcoming, connected with the impossibility to conduct environmental interviews, is the lack of information about other facts, besides those in the records, such as symptoms of social maladjustment or whether the investigated individuals possessed professional qualifications and whether they had worked, in which milieu they had lived, whether they had systematically drunk alcohol to excess, etc. But data found in the records of the guardianship court, regarding the school period of the juveniles exactly characterize the extent of their social maladjustment. Significant is above all the fact that the sons of alcoholics (fathers and mothers) were often delayed in their studies at school. Among the boys below ten years one-third were already delayed in their studies: at the age between 10 and 12 half of them, however above 12 three- fourths. Among the latter there were 63% delayed by two or more years. Among girls below 10 years 14% were delayed, at the age between 10 and 12-44%, and above 12 - as many as 69%. Among girls aged above 12-43% were delayed by two and more years. Among older boys as well as older girls approximately half were children, systematically playing truant. Note data, pointing to the fact that as many, as 35% of the girls between 14 and 17 showed symptoms of sexual demoralization. In 1975 when 270 boys and girls were already above 18 years old, and their average age amounted to 20 years, it turned out that 22% of the boys had already been tried by juvenile courts, 18% had been brought before juvenile courts as well as the ordinary court and 16% only before an ordinary court. Thus generally speaking, those who faced trials during their juvenility or were convicted after having reached the age of 17, accounted for as' much as 55%. Those convicted when over 17 accounted for 34%, in addition to this 12% were indicted, which gives a total of 45% of young adults who committed offences that were reported when they were over 17 years of age. The percentage given above (55%) of those who were tried when still juveniles or convicted after the age of 17, should be considered as a high one. But the degree of delinquency disclosed is small (62% of the convicted individuals were convicted only once); it should, however, be borne in mind that only three years divided them from the age of amenability to law. To the above mentioned data should be added information regardin arrests by polic because of intoxication - as many as 61% of those convicted (or tried) had already been arrested before because of insobriety, and among those without court records - 12%. However, information regarding the delinquency of daughters of the investigated families testifies to the fact that only 15% of them had court appearances (taking into account also the period when they were juveniles). None of the girls was registered as a prostitute. Worth emphasis is the fact that children brought up in families where the mothers are alcoholics were not more frequently convicted or. arrested because of intoxication, than those where only the father was an alcoholic. The entire aspect of data related to the follow-up period of children from families of alcoholics up to the time when they were on an average 20 years old indicates that approximately half of the boys (45%) were neither convicted nor arrested by the police because of intoxication and that 79% of the girls were neither convicted nor arrested by the police. These data, due to the lack of detailed environmental interviews, as already mentioned before, do not permit identification of this category of juveniles with young adults showing no symptoms of social maladjustment. Examining the entire aspect of the studies under discussion it would be worth while to mention the results of research, conducted under the guidance of Professor Swięcicki in the years 1967-1968 on children of families of alcoholics, who underwent treatment in several outpatient clinics to cure their drinking habit, results which showed, that in these families there were twice as many pupils repeating the same grade in school and young persons between 18 and 27, maladjusted to life in society, than in families of control groups from the same social milieu. Simultaneously a significant fact was noted, namely that in families belonging to the category with the worst expectations a considerable part of children did not reveal symptoms of social maladjustment. One may assume that to a considerable extent this depends on the biogenetic and psychogenetic features of the children partly being modified by sociogenetic factors, be noticed themselves, which are only in our studies, too, could a considerable group of young adults, not convicted arrested in an inebriate state by the police, youngsters who perhaps did not reveal symptoms of social maladjustment, something which could, however, be established only on the basis of detailed studies of the milieu.

19

Perspektywa teorii Pierre’a Bourdieu w polskich badaniach socjologicznych

58%

Dębska K.

Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa

|

2016

|

vol. 05(1-2)

55-78

PL

Theory of Pierre Bourdieu has already gained an undisputed status in Polish socio logy. This text is an attempt to show the diversity of ways of using the theory of Bourdieu by Polish scholars and researchers. The author identifies areas in which Bourdieu’s theory is used in Polish research. These are: study of social class analysis fields (fields of literature, music, contemporary art and legal and advertising fields), diagnosis of social inequalities in education and other areas of life, analysis of functioning of elites and the various types of capitals in the Polish socio-economic context. The text indicates tensions occurring between approaches and interpretations thoughts Bourdieu, represented by Polish researchers. The author also points out opportunities of developing research concepts inspired by Pierre Bourdieu, which would take into account such dimensions of social diversity as gender or sexual orientation.

20

Nie tędy droga: analiza klasowa i analiza nierówności w społeczeństwie zwrotu kulturowegokulturowego (Maciej Gdula i Przemysław Sadura (red.) Style życia i porządek klasowy w Polsce, oraz Wojciech Woźniak, Nierówności społeczne w polskim dyskursie politycznym)

58%

Gorlach K., Foryś G., Jasikowska K.

Studia Socjologiczne

|

2014

|

issue 1(212)

173-200

PL

Esej zawiera krytyczną analizę dwóch publikacji książkowych. Pierwsza koncentruje się na stylach życia i porządku klasowym w Polsce (redaktorzy: M. Gdula, P. Sadura), a druga na nierównościach społecznych obecnych w dyskursie politycznym również w Polsce (autor: W. Woźniak). Obydwie prace potraktowano jako głos młodego pokolenia socjologów w kwestiach struktury społecznej. W stosunku do pierwszej publikacji sformułowano uwagi dotyczące: 1) nieumieszczenia teorii Bourdieu w wystarczająco szerokiej tradycji analiz struktury klasowej i ruchliwości społecznej; 2) przyjęcia uproszczonego schematu struktury klasowej w koncepcji Bourdieu; 3) konfrontowania ogólnych twierdzeń wynikających z teorii Bourdieu bezpośrednio z wypowiedziami badanych bez próby operacjonalizacji ogólnych pojęć zawartych we wspomnianej teorii; 4) braku syntetyzującego podsumowania wskazującego na zasadniczy przekaz całego opracowania. W stosunku do drugiej publikacji zwrócono uwagę na brak bardziej pogłębionej analizy zebranego materiału empirycznego, a w szczególności braku zaprezentowania zasadniczych faz analizy materiału empirycznego zgodnie z wykorzystywanymi programami analizy jakościowej.

EN

The essay contains critical analysis of two publications on lifestyles and class order in Polish society as well as inequalities framed in the political discourse in Poland, the first of them edited by M. Gdula and P. Sadura, the other one authored by A. Woźniak. Both volumes are treated as a voice of young generation of Polish sociologists in the discussion of social stratification. Concerning the first publication the following remarks are made: 1. Bourdieu’s theory has been not framed enough in sociological tradition of class and mobility analyses; 2. Bourdesian class scheme has been perceived in a simplistic way; 3. General statements resulting from Bourdieu’s theory have been directly set against the statements made by individuals under study without an attempt to use any direct indicators of the vague notions included in the said theory; 4. Synthesizing conclusions are lacking. Concerning the second publication two flaws have been observed: 1. Lack of a more sophisticated type of analysis of the gathered data; 2. Lack of presentation of particular stages of qualitative analysis.

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