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EN
Motorway construction poses various problems, both in green fields, mainly because of concerns about the natural environment, as well as in brown fields, for technical reasons and due to disturbing residents. The Silesian voivodeship is one of the particularly problematic areas. The construction of the A1 motorway is not an easy task there. It is not only because of the potential changes in the environment or difficulties in conducting construction work in mining areas, but also because of the highly urbanised area, requiring both the compulsory purchase of land, as well as demolition of housing infrastructure. The aim of the study is to present the most serious conflicts related to the construction of the A1 motorway in the Silesian voivodeship. The method used in the study was the analysis of documents related to its construction from the websites of the General Directorate for National Roads and Motorways (Generalna Dyrekcja Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad - GDDKiA), the Voivodeship Office in Katowice and evaluation of information from the websites of communities in which the motorway investments were carried out. Moreover, voivodeship electronic editions of magazines and daily newspapers from the years 2006-2013 on the disputes arising from the construction of the A1 motorway were reviewed. As a result of the study it was found that for different sections of the motorway social conflicts occurred. They were diverse in nature, extent and the course. The analysis of the results shows that the implementation of this type of investment requires not only financial expenses and studies on the environmental impact, but also activities involving their social environment.
EN
The aim of this paper is to discuss the usefulness of social conflict theory as a theoretical framework for analyzing the conflict in Northern Ireland. The social conflict theories under consideration are Lewis Coser’s functionalist theory of conflict, Ralf Dahrendorf’s theory, and Randall Collins’ sociology of conflict. The main question is whether social conflict theories provide a useful analytical tool in understanding ethnic conflicts: their nature, bases, and the actions of the social actors involved.
EN
The aim of the paper is to critically analyse the documentary series Wracajcie, skąd przyszliście [Go Back to Where You Came From], broadcast by the commercial television station TVN in December 2018. The people participating in the pro-gramme were supposed to represent/embody the polarised opinions of the Polish society on (accepting) refugees, so they were according to the “three for/three against” model. The group, together with Piotr Kraśko who conduct-ed the programme, visited refugee camps and centres in Germany, Austria, Serbia, Greece and Iraq to confront their opinions with the people they met there. The declared aim of the programme, in fact, was to find an answer to the main question: should Poland accept refugees or, as the title says, should they go back to where they came from?
EN
The main goal of this article is to attempt to determine the analytical framework of social movements that would constitute an essential element of this form of collective activity. In order to identify this element (or elements) I will review the four main approaches to the study of social movements, which allows me to settle the issue in sociological conflict tradition. From the point of view of the outlined objective, Alain Touraine’s approach will be a key perspective.
EN
In the middle of 1990s, a new trend appeared in the Polish jurisprudence, namely biojurisprudence. In his scholarly works, Roman Tokarczyk defined the need for having a fresh look at the world dominated by technological progress and thus created the basis for a new branch of the codified law – biolaw. By drawing attention to the problems caused by biotechnological revolution whose eugenic extremities might lead to materialization of the Frankenstein myth, Tokarczyk expressed the need of giving up the traditional understanding of law and developing its new framework. In its perspective vision, biojurisprudence concentrates the views of ethicists, philosophers, theologians and even theoreticians of law thus becoming a branch of science that touches upon the most current needs.
EN
Even though no part of the world is untouched by the global economy, the role played by the State continues to have an impact on the resistance of indigenous peoples, and Chile is no exception. At present, the Chilean government presents several contrasting faces to indigenous peoples. On the one hand, it offers multicultural public policies based in “Development with Identity”, whose formal objective is to generate economic and social development from the ground up. In contrast, in areas where the indigenous communities are in conflict with large companies over the control of natural resources, the Chilean government considers these communities to be terrorists, denying their basic legal rights. At present, there is a diversity of positions within the Mapuche movement and within Mapuche communities with respect to the Chilean State, although the media tend to emphasize only the violent conflicts. Our paper analyzes the development of the “conflict” between the Mapuche and the Chilean State due to the extractive activities of private companies from a systemic perspective, situating this conflict within the larger international political and economic system.
EN
Non-violent protest as a phenomenon of the second half of XX – beginning of XXI century. is political in nature and correlates with the «third wave» of democratization. It is a mass phenomenon due to the global processes of destruction of the colonial system, the disintegration of world system of socialism, the negation of authoritarianism and transition to democracy, a large group of countries in different parts of the globe. The analysis of theoretical models, approaches, factors, nature, forms and methods of nonviolent protest, as a specific type of social conflict, the modalities for its implementation at the stage of democratic transformation in Ukraine has been shown in the article. The explanation of protest behavior is considered through the concept of relative deprivation of G. Carr, functional and conflict approaches, and the like. At the same time, to limit the understanding of the origins of social and political protest by only the phenomena of deprivation or relative deprivation means to distort its nature in favor of the subjective factors. . Actually, the unsatisfactory conditions of human existence (or perceived in her mind) are being themselves neither sufficient nor even necessary factors of protest behavior. In modern societies the protest potential of social is stipulated by the institutional, organizational, political, and sociocultural factors. The concept of «non-violent political protest» is used by the author in a wide explanation that includes both overt and subtle forms of disagreement with the policy of the authorities, for example, voting «against all». Accordingly, the specified definition differs from the category of «political resistance», which provides clear and conspicuous defiance of the existing government. The methods of political resistance are being classified after three categories: a) protest and persuasion, (b) the non-cooperation and b) intervention. In general, John Sharp has allocated 198 such methods. So non-violent protest is a complex tactic of public action, in which many techniques, a number of mechanisms of transformation, as well as certain norms of behavior are involved. Non-violent protest and mass manifestations is a result of the accumulation of a critical mass of dissatisfaction with the existing social order. However, certain organized forms, ability to a long confrontation between the authorities and the successful decision of tasks in view, are possible only in the presence of social capital and solidarity between different social groups and strata. Social capital contains such elements of social organization as social networks, social norms and trust that create the conditions for the coordination and co-operation for the sake of the reciprocal benefit. That is, social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources associated with the existing well established network of informal or more or less institutional relations of reciprocity and recognition. The specifics of the protest activity in Ukraine is that it is a certain illogicality, when bursts of mass protests do not coincide with mass public sentiment associated with falling standards of living or dissatisfaction with the actions of the authorities. This was highlighted in 2004 when, on the eve of the political explosion that has gone down in history as the Orange revolution; none of the social services fixed the readiness of people to protest. In a stable society the behavior of community members governs the value-normative system both directly through the role of expectations about the behavior, and indirectly, creating awareness. But in an unstable society, where the value-normative system is disrupted and a state of anomie, the behavior is primarily determined by the characteristics of the individual consciousness of its members. Crucial is affective, cognitive and moral potential of the individual characteristics of consciousness and behavior of people.
EN
Quebrada de Humahuaca (Jujuy, Argentina) has been extensively studied by archaeologists. Studies have been focused mainly on the Late Regional Development Period (1250-1430 AD), which has been defined as a time of social conflict. In this paper we present bioarchaeological evidence of interpersonal violence related trauma found in populations of the region. A sample of 153 skulls from three sites of Quebrada de Humahuaca: Los Amarillos, La Huerta and Yacoraite, were analyzed, differentiating antemortem and perimortem fractures, cut marks as well as the presence of trophy skulls. The results were subjected to nonparametric statistical tests, in order to assess inter-site level differences, sex and age distribution. Bioarchaeological analysis determined a high frequency of interpersonal violence related trauma. Most registered injuries belonged to the antemortem type, demonstrating that the individuals of those events that had generated said cranial trauma had managed to survive. Interpersonal violence affected both men and women the same, registering no differences in neither sex nor age group, however evidence of trauma varied geographically from site to site. Statistical calculations reveal that the Yacoraite site is where the highest frequency of trauma was found, while La Huerta is where the highest level of trophy skulls was registered
EN
Looking at the modern events shouldn't we claim that it is impossible to create the positive order of the world there where the human souls are running wild? This strict but at the same time full of realism statement of the Head of the Catholic Church taken from the encyclical on the Christian hope has often appeared in the social teaching of the Church in the recent years, it is repeated in a different form during the Benedict XVI's meetings with the high and mighty of this world and the faithful. This „decline of the souls” is the first reason for the economic crisis. It is a challenge which must be faced by the goodwill people. The rejection of the natural law and the God's law expressed in the Decalogue does not make a human being happier but it introduces divisions, social conflicts and the exploitation. Therefore, the moral revival of people and societies, the respect for human dignity and people's natural rights must go hand in hand with the wise political and economic activities in order to solve the modern „social issue”. Without the moral revival, all other solutions, which can be expected looking for example, at the Polish political scene after the last election, sooner or later will turn against the human being and will cause the irretrievable social damage.
EN
The struggle for natural resources, in this case, the right to land, is long-standing. From the nineteenth century and reinforced by military conquest over primitive settlers, a supposed right of the powerful to land prevailed over traditions that land belong to those who settled and worked it. The paper is a brief survey of the situation of conflict over land tenure in Argentina and Chaco, with emphasis on the department Presidencia de la Plaza, taking bibliographical information and surveys carried out in this department, describing the land structure that reflects the historical evolution of the process of appropriation of public land.
ES
La lucha por los recursos naturales, en este caso particular, el derecho a la tierra, es de larga data. Ya en el siglo XIX se respetaba o se hacía prevalecer un supuesto derecho de los sectores con mayor poder, no así el de los primitivos pobladores que habían sido derrotados militarmente o el de familias campesinas que, afincadas en la tierra, la trabajaban para sobrevivir, teniendo el derecho a la tierra por haber vivido y trabajado en la misma. En el trabajo se hace un somero relevamiento de la situación de conflictividad por la tenencia de la tierra en Argentina y en Chaco, haciendo hincapié en el departamento Presidencia de la Plaza, tomando información bibliográfica y relevamientos realizados en este departamento, describiendo la estructura parcelaria que refleja la evolución histórica del proceso de apropiación de la tierra pública.
EN
The purpose of the article is twofold: to diagnose tourism-related conflicts occurring in Poznań by identifying their intensity and key parties, and to determine the capacity of the key stakeholders in the city’s tourism system to mitigate these disputes. Because of its complex nature, overtourism in cities is a dangerous phenomenon, which is very hard to measure. Like other social conflicts, the intensity and development of overtourism can be measured by analysing tourism-related conflicts in the urban space, using tools offered by conflict management theories, especially Christopher Moore’s Circle of Conflict model. Conflict issues identified by the author are associated with the uncontrolled consumption of the city’s overall offering, which is manifested by the behaviour of city inhabitants, visitors from the metropolitan area, and tourists. The article contributes to the literature on overtourism by proposing an alternative method of identifying the scope and intensity of overtourism in the absence of objective measures and data. The author also proposes a method of evaluating key stakeholders’ capacity for conflict management in Poznań.
EN
Mediation is an effective way of resolving social conflicts. It is a method to achieve satisfactory agreement accepted by both parties. This process uses impartial professional mediator. Such person helps to objectify and refine our own expectations and also in some instances can help to revaluate initial demands. The aim of the process is to shift the focus from winning with the opponent to winning with the problem. One of the benefits of mediation is its flexibility regarding the subject, time and place. This helps to find optimal solution and resolve existing disagreements and prevent future conflicts.
PL
Mediacja jest efektywnym sposobem na rozwiązywanie zaistniałych konfliktów społecznych, metodą osiągnięcia i wypracowania satysfakcjonującego porozumienia akceptowanego przez strony sporu. Jest formą ugodowego procesu z udziałem bezstronnego, neutralnego i profesjonalnego pośrednika, jakim jest mediator. Skłania on strony do obiektywizowania własnych oczekiwań, precyzowania, a niekiedy także przewartościowywania zgłaszanych żądań. W mediacji dąży się do przesunięcia zainteresowania stron z pokonania przeciwnika na pokonanie problemu i szukanie optymalnego, obustronnie zadowalającego wyniku. Mediacja ma tę zaletę, że cechuje ją duża elastyczność co do zakresu przedmiotowego, czasu i miejsca. Dzięki temu możliwe jest znalezienie rozwiązania, które optymalnie godzi interesy stron, pozwalając rozwiązywać istniejące już spory i zapobiegać konfliktom.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2018
|
vol. 27
|
issue 1
193-223
EN
In this paper I trace the contradictions embedded in global artistic circulation, which is dialectically analysed as a nexus of exploitation and a site where the commons can be instituted. To enable this argument, I synthesise the methodologies of dialectical materialism, the sociology of art and action research, supplementing a theoretical overview of systemic pressures with a keen observation of the social practices that emerge in critical response to it. Basing my analysis on empirical evidence, I examine social conflicts, triggered by the extracting value from the distributed labour of artistic networks, as political opportunities to be seized by progressive art workers. Thus, I propose a new perspective on current processes of incorporating contemporary art into the late-capitalist cycles of accumulation and modes of establishing and reproducing social distinctions. Instead of mourning for – presumably lost but still positively valorised – artistic autonomy, I argue for a revamping of the apparatuses regulating artistic circulation for the sake of the labouring multitudes.
EN
Issues of Social Conflicts in Inauguration Speeches of Polish Prime Ministers in 2007–2017The article presents the assumptions and results of an analysis of the content of inauguration speeches of Polish Prime Ministers in 2007–2017: Donald Tusk (2007 and 2011), Ewa Kopacz (2014), Beata Szydło (2015) and Mateusz Morawiecki (2017). The aim of the study has been to answer the question whether and to what extent the issues of social conflicts were present in the speeches and what dispute resolution strategies were announced by the government. Social tensions were one of the leitmotifs of each of those speeches, mainly in the context of their negative impact on the effectiveness of public policy. The speeches often called for a reduction in rivalry both between political actors and between social groups. The need to overcome the crisis of citizens’ trust in state institutions was also ascribed great importance. In the face of social conflicts, the prime ministers announced that they would play the role of an “arbiter”, who would decide how particular resources would be distributed (more often), or a “negotiator”, who would conduct a partner dialogue with other social actors in order to reach a common agreement (less often). Problematyka konfliktów społecznych w exposés polskich premierów z lat 2007–2017Artykuł przedstawia założenia oraz wyniki analizy treści exposés polskich Prezesów Rady Ministrów z lat 2007–2017: Donalda Tuska (2007 i 2011), Ewy Kopacz (2014), Beaty Szydło (2015) i Mateusza Morawieckiego (2017), która służyła odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy i w jakim zakresie w wystąpieniach obecna była problematyka konfliktów społecznych oraz jakie strategie rozwiązywania sporów przez rząd były zapowiadane. Napięcia społeczne były jednym z motywów przewodnich każdego exposé, głównie w kontekście ich negatywnych skutków dla skuteczności polityki publicznej. W przemówieniach często pojawiały się apele o ograniczenie rywalizacji zarówno pomiędzy siłami politycznymi, jak i pomiędzy grupami społecznymi. Duże znaczenie przypisywano także konieczności przełamania kryzysu zaufania obywateli od instytucji państwowych. Wobec konfliktów społecznych premierzy zapowiadali pełnienie roli „arbitra” władczo rozstrzygającego, w jaki sposób przeprowadzona zostanie dystrybucja określonych zasobów (częściej), lub „negocjatora” prowadzącego partnerski dialog z innymi podmiotami społecznymi w celu wypracowania wspólnego porozumienia (rzadziej).
15
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EXPANSIVE CONFLICT

63%
EN
The paper discusses the problem of difficult conflicts, whose dynamics is characterized by intensification of factors influencing the course of a conflict, and conflicts which are considerably difficult to resolve. Among many conflicts of high intensity and escalation it is legitimate to identify a specific group of conflicts which can be viewed in a special way due to their parameters. The author of the paper suggests that they should be distinguished and regarded as a specific type of conflict called an expansive conflict. Expansive means expanding in size or scope, aiming at extension of influence or power, or in another sense: insistent and intemperate in expression of feelings, quick-tempered, effusive. Expansiveness means striving for enhancement of one’s impact, impulsiveness and effusiveness, as well as a kind of possessiveness manifested in extending one’s influence to more and more new areas. Therefore, asking about expansiveness, we pose questions: why – who – where – how strong – how fast. These are the questions about the origin, parties to the conflict, its place, force and rate of spreading. This uncomplicated model can be used to describe a conflict. The introduction of the notion of an expansive conflict can be justified and applied in practice for conflict processes of the extraordinary course, especially in relation to macro conflicts originating in the sphere of politics (superpower policy versus democratisation), economy (corporations) or culture (expansion of mass culture).
Rocznik Lubuski
|
2016
|
vol. 42
|
issue 2a
177-193
EN
Every planned investment connected with energetic issue generates social anxiety. Local community is afraid of negative impact of this investment on their life and health condition. The crucial issue for every investor is to gain social acceptance for the investment, and such an acceptance is considered also as the highest value of this investment. It could be treated as social barometer of trust for the investment or the generally defined energetic sector. There are many social actors who want to have acceptance and support of local community – either investor and his supporters, or his opponents. The intention of the author in this paper was a characteristic of social conditions of the plans for a new surface mine and power plant based on the resources of the Gubin lignite deposit in Lubuskie province. Empirical base is data from surveys conducted in 2011-2015. Analysis showed that social acceptance for this investment had systematically increased, but it is not a constant (stabile) situation. Social attitudes towards this investment are differentiated by socio-demographic features of the inhabitants of two communes. It is also showed that in local community there is still a risk of NIMBY syndrome appearance and a question may arise on how important it is to have social acceptance and trust for the investor. Without social acceptance the lignite mine project in Lubuskie could not be realized.
PL
Niemal każda planowana inwestycja związana z energetyką spotyka się z niepokojem społecznym – mieszkańcy danej społeczności lokalnej obawiają się jej negatywnego wpływu na codzienne życie i zdrowie. Niebagatelnym elementem każdego procesu inwestycyjnego jest uzyskanie przyzwolenia społecznego mieszkańców terenu inwestycyjnego, a przyzwolenie to niekiedy okazuje się być największą wartością lokalizacji inwestycji. Można je też traktować jako swoisty barometr zaufania zarówno do zaangażowanych w proces inwestycyjny podmiotów, jak i całego sektora energetycznego. Różne podmioty zaangażowane w działania okołoinwestycyjne wywierają wpływ na mieszkańców chcąc uzyskać ich poparcie – bądź w postaci akceptacji dla inwestycji, bądź sprzyjające rezygnacji inwestora z planów budowy, czy też odpowiednie decyzje władz lokalnych. Celem opracowania jest charakterystyka uwarunkowań społecznych procesu inwestycyjnego, związanego z uzyskiwaniem społecznego przyzwolenia na powstanie kompleksu wydobywczo-energetycznego w województwie lubuskim. Podstawę empiryczną analiz stanowić będą wyniki badań sondażowych realizowanych z mieszkańcami gmin objętych planami inwestycyjnymi w latach 2011-2015. Wyniki badań sondażowych wyraźnie ilustrują, że poziom społecznego przyzwolenia dla inwestycji systematycznie rośnie i jest zróżnicowany przez cechy społeczno-demograficzne badanych. Nie jest to jednak sytuacja niezmienna. Nie można też wykluczyć występowania syndromu NIMBY wśród przeciwników powstania kompleksu energetycznego. Aby uniknąć eskalacji napięć społecznych na terenie, gdzie planowana jest inwestycja należy dbać o zaufanie społeczne i odpowiedni przekaz informacyjny oraz zaangażowanie mieszkańców w proces inwestycyjny. Bez społecznej akceptacji sukces inwestycyjny będzie zagrożony i kompleks energetyczny może nie powstać.
Rozprawy Społeczne
|
2019
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vol. 13
|
issue 2
26-35
PL
Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest określenie najważniejszych czynników przyczyniających się do powstawania oraz działania ruchów społecznych. Ruchy społeczne ukazują się jako zjawisko żywotne i zmienne. Są rzeczywistymi tworami i zawsze działają na rzecz zmiany. Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, jaka jest efektywność tych działań? Ruch społeczny postrzegany jest jako najpowszechniejsza forma zbiorowej aktywności społecznej, dążącej do obranych celów. Cele wyznaczone przez ruch odnoszą się do potrzeb i interesów jakie chce osiągnąć. Taka wspólna aktywność pojawia się, gdy ludzie zdają sobie sprawę, że celów nie da się zrealizować w pojedynkę, a jedynie przez działania wspólne. Działanie oparte jest na wspólnych metodach ukierunkowanych jednakowymi wartościami i ideologią. Prowadzi to do przekształcania rzeczywistości społecznej. W artykule omówiona zostanie również istota dynamiki ruchów społecznych. Każdy ruch społeczny przechodzi pewne etapy swojej żywotności. Początkiem ruchu jest jego tworzenie, następnie rozwijanie się, realizacja zamierzonych celów, aby na końcu doszło do zanikania ruchu.
EN
The main purpose of this article is to identify the most important factors contributing to the emergence and operation of social movements. Social movements appear as a vital and variable phenomenon. They are real creations and always work towards a change. The article is an attempt to answer the question about the effectiveness of these activities. The social movement is perceived as the most common form of collective social activity pursuing the assumed aims. The goals set by such a movement relate to the needs and interests wanted to be achieved. Such joint activity occurs when people realize that goals cannot be achieved alone, but only through joint actions. The action is based on common methods focused on equal values and ideology. This leads to the transformation of social reality. The essence of the dynamics of social movements will be also discussed in the article. Each social movement undergoes certain stages of its vitality. The beginning of a movement is its creation, then development, realization of intended goals, so that the movement disappears at the end.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań empirycznych dotyczących konfliktów społecznych przeprowadzonych wśród młodzieży szkół ponadgimnazjalnych w Niepołomicach. Pytania dotyczyły sposobów doświadczania konfliktów przez młodzież w różnych sferach życia – rodziny, szkoły, społeczności lokalnej, a także relacji między różnymi grupami młodzieży oraz relacji międzypokoleniowych. Na częste występowanie konfliktów w tych dziedzinach wskazywało ogółem 12–30% respondentów. Częstym źródłem nierówności i dyskryminacji w opinii badanych są: religia (6,5%), poglądy polityczne (12%), odmienne systemy wartości (15%), przynależność do subkultur (23%) oraz nierówności majątkowe (28%). Uzyskane wyniki analizowane są w kontekście problemu zapobiegania konfliktom.
EN
In this article, the author presents empirical research on social conflicts among youth in the small town of Niepołomice, near Cracow. It discusses different ways social conflict is experienced in everyday life, especially in family, school, the local community, relationships between different groups of youth, and intergenerational relations. 12–30% of respondents indicated that social conflicts are common in the area. Participants in the research stated that frequent sources of inequality and discrimination include religion (6,5%), political opinions (12%), different value systems (15%), participation in subcultures (23%), and financial inequality (28%). The results of this research are analysed from the perspective of conflict prevention.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na dochodzeniu przeprowadzonym przez sanocką komisję lokalną względem praw służebnych, o których uznanie pretendowali mieszczanie rymanowscy w II połowie XIX w. Pertraktacje rozpoczęte w 1859 r. miały chwilami gwałtowny przebieg. Towarzyszyły im konflikty i nieporozumienia zarówno między samymi mieszczanami, jak i na linii miasto – dwór. Wnioski płynące z analizy źródeł archiwalnych posłużyły do oceny działań każdej strony biorącej udział w dochodzeniu – pełnomocników miasta, właścicieli ziemskich oraz, co wyjątkowe, komisarzy i administracji państwowej, której decyzje nosiły znamiona stronniczości. Mieszczanie stanęli do pertraktacji w pewności powodzenia i z przekonaniem o mocy prawnej przywileju księcia Czartoryskiego nadającego im służebności. Pełnomocnik dworu natomiast przyjął odważną pozycję w negocjacjach i konsekwentnie ją utrzymywał. Zanegował autentyczność wspomnianego przywileju, jak również to, że Czartoryski był kiedykolwiek właścicielem Rymanowa, co finalnie okazało się skuteczne. Na uwagę zasługuje również rola komisarzy lokalnych oraz decydentów urzędujących w Komisji Krajowej we Lwowie, podejmującej najważniejsze decyzje. Pierwszy etap dochodzenia pokazuje bowiem wpływ komisarzy na kształt początkowego orzeczenia. Uzasadnienie drugiego wyroku wskazuje natomiast na dowolność w postrzeganiu aktów prawnych przez lwowską Komisję, która oparła swoją decyzję na zapisach jednego dokumentu urzędowego. Analiza przebiegu postępowania ukazuje znajdującą odzwierciedlenie w wielu miejscach Galicji tendencję, która na przykładzie Rymanowa została opisana po raz pierwszy. Koncentruje się na przypadku, w którym dwukrotnie podejmowane dochodzenie skończyło się ostatecznie decyzją odmową. Innymi słowy, odrzucono pretensję mieszczan i zanegowano istnienie praw służebnych, które podlegałyby wykupowi lub regulacji.
EN
This article concentrates on an inquest held by the local commission in Sanok into the common rights claimed by the inhabitants of the town of Rymanów in the latter half of the 19th century. The negotiations, which commenced in 1859, sometimes took a heated turn. They were attended by much conflict and misunderstanding, equally between the manor and the town as among the townsfolk themselves. Conclusions drawn from the analysis of the archive source provided the basis on which to evaluate the activities of each of the parties – the town’s agents and the landlords – and, interestingly, those of the commissioners and other officials in the public administration, whose decisions exhibited bias. The townsfolk began the negotiation from a position of certainty and conviction of the legal force of Prince Czartoryski’s privilege granting the disputed common rights to them. The manor’s agent, on the other hand, took a bold position, which he consistently maintained. He disputed the authenticity of Czartoryski’s grant and even the fact that the Prince had ever held the manor. This approach ultimately proved successful. Attention is also drawn to the role played by local commissioners and the officials in the National Commission in Lviv, the latter making the most important decisions. The first phase demonstrates the commissioners’ influence on the original outcome. The rationale given for the second decision, on the other hand, shows the arbitrariness with which the Lviv Commission made its ruling, based on just one official document. Analysis of the proceedings highlights a more general trend prevalent in Galicia, first described in the example of Rymanów. This is a case in which two consecutive inquests in the same matter ultimately ended in a negative decision. In other words, the townsfolk’s claims were dismissed, and they were denied any common rights eligible for buyout or regulation.
Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
|
2023
|
vol. 66
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issue 3
127-145
EN
The article presents an axiological-pragmatic research perspective applied by Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński in the context of Polish society. On the basis of the considerations carried out, the categories of values are, in his opinion, the desirable states of the political community or individuals established in a given cultural tradition, while interests refer to the pragmatic sphere and denote a situation the achievement of which is advantageous from some point of view. The author investigated conflicts occurring between different values, between interests, as well as between values and interests. Particularly interested in the phases of radical social change, Wnuk-Lipiński presented them based primarily on the preferences of Polish society for specific values and interests. He also applied the axiological-pragmatic perspective to the study of contemporary Polish attitudes and behaviour.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono aksjologiczno-pragmatyczną perspektywę badawczą stosowaną przez Edmunda Wnuka-Lipińskiego w kontekście społeczeństwa polskiego. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych rozważań stwierdzono, że kategorie wartości są to, jego zdaniem, ugruntowane w danej tradycji kulturowej pożądane stany wspólnoty politycznej bądź jednostek, natomiast interesy dotyczą sfery pragmatycznej i oznaczają sytuację, której osiągnięcie jest z jakiegoś punktu widzenia korzystne. Autor badał konflikty występujące między różnymi wartościami, między interesami, a także między wartościami a interesami. Wnuk-Lipiński, szczególnie zainteresowany fazami radykalnej zmiany społecznej, przedstawiał je, opierając się przede wszystkim na preferencjach polskiego społeczeństwa, dotyczących konkretnych wartości i interesów. Perspektywę aksjologiczno-pragmatyczną stosował również do badań współczesnych postaw i zachowań Polaków.
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