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EN
The social class which was the spiritus movens of rapid economic transformation in the lands of the Kingdom of Poland in the nineteenth century was the bourgeoisie. In the public sphere, there is still a strong conviction among contemporary Poles about the moral defects of capitalists, for whom, according to the prevailing stereotypes, only profit was important. The author of this article, to contradict this claim, gives an example of the life and actions of Jan Gottlieb Bloch (1836–1902). The aim of the article is to present the broad economic, social and scientific activity of Bloch as a member of the bourgeoisie of the Kingdom of Poland. The author also points to the need for further research on the work of Jan Bloch, especially in the field of his economic and irenological writing.
EN
Contemporary research concept of the history of political and legal thought includes various sources of information about opinions on politics, state and law that appeared in the past. One of them is a parliamentary debate. The article concentrates on the discussion about the marriage law that took place in the Polish Parliament (Sejm) in 1818. At that time one of the most controversial law institutions was the divorce. The legislative bill divided Members of Parliament into three different groups. The first party supported the project of the new matrimonial law that was prepared by the government (The Council of State). The second group considered acceptance of the religious norms that were given by the Roman Catholic Church to be the most appropriate solution. The last one was formed by liberals who opposed voting in favour of the project, which – in their opinion – extremely invaded human privacy and freedom. The content of the debate also presents three major conceptions of the system of government that prevailed in the Kingdom of Poland.
PL
The article deals with the specific location of the Kingdom of Poland/the Vistu-la Land in the structure of the Russian Empire. The conceptual basis for the consideration is postcolonial studies. In the post-colonial perspective, the aforementioned specificity is largely due to the fact that the attempt to unify the Polish province with the rest of the empire, which took place after sup-pressing the anti-Russian national uprising of Poles in 1863-1864, followed the accelerated modernization of the empire. Modernization, which encountered the strength of the Polish resistance and which had to face the phenomenon of Polish civilizational and cultural diversity, contributed greatly to the develop-ment of Russian nationalism. The most popular ideas about Russian colonia-lism focus on the issues related to Russian nationalism and the identity discourse shaping it. The author of the article encourages a broader view and suggests taking into account both the civilizational perspective (the empire as being subject to the influence of the modernization processes) and a more cultural one (the empire as a creation subjected to the influence of the peri-pheral Other). Eventually, the Polish-Russian confrontation will be the result of various processes and phenomena, and not only the consequence of a stere-otypically depicted Russian possessiveness.
Wieki Stare i Nowe
|
2017
|
vol. 12
|
issue 17
108-127
EN
In 1815-1864, the majority of the monasteries of the Pauline Fathers were located in the Kingdom of Poland (only the monastery in Skałka in Kraków was located outside of the Kingdom). There was a degree of antipathy tinged with hostility among the authorities of the Kingdom of Poland with regard to contemplative orders, which were regarded by them as lacking any benefits for the rest of society. Moreover, a significant part of the Church hierarchy was opposed to this type of orders. However, the Pauline Fathers ran parishes in their monasteries, which mitigated somewhat the hostility of the elites of that time towards the order. In 1818, the Pauline Fathers lost their monastery in Wieluń, followed by seven other monasteries in 1819, which were closed down by the secular and Church authorities. In the following years, nonetheless, the order reclaimed their monastery in Wielgomłyny, and in 1869, after several years of concentrated efforts, the monastery in Brdów. The Pauline monasteries were carefully controlled by the administrative and diocesan authorities. There were numerous conflicts regarding admittance to the order, as well as several instances of seizure of monastery documentation. Economic matters were also subject to state control. The Pauline Fathers played active parts in the November Uprising, donating to the uprising authorities and financing soldiers fighting in the uprising. The situation of the order deteriorated following the fall of the uprising and the introduction of the martial law by Nicholas I, which impeded mobility between particular monasteries. In addition to that, the process of admittance as well as economic issues became subject to even stricter state control. The Pauline Fathers played an important active part in the events of the years 1861-1864. They organized numerous patriotic services and congresses of the Church hierarchy. A few members of the order, moreover, functioned as chaplains for the insurgents, while others were actively engaged in the conspiracy. There are also several documented instances of armed Pauline Fathers taking part in the fight. As retribution for their activities, in 1864 the Russian authorities closed down all of their monasteries, barring the monastery in Częstochowa.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2011
|
vol. 76
|
issue 2
95-110
XX
In this article the author evaluates and completes the monograph of Wiesław Sieradzan concerning the mission of Benedict Makrai in the years 1412–1413, who acted in the international conciliatory trial between Poland – Lithuania and the Teutonic State, in which the mediator was Roman and Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg. The monograph would be more comprehensive if it contained chapters devoted to international conciliatory trials and the Polish-Lithuanian and the Teutonic intellectual background during the conduct of Benedict. It seems that the problem concerning the social background of Makrai’s family can be defined. The careers of his closest family members indicate that the owners of Gacsalkéri, from whom Makrai came, belonged at most to the more affluent Hungarian gentry. The monograph of Sieradzan fails to include some episodes concerning the Polish and Teutonic diplomatic contacts soon after the war of 1409–1411 ( the convention in Murzynno/ Grabie). Moreover, some persons involved in Benedict’s mission could be better identified. Another issue which should have been presented in a clearer manner is the origin of claims of West-Pomeranian dukes to Eastern Pomerania (the Kamień treaty of 1264 and the Słupsk treaty of 1287).
EN
The article presents the demographic conversion factors that have been used for a hundred years in the research on Poland’s population of the second half of the 16th century. The forerunner of research in that sphere and the editor of basic sources was Adolf Pawiński; his proposal for the conversion factors was criticised by many researchers, among others Włodzimierz Czerkawski, Witold Kula, Irena Gieysztorowa. After a hundred-year discussion it may be said that «Źródła Dziejowe» and the method of computing urban populations used by Pawiński are not the recommended tools; similarly, demographic conversion factors for rural populations should be modified or specified.
PL
Doświadczenie w zawodzie nauczyciela lub nauczycielki domowej zdobywało wielu znanych i cenionych pedagogów, pisarzy, publicystów, naukowców w początkach swojej kariery zawodowej. Nierzadko podejmowali się tego zajęcia podczas własnej edukacji, w okresie nauki w gimnazjum czy na studiach. Tylko nieliczni całe swoje życie poświęcali pracy nauczycielskiej, dla niektórych zaś była ona jedynie krótkim epizodem. Dla wielu było to ważne doświadczenie zawodowe. Doceniali wysiłek i zaangażowanie osób, wykonujących to zajęcie. Niektórzy z nich, m.in. Aniela Szycówna, Henryk Wernic, Adolf Dygasiński, Bolesław Prus na łamach prasy, w poradnikach podejmowali zagadnienie osób trudniących się tym zawodem. Doskonale znali problemy i przeszkody, które czekały chętnych do podjęcia się tej pracy.
EN
Many well-known and respected educationalists, writers, publicists and scientists were gaining experience as home teachers at the beginning of their professional career. They were frequently undertaking this occupation while being middle school or university students. Only a few dedicated their entire lives to teaching. For some of them, this occupation was only a short episode. The home teaching profession constituted an important experience, due to which they were becoming acquainted with the job. They appreciated the effort and commitment of those who performed that occupation. Some of them, inter alia Aniela Szycówna, Henryk Wernic, Adolf Dygasiński and Bolesław Prus were undertaking in the press and in handbooks the issue of people working as home teachers. They knew perfectly all the problems and challenges awaiting those who wished to undertake that occupation.
EN
The text discusses two vital issues dealt with in the document titled Healthcare Provisions Extracted from the General Ordinance of the Administration and Internal Account for the Polish Armed Forces of all Branches Approved by the Military Committee (1815), namely the nutrition and pharmaceutical supplies for sick and wounded soldiers.
EN
The article constitutes an analysis of the publication of Lithuanian historians from the years 1988–2009 and the hitherto unpublished Encyclopedia of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The Union of Horodlo was not the subject of separate research; it was incorporated into discursive writings on Polish-Lithuanian relations. Originally, it was presented in a traditional and ambiguous manner – underlining both the advantages and disadvantages of the union for Lithuania. The Union of Horodlo was properly presented in the academic synthesis of the history of Lithuanian up until 1795 written in 1998. However, the only fragment which expresses any reservations is the one which criticises the Polish-Lithuanian rapprochement, the result of which was the Union of Lublin in 1569, also perceived negatively. Other publications such as the syntheses of E. Gudavičius and M. Jučas generate considerable doubts due to the fact that the interpretation of facts is given priority over their presentation; moreover, the judgments presented in those books are biased. Recent years have welcomed important changes in contemporary Lithuanian historiography, an example of which is a multi-volume synthesis of the history of Lithuania (vol. 4 of 2009) and encyclopaedic entries to the previously mentioned Encyclopedia of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Th e works are based on the concept of the so called “compound monarchy” – the term of “the Crown of the Polish Kingdom” which is well known in Polish historiography. It explains contradictions on the acts of the Union of Horodlo between the act of incorporation of Lithuania into Poland and Lithuanian’s self-determination. Also new is a positive evaluation of the Union of Horodlo, which had been absent in Lithuanian historiography so far.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie działalności nauczycieli i nauczycielek domowych na terenie guberni lubelskiej w latach 1832–1864. Przedmiotem badań jest grupa osób prowadzących nauczanie szkolne w domach prywatnych. Podjęto się próby charakterystyki tej grupy zawodowej, w tym określenia jej liczby, wieku, płci, narodowości. Ponadto poddano analizie zarządzenia władz szkolnych dotyczące jej kontroli, egzaminów i świadectw uprawniających do pracy w zawodzie oraz obowiązków. Władze Królestwa Polskiego podejmowały działania zmierzające do kontroli tej grupy zawodowej już od 1833 roku. Wraz z wprowadzeniem w 1841 roku tzw. Najwyżej zatwierdzonej ustawy dla instytutów naukowych prywatnych, guwernerów i nauczycieli domowych w Królestwie Polskim ta kontrola stała się bardziej nasilona. Zgodnie z jej zapisem, dyrektorzy gimnazjów gubernialnych byli zobowiązani do przesyłania Kuratorowi Okręgu Naukowego Warszawskiego rocznych raportów o osobach trudniących się nauczaniem domowym. W praktyce napotykano wiele trudności w ich przygotowaniu. Nauczyciele domowi nie zgłaszali władzom szkolnym informacji o podjęciu obowiązków w domach prywatnych z obawy przed kontrolą oraz ze strachu przed karą grzywny. Wiele osób nie posiadało potrzebnych świadectw, upoważnień lub pozwoleń. Nie respektowano ani zarządzenia wymagającego informowania właściwych władz szkolnych o każdej zmianie miejsca pracy oraz przedstawiania zaświadczenia z domu, w którym pełnione były obowiązki, jak i świadectw upoważniających do wykonywania zawodu. Nie tylko nauczyciele nie podporządkowywali się zaleceniom władz szkolnych. Apele kierowane do pracodawców o zgłaszanie informacji o zatrudnieniu pedagoga w domu prywatnym także nie zawsze były skuteczne.
EN
The aim of this article is to present the issue of teachers and home teachers in the Lublin Province from 1832 to 1864. The subject of the study is a group of people undertaking home-based teaching in private homes. The aim of this study has been to characterize this occupational group, including its number, age, gender, nationality. In addition, an analysis of the school authorities’ regulations concerning its control, examinations and certificates of the employment and the occupational status was made. The authorities of the Kingdom of Poland took steps to control this professional group from 1833 onwards. With the introduction of the Highest-Approved Act for the private research institutes, the governesses and home teachers in the Kingdom of Poland in 1841, this control became more intense. Pursuant to the provisions of the Act, the headmasters of secondary schools were obliged to submit annual reports to the Curator of the Warsaw Educational District about those undertaking the profession of a home teacher. In practice, significant problems were encountered in their preparation. The home teachers did not report to the school authorities about taking up private home duties for fear of coming under greater control and being fined. Many of them did not possess the required certificates, authorizations or permissions. The regulation concerning the obligation to provide the competent school authorities with information about any change of workplace, to submit a statement from home in which they performed their duties and certificates of competency was not respected. Teachers were not the only ones who did not adopt the school authorities’ recommendations. The calls for people hiring home teachers to report it were not always effective.
EN
The constitutional period of the Kingdom of Poland was a relatively calm time between the Napoleonic wars and the November Uprising. In reality yet the problematic of war substantially determined the horizon of public discussion about war in the Polish political thought between 1815 and 1830. Subsequently, the views of a conciliatory, moderate and radical environment were presented. The analysis is supplemented by selected historical narratives and the comments by the representatives of science.
PL
Okres konstytucyjny Królestwa Polskiego był czasem względnego spokoju między wojnami napoleońskimi i powstaniem listopadowym. W rzeczywistości problematyka wojny w znacznym stopniu wyznaczała jednak horyzont dyskusji o państwie i polityce. Przedmiotem artykułu jest prezentacja poglądów na temat wojny w polskiej myśli politycznej w latach 1815–1830. Kolejno zaprezentowano poglądy środowiska ugodowego, umiarkowanego i radykalnego. Uzupełnienie analizy stanowią wybrane narracje historyczne oraz uwagi przedstawicieli nauki.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2013
|
vol. 78
|
issue 3
7-38
XX
The author shows causes which led to the Union of Horodlo and attempts to prove that it provided hope for reaching a compromise in Polish-Lithuanian relations. The promising union was adversely aff ected by actions undertaken by Vytautas (Polish: Witold Kiejstutowicz), Grand Duke of Lithuania, from 1420 in connection with the Wrocław verdict formulated by Sigismund of Luxembourg and the ambitions of the Lithuanians which stemmed from the Vytautas’ “political school”. The climax of Vytautas’ liberation plans, which weakened the Union of Horodlo and jeopardised the Lithuanian patrimony of Jagiełło, fell during the years 1429–1430. After the death of Vytautas, territorial conflicts concerning Volhynia and Podole became another tinderbox in Polish-Lithuanian relations. The author examines briefly the issue of the territorial status of the lands from the 14th century. What is more, the author puts forward a thesis that it was possible to establish mutual relations on the basis of new legal regulations of Horodlo and to avoid territorial conflicts. Only when Vytautas attempted to make Lithuania a kingdom did he start a new stage in Polish-Lithuanian relations, which sooner or later had to lead to the questioning of the incorporation the conditions of Horodlo. After the short rule of Švitrigaila, who was very critical of the Union of Horodlo, Sigismund Kiejstutowicz tried to bring the situation back to normal. Discussing the Polish-Lithuanian relations after 1440, the author notices that the Polish party attempted to work out a compromise over the conflict while the Lithuanians used force to introduce modifications in the legal provisions of the union of Horodlo. Finally, the author concludes that the Union of Horodlo could have become a bridge between the two nations. Nevertheless, both the dynastic attempts of Vytautas and the controversial policy of Casimir Jagiellon at the beginning.
PL
W Królestwie Polskim na przełomie XIX i XX w. nastąpił wzrost patologii społecznych. Zasadniczą rolę w walce z nimi odgrywały działania różnych grup społeczeństwa. Towarzystwa dobroczynne zajmowały się zakładaniem placówek opiekuńczo-wychowawczych dla starców, chorych, dzieci z ubogich rodzin i sierot. Ważnym obszarem działań była walka z alkoholizmem i prostytucją, w tym zapobieganie tym patologiom wśród młodzieży. Duża część działań w tym zakresie była prowadzona pod auspicjami Kościoła katolickiego i innych kościołów chrześcijańskich; w dziedzinie tej zwiększała się także aktywność inteligencji. Działania te były formą realizacji haseł solidaryzmu społecznego.
EN
Social and economic changes in the Kingdom of Poland on the turn of the 19th century were accompanied by the increase of social pathologies. Various groups of society played an important role in fighting the pathologies. Philanthropic societies opened protective and educational institutions for the poor children and deprived of parental care as well as for adults who were not able to work. A meaningful area of activity was the ght with alcoholism and prostitution conducted by a number of societies. Medical circle joined actively the initiative by organizing lectures and exhibitions. One of the most important aims of the activity in this area was the prevention of pathologies among young people. A special attention was paid to the development of various forms of help for children from the poorest town and country families (for instance, the opening of day-nurseries, work-houses, community centres). The initiators of social, protective and educational initiatives for the benet of the poor and excluded appealed to the ideas of philanthropy and charity. A meaningful number of activities was conducted under the auspices of the Catholic church. On the turn of the 19th century various intelligentsia groups joined the initiative. All the activities were the way of the fullment of the ideas of social solidarity.
PL
Dynamiczny rozwój edukacji domowej nastąpił po utracie niepodległości przez Polskę. Przyczyniło się do tego wiele czynników, m.in.: polityka oświatowa władz, niski poziom nauczania w szkołach publicznych, prądy umysłowe oraz świadomość pedagogiczna rodziców. Pracę w zawodzie nauczyciela domowego podejmowało wiele osób, kierując się przekonaniem o jego łatwości. Tymczasem wymagał on odpowiedniego przygotowania, wysokich kwalifikacji. W związku z częstą zmianą miejsca pracy niezwykle ważna była umiejętność nawiązywania kontaktów. Dzięki niej nauczyciel domowy mógł łatwiej i szybciej zaklimatyzować się w domu pracodawców oraz znaleźć wspólny język z rodziną ucznia.
EN
Homeschooling started to develop dynamically after Poland had lost its independence. The factors which contributed to that growth include, among others, the authorities’ educational policy, the low quality of education in public schools, intellectual tendencies and parents’ pedagogical awareness. Guided by the belief that it was an easy profession, many people started working as home teachers. Entering home teaching profession required, however, professional training and high-level qualifications. Due to the frequent change of workplace, interpersonal skills were extremely important. They helped home teachers settle down in the employer’s house and find a common language with the student’s family.
EN
The Parish in Wójcin was one of the 38 pastoral units in the district of Wieluń during WWI. Geopolitically, it bordered the Prussian State. The then parish priest Rev. Andrzej Witulski, who was a keen chronicler, recorded the events of the GreatWar in respect of the above–mentioned parish and neighbouring localities. A huge asset of his description is a chronological presentation of war events starting with the incursion by German and Austro-Hungarian troops and relating to the social, religious, economic, educationaland interfaith situation of those times. The priest hoped that the beginning of WWI would mark the final withdrawal of the hated Russians from the administration of the Kingdom of Poland and that it would lead to the establishment of independent Poland thanks to the help of German and Austro-Hungarian troops that were supposed to drive the Moskals to the Far East. However, after 4 years of the War, the priest expressed his bitter disappointmentwith the negative behaviour of the Germans and the Austro–Hungarians – not only did they cause extensive damage to the church property and civilians of the parish, but they also plundered the above–mentioned ones.
PL
Parafia w Wójcinie była w czasie I wojny światowej jedną z 38 placówek duszpasterskich w powiecie wieluńskim. Geopolitycznie graniczyła z państwem niemieckim.Ks. Andrzej Witulski – ówczesny proboszcz parafii, posiadający zacięcie kronikarskie – spisał wydarzenia Wielkiej Wojny w wymiarze tej parafii oraz sąsiednich miejscowości. Wielkim atutem jego opisu jest chronologiczne ukazanie wydarzeń wojennych, począwszy od wejścia wojsk niemieckich i austrowęgierskich, i związanej z tym sytuacji społecznej, religijnej, gospodarczej, oświatowej i międzywyznaniowej. Duchowny wiązałz rozpoczęciem wojny nadzieję na ostateczne opuszczenie administracji Królestwa Polskiego przez znienawidzonych Rosjan i zaprowadzenie niepodległej Polski, w czym miałypomóc niemieckie i austrowęgierskie wojska wypierające Moskali na wschód. Niestety, duchowny po 4 latach wojny w gorzkich słowach przedstawił swoje rozczarowanie negatywnym zachowaniem Niemców i Austro-Węgrów, którzy dokonali szeregu zniszczeń oraz kradzieży mienia kościelnego i osób cywilnych.
EN
An oath in the investigation of alleviation played an important evidence role. It was to confirm the accuracy of testimony and the value of damage, which the aggrieved parties had suffered. An oath was taken before the litigious department in the magistrate’s court. The aggrieved parties and witnesses had to make an oath on their previous testimonies, made during administrative investigation. The contents of the oath had claimed the value of the damage. The court drew up a written record from the oath and sent the documents to a district commissar (district governor). After the files had been completed, the district official sent them all to the administrative court, which was obliged to continue the proceedings. The alleviation was impossible without the oath.
PL
Przysięga w śledztwie allewiacyjnymi odgrywała ważną rolę dowodową. Miała potwierdzać rzetelność zeznań, a tym samym – wysokość doznanych przez poszkodowanych strat. Jej wykonanie następowało przed wydziałem spornym sądu pokoju. Poszkodowani i świadkowie składali przysięgę na złożone wcześniej w śledztwie administracyjnym zeznania. Rota przysięgi uwzględniała wysokość doznanych szkód. Sąd sporządzał protokół jej odebrania i odsyłał akta komisarzowi obwodowemu (naczelnikowi powiatu). Po skompletowaniu akt urzędnik obwodowy (powiatowy) przesyłał całość akt do dalszego postępowania sądowi administracyjnemu. Brak przysięgi uniemożliwiał przyznanie allewiacji.
EN
This article addresses the problem of the significance of objects in the upbringing of children at the beginning of the 20th century, in the light of Polish how-to books on care and education. The analysis includes selected widely read handbooks published in the Kingdom of Poland (primarily in Warsaw). The subject of research is “object stories” for the child and in the child’s environment. The article seeks to determine what materialities and recommendations regarding them appeared in the how-to books. The text also studies the issue of what functions, tasks, and meanings were assigned to artefacts that were presented as objects intended to create a vision of “modern childhood” and “modern parenting.” Due to the voluminous nature of the topic, postulates are presented regarding toys and items recommended in the child's education process, mainly in the home environment.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje problem znaczenia przedmiotów w wychowaniu dzieci na początku XX w. w świetle polskich poradników dotyczących opieki i edukacji. Analizie poddano wybrane, poczytne poradniki publikowane w Królestwie Polskim (głównie w Warszawie). Przedmiotem badań są „opowieści o przedmiotach” dla dziecka oraz w otoczeniu dziecka. Celem artykułu jest ustalenie, jakie materialności i zalecenia ich dotyczące pojawiały się w poradnikach. Przedmiotem analizy jest także problem tego, jakie funkcje, zadania i znaczenia nadawano artefaktom, które przedstawiano jako przedmioty mające służyć tworzeniu wizji „nowoczesnego dzieciństwa” i „nowoczesnego rodzicielstwa”. Z powodu obszerności tematu zaprezentowane zostaną postulaty dotyczące zabawek i przedmiotów zalecanych w procesie kształcenia dziecka, głównie w środowisku domowym.
PL
Problematyka oświaty ludu na terenach Królestwa Polskiego zaczęła się pojawiać już w latach 1858–1860. Analizując czasopisma społeczno-kulturalne tego okresu, można dostrzec, że pojawiały się na ich łamach artykuły i korespondencje nawołujące społeczeństwo do krzewienia oświaty ludu (zakładania bibliotek, kształcenia nauczycieli szkół ludowych, propagowania zrzeszania się młodzieży, edukacji kobiet itd.). Redaktorzy analizowanych pism, jak i autorzy piszący na ten temat wyrażali przekonanie, że chcąc wprowadzić postęp i pomyślność na wsi, można tego dokonać tylko jedynie przez rozwinięcie szerokiej działalności oświatowej wśród ludu.
EN
The issue of popular education in the Kingdom of Poland started to arise as early as the period 1858–1860. Analysing the socio-cultural journals of this period one can easily see numerous articles and correspondence calling for society to propagate popular education (establishment of libraries, educating school teachers, propagation of youth associations, education of women etc.). The editors of the analysed journals, as well as the authors writing on the subject, stated that if progress and well-being were to be introduced in the countryside the only way was through development of broad popular educational activity.
PL
Ostatni rok Wielkiej Wojny przyniósł nasilenie działalności partii politycznych, zarówno polskich, jak i żydowskich, a także pogorszenie stosunków polsko-żydowskich. Wśród Żydów utrwalała się postawa niechętna współpracy z Polakami, a raczej przekonanie, że nie ma realnych szans na ugodowe ustalenie jej zasad. Inną przyczyną wzajemnych pretensji stało się forsowanie przez część stronnictw żydowskich autonomii narodowej i kulturalnej oraz próby poszukiwania zwolenników takich postulatów na Zachodzie. Kolejnym punktem zapalnym w stosunkach polsko-żydowskich stały się wydarzenia lwowskie (Lwów) i narastający konflikt polsko-ukraiński w Galicji Wschodniej. Pogłoski, które docierały do Królestwa Polskiego, mówiące o tym, że Żydzi sympatyzują z Ukraińcami w Galicji i „strzelają w plecy polskim żołnierzom”, dodały do tradycyjnych oskarżeń kierowanych pod adresem Żydów (współpraca z Niemcami i Austriakami, sympatyzowanie z komunistami) jeszcze jeden element, którego konsekwencje trudno zignorować. Równocześnie propaganda antysemicka zebrała wszystkie opozycyjne deklaracje Żydów i ich krytyczne uwagi pod adresem polskich zasad, a następnie, świadomie je przeinaczając, przedstawiła ludność żydowską jako element wrogi państwu polskiemu, co na ogół nie było prawdą. Jesienią 1918 roku ludność żydowska z obawą powitała wyzwolenie ziem polskich. Nie były to obawy bezpodstawne: już wiosną tego roku można było zauważyć, że wrogość wobec Żydów przybierała coraz ostrzejsze formy. Poważne rozruchy antysemickie miały miejsce w Królestwie Polskim w listopadzie 1918 roku, a niektóre z nich, jak ten w Kielcach i zapewne w kilku innych miastach województwa kieleckiego, były w istocie pogromami. Kolejny rok przyniósł nową falę pogromów i przemocy antyżydowskiej.
EN
The last year of the Great War brought the enhancement of the activities of the political parties, both the Polish and the Jewish ones, as well as deterioration of Polish-Jewish rela-tions. The attitudes reluctant to cooperate with the Poles took hold among the Jews or rather a belief that there were no actual chances for the agreeable fixing of its principles. Another reason for the mutual grievances became forcing the national and cultural autonomy by some of the Jewish parties and the attempts to search for the adherents of such demands in the West. The events in Lvov (Lviv, Lemberg) and the growing Polish-Ukrainian conflict in the Eastern Galicia became yet another inflammatory point in the Polish-Jewish relations. The rumours, which reached the Kingdom of Poland saying that the Jews sympathised with the Ukrainians in Galicia and ‘shoot the Polish soldiers at the back’ added to the traditional accusations addressed at Jews (cooperation with the Germans and Austrians, sympathising with the communists), one more element, the consequences of which are hard to ignore. At the same time, the anti-Semitic propaganda has collected all the oppositional declarations of the Jews and their critical remarks about the Polish rules and then, distorting them consciously, presented the Jewish population as an element hostile to the Polish state, which in general was not true. In autumn 1918, the Jewish population greeted the liberation of the Polish lands with fear. Those were not groundless fears: one could notice, as early as in spring that year that the hostility towards the Jews undertook the increasingly severe forms. The serious anti Semitic riots took place in the Kingdom of Poland in November 1918, and some of them, like the one in Kielce and probably in a few other towns of the Kielce Province, were in fact pogroms. The next year brought a new wave of anti-Jewish pogroms and violence.
EN
It was not until 1741, during the pontificate of Pope Benedict XIV, that the office of defender of the bond (defensor vinculi or defensor matrimonium) appeared in church matrimonial law. Next it was applied both to the matrimonial secular codifications in some European countries, as well as to partitioning legislation in our country. Until 1825, during the times of the Duchy of Warsaw and the Kingdom of Poland, in matrimonial cases there was applied the French legislation (the Napoleonic Code) which was of a highly secular character, and did not provide for the office of defender of the bond. Polish conservative factions, mainly the clergy of the Catholic Church, did not like such a state of affairs. There were postulated changes to matrimonial law regulations towards the confessional character, as well as implementation of the office of defender of the bond – following the ABGB pattern of 1811 in the Habsburg Monarchy – taking into account the domestic demands. The first attempts at reforms in this regard (1817–1818) ended in failure. Subsequent changes in marriage law, in the Kingdom of Poland, were implemented in 1825 under the name of the Civil Code of the Polish Kingdom. The Code would have allowed a defender of the bond to appear before a court in such cases as divorce, termination of marriage, or legal separation (“divorce from bed-and-board”). Such a state of affairs was still not appreciated by the Catholic clergy who ultimately led to the adoption of a new marriage law in 1836. New law was of a highly confessional character and referred to jurisdictions and laws of individual religious organizations. These provisions, as amended, were in force in Poland (in the former Kingdom of Poland) until 31 December 1945. 
PL
Urząd obrońcy węzła małżeńskiego (defensor vinculi lub defensor matrimonium) pojawił się w małżeńskim prawie kościelnym dopiero w 1741 r. za pontyfikatu papieża Benedykta XIV. Później został recypowany do świeckich kodyfikacji małżeńskich w niektórych państwach europejskich, także w niektórych ustawodawstwach zaborczych na terenie naszego kraju. W czasach Księstwa Warszawskiego i Królestwa Polskiego do 1825 r. w sprawach małżeńskich obowiązywało ustawodawstwo francuskie (Kodeks Napoleona), które miało rodowód wybitnie świecki i nie przewidywało instytucji obrońcy węzła małżeńskiego. Taki stan rzeczy nie podobał się polskim ugrupowaniom konserwatywnym, głównie duchowieństwu Kościoła katolickiego. Postulowano zmienić przepisy prawa małżeńskiego w kierunku konfesyjnym i wprowadzić instytucję obrońcy węzła małżeńskiego, za wzorcem ABGB z 1811 r. w Monarchii Habsburskiej, przy uwzględnieniu własnych rodzimych postulatów. Pierwsze próby reform w tym zakresie (1817–1818) zakończyły się fiaskiem. Kolejne zmiany prawa małżeńskiego w Królestwie Polskim udało się wprowadzić w 1825 r. pod nazwą Kodeks Cywilny Królestwa Polskiego. Kodeks ten przewidywał udział obrońcy węzła małżeńskiego w takich sądowych sprawach małżeńskich, jak rozwód, unieważnienie małżeństwa czy separacja (zwana „rozłączeniem co do stołu i łoża”). Taki stan rzeczy nadal nie podobał się duchowieństwu katolickiemu, które doprowadziło ostatecznie do uchwalenia nowego prawa małżeńskiego w 1836 r. Nowe prawo miało charakter wybitnie konfesyjny i odsyłało do jurysdykcji i praw poszczególnych związków wyznaniowych. Przepisy te, ze zmianami, obowiązywały w Polsce, na terenie byłego Królestwa Polskiego, aż do 31 grudnia 1945 r.
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