Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 12

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  the Russian Empire
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The 1905-1907 Revolution led to a liberalisation of Russian legislation regulating social relations. The October Manifesto as well as Provisional Rules Governing Societies and Unions led to a mass legalisation of community organisations throughout the Russian Empire. Formalisation of the wide civic movement in Belarus possessed a distinct ethnic character, where Jewish cultural and educational organisations were highly active at the time. This paper analyses the most common situations pertaining to the life of Jewish cultural and educational organisations, which drew special attention from local governments of the Russian Empire.
PL
The article deals with the specific location of the Kingdom of Poland/the Vistu-la Land in the structure of the Russian Empire. The conceptual basis for the consideration is postcolonial studies. In the post-colonial perspective, the aforementioned specificity is largely due to the fact that the attempt to unify the Polish province with the rest of the empire, which took place after sup-pressing the anti-Russian national uprising of Poles in 1863-1864, followed the accelerated modernization of the empire. Modernization, which encountered the strength of the Polish resistance and which had to face the phenomenon of Polish civilizational and cultural diversity, contributed greatly to the develop-ment of Russian nationalism. The most popular ideas about Russian colonia-lism focus on the issues related to Russian nationalism and the identity discourse shaping it. The author of the article encourages a broader view and suggests taking into account both the civilizational perspective (the empire as being subject to the influence of the modernization processes) and a more cultural one (the empire as a creation subjected to the influence of the peri-pheral Other). Eventually, the Polish-Russian confrontation will be the result of various processes and phenomena, and not only the consequence of a stere-otypically depicted Russian possessiveness.
EN
In 2011 in Vilnius, there was a monograph published concerning the history of Belarusians as a borderland’s nation. The author of this article critically evaluates adopting the borderland’s perspective on the history of Belarus. The author criticizes especially the appropriateness of this perspective when Belarusian lands constituted a part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as well as the unilateral recognition of the influence of Polish culture on Belarusian culture and its polonization. The author, however, emphasizes the importance and value of the part of the published monograph which concerns the period of the Belarusian land history as a part of the Russian Empire, in which the modem Belarusian national consciousness was being established. Moreover, the author points out the rather political than scientific nature of the undertaken discussion (discourse) in the published Belarusian history textbooks which are dedicated to the importance of the period of World War II in the Belarusian national consciousness.
EN
Tadeusz Bulharyn (1789–1859), of Polish origin, was an offi cer in the Russian army and the French army, and at the same time one of the best-known writers in Russia during the fi rst half of the 19th century. He was a co-owner and the main editor of the daily Северная пчела [English: The Bee of the North] as well as the editor of a few other periodicals. In 1828 Bulharyn bought the Karłowo [Russian: Карлово] estate near Dorpat [Estonian: Tartu], where he moved with his family four years later. He lived in Livonia for almost 30 years. He described the region in his articles,sharinghis knowledge of the area throughout Russia. Bulharyn was impressed by the quiet and academic ambience of Dorpat. He also liked the town’s geographical location and communication system with Saint Petersburg. He praised the university of Dorpat, which he considered to be a model for other universities in the Russian Empire; Estonians and Latvians, whose customs were little known among Russian readers, also absorbed his attention. Bulharyn contributed to the cultural development of Livonia. He owned one of the biggest libraries in Livonia; he informed Livonians about the most important events, invited outstanding artists and urged the authorities to open new cultural institutions.
EN
A large number of archival and printed sources, as well as scientific literature analyzed by the author of the article, allows to reconstruct the genealogy and family networks of one of the key figures of the noble self-government of the westernmost parts of the Russian Empire of the 1850-1860s – Marshal of the Nobility of Bobruisk County, then Minsk Governorate Alexander Łappa. Due to successful careers, marriages and land deals, the Belarusian-Lithuanian minor landed noble family of Łappa, represented by a retired officer of the Russian troops Dominik Łappa and his son Alexander, were among the most progressive and respected Belarusian landowners in the first half of the 19th century. This opened the way for them to the highest elective offices in the local apparatus of noble self-government.
EN
Alexander Łappa held the rank of the Minsk Governorate Marshal of Nobility during a period of widespread social transformations in the Russian Empire and a national and political crisis in the Kingdom of Poland and the Western Governorates. Trying to promote his multifaceted program of reforms in the Belarusian-Lithuanian lands, he relied on deep dialogue with the liberal bureaucratic circles of the Imperial Government and, at the same time, rejected conspiratorial, armed and other kinds of adventurous forms of the national liberation struggle. The polarization among the nobles of the Minsk Governorate increased after the scandalous Noble Elections of 1862. It was aggravated after the outbreak of the January Uprising in the Kingdom of Poland and, connected with it, the growing repressive policy of the civil and military authorities. All of these factors caused Łappa to lose influence in the socio-political life of the nobility and voluntarily resign from his position as marshal.
RU
Рассматривается политика царского правительства и его местных органов по отношению к украинцам, полякам и евреям. Показан процесс формирования и реализации национальной политики правительства Российской империи на Правобережной Украи не с момента ее вхождения в состав России после разделов Речи Посполитой до начала Первой мировой войны. Раскрыта суть польского, украинского и еврейского вопросов в Российской империи.
EN
The policy of the tsarist government and its IocaI bodies concerning Ukrainians, Poles and Jews is considered. The process of formation and implementation of the national policy of the Russian Empire's government in Right-Bank Ukraine from its incorporation into Russia after partitions of Rzeczpospolita until The First World War is shown. The essence of the Polish, Ukrainian and Jewish questions in the Russian Empire is discussed.
RU
Статья посвящена поиску причин служебных нарушений и преступлений в среде чиновников Российской империи, в том числе и украинских, конца XVIII-первой половины ХІХ вв. В это время украинские служащие уже полностью были интегрироеаны в имперскую бюрократическую систему. Выявлены исторические. со- циально-экономические, социокультурные и политические причины служебных нару- шений. Особое внимание уделено причинам такого явления, как взяточничество, кото- рое было очень распространено среди чиновников.
EN
Article is devoted to finding the cause of service violations and crimes among the officials of the Russian Empire, including Ukrainian territories in late 18th - early 19th centuries. At this time, Ukrainian officials have been fully integrated into the imperial bureaucracv. Historical, socio-economic, socio-cultural and political causes of the service violations were identified. Particular attention was paid to the reasons of this phenomenon, i.e. bribery, which was very common among the officials.
EN
For centuries, the Balkan Peninsula has been used as the road connecting Eastern Mediterranean and Europe. It is an area of great strategic, economic and cultural signifiance and a place of common interests for all the nations living there for centuries. After their formation as sovereign states (mainly after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and recently after the Breakup of Yugoslavia), the new Balkan States try to find their geopolitical position on the European map. There are many questions which arise when one thinks about the current situation of those states. Is it possible for the Balkan states to successfully cooperate on a political, economic and strategic basis? Is it necessary to create a union of partially sovereign states (i.e. a confederation) or a looser structure (i.e. a commonwealth) is enough? And finally, is this a way to strengthen democracy and security and consolidate these states’ positions in international relations?
PL
Przez wieki Półwysep Bałkański był wykorzystywany jako droga łącząca wschodnią część Morza Śródziemnego i Europę. Jest to obszar o wielkim znaczeniu strategicznym, gospodarczym i kulturalnym, a także miejsce wspólnych interesów dla wszystkich żyjących tam narodów. Po ich utworzeniu, jako suwerenne państwa (głównie po upadku Imperium Osmańskiego, a ostatnio po rozpadzie Jugosławii), nowe państwa bałkańskie próbują znaleźć swoją geopolityczną pozycję na mapie europejskiej. Wiele pytań pojawia się na myśl o obecnej sytuacji tych krajów. Czy państwa bałkańskie mogą skutecznie współpracować na płaszczyźnie politycznej, gospodarczej i strategicznej? Czy konieczne jest stworzenie unii częściowo suwerennych państw, takich jak konfederacja, czy może wystarczy luźniejsza struktura (tj. wspólnota)? I wreszcie czy jest to sposób na wzmocnienie demokracji i bezpieczeństwa oraz konsolidację pozycji tych państw w stosunkach międzynarodowych?
EN
The biographical sketch devoted to Aleksander Mańkowski (1868-1946) presents and recalls the relatively less-known figure of a distinguished scientist of Polish origin, a Russian scholar, a many-year lecturer at the University of Sophia and a translator of specialist literature in the field of medicine into Bulgarian. He derived from a Podolia noble family with the Jastrzębiec coat of arms. He grew up in the Ukrainian-Moldovan borderland in relatively humble financial conditions. In order to start his university studies he took advantage of a scholarship awarded by the Bender powiat in the Bessarabian Governorate. As a person of a Roman Catholic faith, he experienced difficulties in advancing in his academic career. His numerous brothers, who like himself did not succumb to the temptation of converting into the Orthodox faith, achieved their education in schools for cadets, probably due to the material situation of their family. They served in the tsarist army as non-commissioned officers. Mańkowski lectured at the St. Volodymyr University in Kiev in 1894-1902; he was a professor at the New Russian University in Odessa in 1902-1919. In 1919 he made his way by sea away from Odessa in the Ukraine which was in revolutionary turmoil and settled in Bulgaria. In 1920-1929 he was a professor at the University of Sophia. He established the department of Histology and Embriology at the latter university; in 1930-1933 he worked at Prof. Witold Orłowski’s clinic in Warsaw. He maintained close contacts with the apostolic nuncio in Bulgaria – the archbishop Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli – the later Holy Pope John XXIII. He died in Bulgaria in 1946. His tomb was renovated in 2010 as a part of a programme conducted by the Polish Cultural and Educational Association in Bulgaria.
RU
В статье рассматривается жанровая специфика повести Николая Гоголя "Старосветские помещики" (1835), которая относится к так называемым украинским повестям. Авторы анализируют жанровые черты произведения, дающие основания рассматривать его как дистопию – опасность возможной дегенерации человечества из-за отказа от человеколюбия и увлечение материальными ценностями, наличие топосов двух миров – «идеального» и несовершенного, система аллюзий на пасторальную идиллию русской литературы первых десятилетий XIX вeкa; разрыв с прежней казацкой историей; замкнутая и цикличная жизнь за запрограммированными схемами. Гоголь успешно изменил устоявшиеся в русской литературе литературные стереотипы посредством Вечеров на хуторе близ Диканьки и Миргорода собственным утопическим проектом, который превратился в отдельных произведениях в настоящую пасторальную дистопию. Смерть главных персонажей символизирует крах иллюзорно прибыльного и образцового хозяйства казацкой старшины, которая получила дворянские права в Российской империи и полностью интегрировалась в имперские высшие круги. Повесть Старосветские помещики Гоголя является образом завершенной эпохи казачества и создания новой – тотальной интеграции малороссийских дворян в «тело» Российской империи XIX вeка.
EN
The article considers the genre specificity of Nikolai Gogol’s short story The Old-World Landowners (Starosvyetskiye pomeshchiki) (1835), which refers to the so-called Ukrainian stories. The genre features of the work are analyzed, which give grounds to consider it as a dystopia: the danger of possible mankind degeneration due to rejection of philanthropy and infatuation with material values; the presence of the topii of two worlds – “ideal” and imperfect. Gogol successfully changed the established literary stereotypes in Russian literature by means of Evenings on a Farm near Dikanka (Vechera na hutore bliz Dikanki) and Mirgorod – by his own utopian project, which turned into a real pastoral anti-utopia. The death of the main characters symbolizes the collapse of the illusory, lucrative and exemplary economy of the Cossack officers who received the noble rights in the Russian Empire and were fully integrated into the imperial upper circles. The story The Old-World Landowners by Gogol is the image of a terminated Cossack epoch and the creation of a new – total integration of Little Russian nobles into the “body” of the Russian Empire of the XIX century.
PL
Opracowanie traktuje o dziejach polskiego katolickiego duchowieństwa zsyłanego do Rosji za udział w antyrosyjskich spiskach i powstaniach zbrojnych oraz stającego w obronie ograniczanego i prześladowanego Kościoła czasów zaborów, dokładnie od 1767 r. (od porwania w Warszawie dwóch biskupów i potajemnego wywiezienia do Rosji) aż po pierwszą dekadę XX w., gdy władze carskie zsyłały głównie za sprawy kościelne. Indywidualne losy księży zesłańców przedstawione są na tle carskiej polityki represyjnej, po takich zdarzeniach, jak konfederacja barska (1768-1772), powstanie kościuszkowskie 1794, wojna Napoleona z Rosją 1812, powstanie listopadowe 1830-1831, spiski dwóch następnych dekad, powstanie styczniowe 1863-1864 oraz likwidacja Kościoła unickiego w 1839 na ziemiach wschodnich dawnej Rzeczpospolitej i w 1875 r. w Królestwie Polskim. Księży zesłańców, podobnie też świeckich skazywano na różne rodzaje kar: na katorgę, osiedlenia oraz tzw. zamieszkanie pod nadzorem policyjnym. Kierowano ich w różne regiony Rosji, katorżników głównie na Syberię Wschodnią: do guberni irkuckiej, a zwłaszcza w tereny za Bajkałem do kopalń i fabryk. Na ogół pracowali tylko okresowo, bywali też zakuwani w kajdany. Część zesłańców utrzymywała się z rządowego zasiłku, datków płynących z kraju, niektórzy parali się różnym rzemiosłem, większość wegetowała. Miejscem katorgi znanym ze złej sławy były kopalnie w Akatui i Aleksandrowskim Zakładzie za Bajkałem, a najgłośniejszym miejscem licznego osiedlenia księży – wioska Tunka w Tunkińskiej Dolinie, w Sajańskich górach; w Akatui po 1864 zgromadzono ok. 70 księży katorżników, w Tunce w latach 1866-1866 osadzono 156. Co najmniej 930 duchownych zesłano do Imperium w przeciągu stu kilkudziesięciu lat. Z tego powróciło na polskie ziemie około 200, zmarło na Wschodzie ponad 150, los około 580 pozostałych jest nieznany. Być może pewna część z tej grypy jeszcze do kraju powróciła, ale na dzisiejszym etapie badań ustalić tego nie sposób. Pośród owych setek duchownych znalazło się aż 18 biskupów – wywiezionych do guberni rosyjskich (żaden nie został skazany na Syberię) lub relegowanych poza macierzyste diecezje. Z całej tej grupy dwóch biskupów zmarło na zesłaniu (unicki biskup nominat Jan Kaliński i Konstanty Łubieński), sześciu (Józef Gutkowski, Zygmunt Sz. Feliński, Adam Krasiński, Paweł Rzewuski, Karol Hryniewiecki, Franciszek A. Symon) musiało opuścić na zawsze Imperium Rosyjskie. Dziesiątki, a chyba nawet setki miejsc rozproszonych po całym Imperium Rosyjskim zostało naznaczonych prochami zmarłych tam zesłańców, w tym i duchownych katolickich. Z tych najbardziej znanych można wymienić m.in.: Petersburg, Archangielsk, Pinega, Perma, Galicz, Wiatka, Jarosław, Kirsanów, Spassk, Kostroma, Kazań, Saratów, Smoleńsk, Petropawłowsk, Iwandar, Odessa, za Uralem Maryińsk, Omsk, Tobolsk, Tomsk, Aczyńsk i dalej ku wschodowi – Irkuck, Czyta, Akatuj, Aleksandrowski Zawod, Nerczyńsk, a głównie wspomniana Tunka (16-17 księży tam pochowano) – szczególne miejsce i wymowny symbol zesłańczej udręki duchownych czasów polskiej niewoli narodowej. Najgłośniejsze postaci politycznych wygnańców XIX w., następnie dobrowolnie pozostających w Imperium Rosyjskim i pracujących dla Kościoła, to: proboszcz irkucki marianin o. Krzysztof Szwermicki, proboszcz w Tomsku ks. Walerian Gromadzki, proboszcz w Tobolsku Wincenty Przesmycki, proboszcz irkucki Józef Rozga, proboszcz w Krasnojarsku Mateusz Wejtt i proboszcz wielu parafii, m.in. w Dorpacie, Irkucku i Jamburgu – ks. Fryderyk Jozafat Żyskar. Abp. Zygmunt Szczęsny Feliński został przez Kościół katolicki kanonizowany. „Krzewiciele polskich idei” to rosyjskie pejoratywne określenie polskiego duchowieństwa jako fanatycznie przywiązanego do polskości i Kościoła, propagującego takież idee pośród swoich rodaków.
EN
The article considers the history of Polish Catholic priests exiled to Russia for participating in anti-Russian conspiracy and armed uprisings and defending the constricted and persecuted Church in the times of partitions, precisely from 1767 (since the secret abduction of two bishops from Warsaw to Russia) to the first decade of the 20th century, when the tsarist authorities sentenced to exile mainly for church matters. Individual fortunes of the exiled priests are presented on the background of tsarist repression policy, after such events as Bar Confederation (1768-1772), the Ko􀄞ciuszko Uprising (1794), Napoleon’s war with Russia (1812), the November Uprising (1830-1831), con190 EUGENIUSZ NIEBELSKI spiracies of the two following decades, the January Uprising (1863-1864) and the elimination of the Uniate Church in 1839 in the eastern regions of the Old Poland and in the Kingdom of Poland in 1875. The exiled priests, similarly to lay exiles, were sentenced to various kinds of punishment: hard labour, settlement and the so called residence under police surveillance. They were directed to various regions of Russia, the labourers mainly to Eastern Siberia: to the Irkutsk Governorate, especially to the Transbaikal region to coal mines and factories. They usually worked periodically, sometimes they were shackled. Some exiles lived from a government allowance, donations from Poland, some engaged in various crafts, most vegetated. A place notorious for hard labour were the coal mines in Akatuy and Aleksandrov in the Transbaikal region and the best known for numerous settlement of priests was village Tunka in Tunka valley in the Sayan Mountains; in Akatuy after 1864 about 70 priests were detained, in Tunka in 1866-1866 there were 156. At least 930 priests were exiled to the Russian Empire in the course of a hundred and several dozen years. From this number about 200 returned to Poland, more than 150 died in exile, the fate of about 580 remaining ones is unknown. Some of these may have returned to Poland but it is impossible to establish at the present stage of research. Among the hundreds of priests were 18 bishops – exiled to the Russian governorates (none was exiled to Siberia) or expelled from their home dioceses. Two bishops died in exile (Uniate bishop nominee Jan Kali􀄔ski and Konstanty 􀃠ubie􀄔ski), six (Józef Gutkowski, Zygmunt Sz. Feli􀄔ski, Adam Krasi􀄔ski, Pawe􀃡 Rzewuski, Karol Hryniewiecki, Franciszek A. Symon) had to leave the Russian Empire for ever. The ashes of dead exiles and – among them – Catholic priests were scattered around tens or even hundreds of places around the Russian Empire. The best known among those places were: Saint Petersburg, Arkhangelsk, Pinega, Perm, Galich, Vyatka, Yaroslavl, Kirsanov, Spassk, Kostroma, Kazan, Saratov, Smolensk, Petropavlovsk, Ivandar, Odessa, beyond the Ural Mountains – Mariinsk, Omsk, Tobolsk, Tomsk, Achinsk and further East – Irkutsk, Chita, Akatuy, Aleksandrov, Nerchinsk, and the above mentioned Tunka (16-17 priests were buried there) – a particular place and a meaningful symbol of the torment of the exiled priests in the times of Polish national bondage. The most famous figures of political exiles of the 19th century, later remaining in the Russian empire at their own will and working for the Church, were: the parish priest of Irkutsk Józef Rózga, of Krasnoyarsk Mateusz Wejt and the parish priest of many parishes, among them Dorpat, Irkutsk and Yamburg, Rev. Fryderyk Jozafat 􀄩yskar. The Archbishop Zygmunt Szcz􀄊sny Feli􀄔ski was canonised by the Catholic Church. „Propagators of Polish ideas” was a pejorative Russian term to describe Polish clergy as fanatically attached to Polishness and the Church, propagating such ideas among their compatriots.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.