Search results

1

Metropolitan governance (or not!) in Poland and the United States

100%

Lackowska M., Norris D. F.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2017

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vol. 21

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issue 3

EN

In this paper, we address the issue of metropolitan governance by examining its current state and the factors responsible for that state in Poland and the U.S. We find that, despite numerous differences between the two nations, the state of metropolitan governance is quite similar in both. That is, neither country exhibits examples of well-developed metropolitan governance. What is even more interesting is that the factors responsible for this situation are quite similar in both countries. Our principal finding is that political factors (mainly having to do with citizens' preferences and the resulting lack of support for metropolitan institutions) have prevented the development of metropolitan governance in both. Moreover, because of the strength of these political factors, the current state of metropolitan governance in Poland and the U.S. is not likely to change in the foreseeable future, even under the presumed pressure of economic competitiveness.

2

The United States in India's Strategy in the Indo-Pacific Region Since 2014

100%

Zajączkowski J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2021

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issue 4 (50)

107-130

EN

The article's objective is to analyze the main assumptions of India's strategy in the Indo-Pacific region and define the role of the US in it. The time frame of the article is determined by the assumption of power in India in 2014 by the Indian People's Party (Bharatiya Janata Party, BJP), led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as well as the opening of a new stage of the US-led Indo-Pacific rebalancing strategy, which followed China's initiation in 2013 of its Belt and Road Initiative (previously known as the One Belt One Road project). The article seeks to answer the following main research question: What role has India attributed to the United States in its Indo-Pacific strategy since 2014? It hypothesizes that the United States has assumed an increasingly significant role in India's regional strategy over the past seven years, but not to the extent of a formal alliance, only approaching at best the status of a strategic partnership. The theoretical framework used to analyze the case study of the US role in India's regional strategy is the category of institutional balancing and the assumptions of neoclassical realism. The choice of such research tools was determined by their explanatory value. Moreover, both models complement each other. Bearing the above in mind, the following structure of the article was adopted. The first part presents the general assumption of the analysis and the theoretical framework. The second discusses the evolution of India's approach to the US from 2014 to 2021, indicating the reasons for its change and reconstructing the role of the US in the Indian regional strategy, especially after 2020. The third part draws on the theoretical framework adopted in the article, i.e., the assumptions of institutional balancing and neoclassical realism, to offer conclusions that answer the main research questions.

3

Glosa do wyroku Sądu Najwyższego Stanów Zjednoczonych z dnia 20 czerwca 2019 r. w sprawie American Legion v. American Humanist Association z 2019 r.

100%

Maroń G.

Forum Prawnicze

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2019

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issue 4 (54)

93–101

EN

The discussed decision refers to the issue of constitutionality of religious symbols on public property. The Supreme Court ruled that 32-foot tall Latin cross erected nearly a century ago to commemorate soldiers who died in World War I did not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The Court correctly holds that the religiously expressive monument me be retained for the sake of its historical significance and its place in a common cultural heritage. However, it gives rise to concerns that the Supreme Court set forth a presumption of consti- tutionality for only “longstanding” monuments, symbols, and practices. Similarly, the Court properly emphasizing the nonreligious meaning and functions of the contested cross, at the same time unduly underestimated its religious dimension. There is no need to overlook deeply Christian nature of the cross, when simultane- ously exhibiting its cultural and historical importance.

4

Akademicka edukacja dorosłych w Stanach Zjednoczonych

100%

Frąckowiak A.

Rocznik Andragogiczny

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2008

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vol. R. 2008

156-167

EN

The paper presents one of the main sectors of adult education, namely university adult education. The authoress discusses theory and practice of this kind of education in the United States. She starts with explanation of how adult education is understood in the United States and what are the main differences in the meaning of it between American and European approach. Then she characterizes adult learners in the United States, their categories concerning aims of education they engage in. Finally, she enumerates and depicts forms of university adult education, distinguished by J. Polturzycki, and characterizes them on the basis of practice of one of the biggest universities in the United States, namely the University of Washington. At the end, she points to important role of the universities and university adult education in developing lifelong learning.

5

Narodziny i koniec (?) wieku Ameryki: Wilsonizm i jego spuścizna a międzynarodowa strategia Stanów Zjednoczonych

88%

Podraza A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 3 (376)

105-124

EN

The main goal of the article is to analyse continuity and change in American foreign policy with a particular emphasis on the concept of President Woodrow Wilson and its impact on the international strategy of the United States during World War II, the beginning of the Cold War and after it. The article puts forward the thesis that the concept of Woodrow Wilson was not created in a vacuum and although it brought to an end the era based on the Farewell Address of President George Washington’s from 1796, it fits very well in the tradition of thinking about the American nation and its mission, as well as with other elements that form the basis of the U.S. international activities. Wilsonianism, understood as liberal internationalism, has been a very influential concept in the development of American foreign policy for decades and contributed during World War II to the rise of the American era in international politics. Due to the transformation of the global order after the end of the Cold War and in view of the presidency of Donald Trump, the question of the end of the American century may be considered. In analysing the U.S. foreign policy, the author takes into account both the liberal theory, referred to by Woodrow Wilson, as well as realism that can be associated with Wilson’s predecessor, President Theodor Roosevelt.

6

Działania afirmatywne na Uniwersytecie Harvarda

88%

Hejwosz D.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

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2012

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vol. 1

81-102

EN

Affirmative action was introduced to the American universities in the 1960s. The aim of this policy was to benefit the underrepresented groups, especially African Americans both in the higher education and the job market. The affirmative action was introduced to ensure equal opportunities as well as cultural diversity. The policy of Harvard University towards African Americans, Asian Americans and the other excluded groups was analyzed in this article. Moreover, the attempt to reconstruct the current debate about outcomes of the affirmative action was made. The article also tries to answer the following questions: did the affirmative action increase the number of the minority groups at Harvard University? Has the policy of equal opportunities eliminated inequalities or, on the contrary has it deepened them?

7

IASA Statement of Support for the Struggle Against Racialized Violence in the United States

88%

Editors R.

Review of International American Studies

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2020

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vol. 13

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issue 1

291-293

EN

The International American Studies Association is dismayed to see the explosion of anger, bitterness and desperation that has been triggered by yet another senseless, cruel and wanton act of racialized violence in the United States. We stand in solidarity with and support the ongoing struggle by African Americans, indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, migrants and the marginalized against the racialized violence perpetrated against them. As scholars of the United States, we see the killing of George Floyd and many before them as acts on the continuum of the history of the powerful committing racialized violence against the powerless in the United States from before the birth of that country to the here and now of the present day. This continuum stretches from the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of the indigenous population, the denial of rights and liberties to women, through the exploitation of American workers, slavery and Jim Crow, to the exclusion and inhumane treatment of the same migrants who make a profit for American corporations and keep prices low for the U.S. consumer. As scholars of the United States, we are acutely aware of how racialized violence is systemic, of how it has been woven into the fabric of U.S. society and cultures by the powerful, and of how the struggle against it has produced some of the greatest contributions of U.S. society to world culture and heritage. The desperate rebellion of the powerless against racialized violence by the powerful is in turn propagandized as unreasonable or malicious. It is neither. It is an uprising to defend their own lives, their last resort after waiting for generations for justice and equal treatment from law enforcement, law makers, and the courts. In too many instances, those in power have answered such uprisings with deadly force-and in every instance, they have had alternatives to this response. We are calling on those in power and the people with the guns in the United States now to exercise their choices and choose an alternative to deadly force as a response to the struggle against racialized violence. You have the power and the weapons-you have a choice to do the right thing and make peace. We are calling on U.S. law makers to listen and address the issues of injustice and racialized violence through systemic reform that remakes the very fabric of the United States justice system, including independent accountability oversight for law enforcement. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to redouble their efforts at teaching their students and educating the public of the truth about the struggle against racialized violence in the United States. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to become allies in the struggle against racialized violence in the United States and in their home societies by publicizing scholarship on the truth, by listening to and amplifying the voices of black people, ethnic minorities and the marginalized, and supporting them in this struggle on their own terms. We are calling on all fellow scholarly associations to explore all the ways in which they can put pressure with those in power at all levels in the United States to do the right thing and end racialized violence. There will be no peace in our hearts and souls until justice is done and racialized violence is ended-until all of us are able “to breathe free.” Dr Manpreet Kaur Kang, President of the International American Studies Association, Professor of English and Dean, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, India;Dr Jennifer Frost, President of the Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, Associate Professor of History, University of Auckland, New Zealand;Dr S. Bilge Mutluay Çetintaş, Associate Professor, Department of American Culture and Literature, Hacettepe University, Turkey;Dr Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Professor of Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico;Dr Paweł Jędrzejko, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland;Dr Marietta Messmer, Associate Professor of American Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands;Dr Kryštof Kozák, Department of North American Studies, Charles University, Prague;Dr Giorgio Mariani, Professor of English and American Languages and Literatures, Department of European, American and Intercultural Studies, Università “Sapienza” of Rome;Dr György Tóth, Lecturer, History, Heritage and Politics, University of Stirling, Scotland, United Kingdom;Dr Manuel Broncano, Professor of American Literature and Director of English, Spanish, and Translation, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, USA;Dr Jiaying Cai, Lecturer at the School of English Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, China;Dr Alessandro Buffa, Secretary, Center for Postcolonial and Gender Studies, University of Naples L’Orientale, Italy;

8

A Testament to a Dying Vision of America

88%

Musiał A.

Świat i Słowo

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2021

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vol. 36(1)

285-295

EN

This article is a review of The League of Wives: The Untold Story of the Women Who Took on the U.S. Government to Bring Their Husbands Home (2019) by Heath Hardage Lee. The book presents a popular history of the National League of Families of American Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia, an organisation that advocated for the rights of American prisoners of war captured by North Vietnam during the Vietnam War.

9

“Disgusting Growths of Weepy Romanticism”. On Juliusz Słowacki’s Beniowski

88%

Leszczyński M.

Świat i Słowo

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2021

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vol. 36(1)

197-210

EN

In 1841, Wacław Jabłonowski, in a review of Juliusz Słowacki’s Beniowski, depicted in the poet a fiery rain which would cleanse the nation of “disgusting growths of weepy Romanticism”. The paper presents an ironic play with the motif of tears in the poem, which is, above all, a play with literary conventions. An example of farewell love letters flooded with tears is regarded not only in the context of the poet’s distance from sentimental and romantic affects (the issue of authenticity and artificiality) or from literary styles, but also in the context of the imagological constructs of—real or projected—Polish identity as well as reactions to the loss of independence. Juxtaposing Beniowski with Byron’s Don Juan, the paper shows how Słowacki overcomes irony and moves towards mysticism.

10

Perception in the USA of the Polish authorities’ efforts to strengthen the Polish-American alliance in the 21st century

88%

Jureńczyk Ł.

Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations

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2022

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vol. 58

135-156

EN

In the 21st century, the USA has been perceived in Poland as the main external guarantor of security. For this reason, Poland’s security policy is clearly pro-American, and the Polish authorities strive for the closest possible allied relations with the USA, both in the multilateral and bilateral dimension. These activities are in line with the concept of an offensive bandwagon, the more so that Poland rarely benefits from its strong support for the USA, going beyond traditional allied commitments within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The aim of the article is to present and analyze the activities of the Polish authorities to strengthen the alliance with the USA in the context of their perception by scientists and experts from the USA. Experts and scientists believe that Polish authorities are legitimately striving to tighten the alliance with the USA, given its role in Europe and the world. However, the Polish-American alliance is clearly asymmetric, and Poland should not count on special treatment from the USA. Nevertheless, the war in Ukraine offers a chance to raise Poland’s importance in the European policy of the USA.

11

“This land was Mexican once/ Was Indian always/ and is./ And will be again”. El papel de la memoria colectiva en la formación del discurso feminista chicano

87%

Skonecka A.

Studia Romanica Posnaniensia

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2017

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vol. 44

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issue 1

87-98

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyze the theoretical discourse of the Chicano feminists in order to determine the role of the collective memory in forming that discourse. The subject of the analysis will be mainly the mandatory reference to the postcolonial feminisms, namely the masterpiece by Gloria Anzaldúa and Cherríe Moraga titled Esta puente mi espalda. Voces de mujeres tercermundistas en los Estados Unidos. However, in order to present a complete overview of the Chicano discourse, we will also mention the work of scholars like Sonia Saldívar-Hull, Ana Castillo and Emma Pérez.

12

Najwyższe zwierzchnictwo Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej nad siłami zbrojnymi w świetle konstytucji z 2 kwietnia 1997 roku red. Michał Szewczyk

75%

Jaskiernia J.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2018

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issue 5(148)

175–182

EN

The author discusses the important issue of the supreme command of the armed forces vested in the President of the Republic of Poland, as established by the Polish Constitution. General principles of the civil and democratic control over the armed forces are presented, the command classification, including the presidential system (the United States), the semi-presidential system (the French Republic) and the rationalized parliamentary-cabinet system (the Republic of Italy), as well as history thereof. The key element is the presentation of the President’s command of the armed forces as of the Polish Constitution and the detailed analysis of the President’s competences. Importantly, the systemic practice is also presented, referring to the period when the offi ce of the President was exercised by Aleksander Kwaśniewski, Lech Kaczyński, Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda. The author also refl ects on the relevant events from Lech Wałęsa’s presidency. A critical opinion on the legal system in this sphere and important de lege ferenda conclusions are presented — these shall be addressed not only to scientists, but most of all to representatives of state authorities.

13

Patterns of great power intervention in Vietnam and Afghanistan

75%

Jervis D.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

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2015

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vol. 22

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issue 1

EN

This study identifies and describes a general policy pattern common to French and American interveners in Vietnam as well as Soviet and American interveners in Afghanistan. Each employed political tactics at first and, after their failure, military tactics that also failed. Each intervener then sought a diplomatic solution to its dilemma, a goal that it achieved, but the diplomatic outcome masked the larger failure of each of the interventions.

14

Understanding the Dispute over the Treatment of Products Exported to the European Union from the Occupied Territories in the Context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

75%

Chmiel O. J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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vol. 2 (47)

254–264

EN

While the European Union (EU) does not recognize any legal Israeli sovereignty over the territories occupied by Israel in 1967, it does not grant preferential access to the EU market for goods produced in the Israeli settlements in this area, contrary to the preferential treatment for goods produced in Israel. This situation is different, however, as regards the United States (U.S.) trade policy, which does not make any distinction between goods produced in Israel and in the Occupied Territories, since it grants the preferential access to both. Furthermore, the currently suspended negotiations of the super-regional trade agreement called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), spurred the enacting of a law that set the principal negotiating objectives of the U.S. regarding commercial partnerships, which included some provisions to discourage politically motivated economic actions against the State of Israel. As TTIP embraced the free trade agreement between the EU and the U.S., the EU differentiation policy could become problematic for the two partners, which despite the failure of the negotiations, revealed much about economic diplomacy. Consequently, this article attempts to show the different approaches adopted by the two trading powers, in order to deal with the dispute over the treatment of products exported to the EU from the Occupied Territories.

15

Civic Consciousness Development Of Youth In The Context Of Educational Reforms: The US Experience

75%

Kovalchuk V.

Comparative Professional Pedagogy

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2015

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vol. 5

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issue 2

13-19

EN

The article analyzes the experience of patriotic education and civic consciousness of youth in the United States. The author shares his experience of training under the programme “Civic consciousness development of youth in the context of educational reforms” of the US Agency for International Development (USAID). It has been found that the main course of civic education syllabus in the USA is the formation of political culture, legal awareness, the culture of interethnic relations, work motivation, awareness of moral values, the understanding of freedom, the culture of interethnic relations, the development of work motivation, fostering in children respect for work and realization of its role in people’s life. Civic education in US schools is performed in four ways: as a school subject; as a form of interdisciplinary activities in education; as a form of extra-curricula activities; as a way of school life which develops democratic behaviour. The article analyzes the role of public organizations in civic education of youth and defines the lines of their activities as well as a problem of low efficiency of civic education in Ukraine caused by the following reasons: conventional perceptions that civic education does not require special attention; the lack of concurrency in civic education curriculum implementation; the lack of consistency in training and professional development of civic education teachers, in sharing positive experience, coordination of activities and monitoring.

16

The U. S. – Taiwan and the U. S. – Poland Non-Confrontational Asymmetry: A Comparative Analysis

71%

Ostaszewski P.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

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2016

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vol. 3

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issue 4(12)

227-243

PL

Artykuł dotyczy porównania dwóch przypadków niekonfrontacyjnej asymetrii w stosunkach międzynarodowych: między Tajwanem a Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz między Polską a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Autor bada różnice i elementy wspólne obu sytuacji. Wynik stanowi podstawę do badań porównawczych dotyczących nie tylko międzynarodowej sytuacji Tajpej i Warszawy, ale także wprowadzenie do porównawczych podejść dotyczących wydarzeń politycznych w Europie Wschodniej i Azji Wschodniej.

EN

The article concerns the comparison of two cases of non-confrontational asymmetry in international relations: between Taiwan and the United States and between Poland and the United States. The author explores the differences and the common elements of both situations. The outcome provides a background for comparative studies concerning not only the international situation of Taipei and Warsaw, but also an introduction to comparative approaches concerning political developments in Eastern Europe and East Asia.

17

Dlaczego trudno jest wrócić do Polski? Analiza czynników warunkujących powroty emigrantów akademickich

63%

Łuczaj K.

Studia Socjologiczne

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2021

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issue 3(242)

109-136

PL

Celem artykułu jest analiza zamierzeń dotyczących migracji powrotnych wśród urodzonych w Polsce akademików, którzy znaleźli pracę w jednym z najbardziej prestiżowych systemów szkolnictwa wyższego – w Stanach Zjednoczonych lub Wielkiej Brytanii. Artykuł odpowiada na pytanie badawcze: Czy i w jakich okolicznościach uczestnicy badania są skłonni rozważyć powrót do kraju? Powrót migrantów naukowych jest mało prawdopodobny ze względu na silną integrację z nowym systemem akademickim przy jednoczesnej krytycznej ocenie kondycji szkolnictwa wyższego w Polsce (czynniki systemowe). Analizowane są również czynniki rodzinne, które okazały się najważniejszymi przeszkodami na drodze do powrotu, oraz instytucjonalne. Dodatkowym czynnikiem zniechęcającym do migracji była krytyczna postawa wobec konserwatywnej orientacji polskiego społeczeństwa oraz obecnej sytuacji politycznej. Choć ze względu na różnego rodzaju „kotwice” powrót wydaje się mało prawdopodobny, urodzeni w Polsce migranci akademiccy są otwarci na współpracę z krajem.

EN

The aim of the article is to analyse the return intentions of Polish-born academics working in the US or UK. The paper answers the following research question: are the participants of the study willing to consider returning to the country, and, if so, under what circumstances? The return of academic migrants is unlikely due to their strong integration into the new academic system coupled with the critical assessment of the condition of higher education in Poland (system factors). Family factors, which turned out to be the most important obstacles to return, and institutional factors are also analysed. An additional factor was the critical attitude towards the conservative orientation of Polish society and the current political situation. Although due to various types of ‘anchors’ their return seems unlikely, Polish-born academic migrants are open to collaboration with the old country.

18

Prawo do posiadania i noszenia broni w II Poprawce do Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki - ujęcie oryginalistyczne

63%

Bartosik Ł.

De Securitate et Defensione. O Bezpieczeństwie i Obronności

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2017

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issue 2(3)

27-42

PL

Celem niniejszego opracowania jest oryginalistyczna wykładnia II Poprawki do Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych, gwarantującej amerykańskim obywatelom prawo do posiadania i noszenia broni. Artykuł w sposóbsyntetyczny przedstawiagłówne związane z nią nurty interpretacyjne i zasadnicze problemy oraz skrupulatną wykładnię historyczno-językową przepisu.Zagadnieniami poddawanymi ocenie są również podmiotowy charakter prawa chronionego przez II Poprawkę oraz znaczeniewyrażonych w niej pojęć, m. in.„milicja”, „państwo”, „ludzie”, „posiadać”, „nosić” oraz „broń”. Wnioski wykładnicze opracowania w sporej mierze pokrywają się z oryginalistyczną argumentacją przedłożoną amerykańskiemu Sądowi Najwyższemu w sprawie Heller v. District of Columbia z 2008 roku oraz przyjętą od tego czasu linią orzeczniczą, rozstrzygającą o indywidualnym charakterze prawa do posiadania i noszenia broni. Artykuł stanowić może również głos w dyskusji nad prawem do posiadania broni w Polsce.

EN

The purpose of this paper is to present an originalist interpretation of the II Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which guarantees the right to keep and bear arms for the American citizens. The article, in a holistic manner, depicts the fundamental problems and the main interpretative strands of the law, as well as provides its scrupulous historical and linguistic analysis. The problems which are being evaluated, consist of the general legal character of the regulation and the meaning of the terms articulated therein, such as “militia”, “state”, “people”, “keep”, “bear” and “arms”. The interpretative conclusions of this paper significantly overlap with the originalist argumentation presented to the U.S. Supreme Court in a remarkable case Heller v. District of Columbia from 2008 in which the Court ruled establishing the judiciary line of authority stressing the individualist theory of the right to keep and bear arms. This paper, although based on the American legal experiences, could also be an important voice in the debate on gun rights in Poland.

19

Credibility of American Security Guarantees towards Poland in the Context of the War in Ukraine

63%

Jureńczyk Ł.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2023

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vol. 79

257-271

PL

Celem artykułu jest analiza i ocena wiarygodności amerykańskich gwarancji bezpieczeństwa militarnego dla Polski w kontekście wojny w Ukrainie. Dotyczy to działań podjętych przez Stany Zjednoczone na rzecz zwiększenia bezpieczeństwa Polski po agresji Rosji w 2014 i 2022 roku, jak również realiów użycia Sił Zbrojnych USA do obrony Polski w sytuacji ewentualnego zaatakowania jej przez Rosję. W ramach badań przeprowadzono wywiady z naukowcami i ekspertami z ośrodków badawczych z Waszyngtonu i Nowego Jorku. Mimo że Stany Zjednoczone nie spełniły wszystkich oczekiwań Polski w zakresie bezpieczeństwa, to jak dotąd wywiązują się z zobowiązań sojuszniczych. Ponadto amerykańskie władze jednoznacznie zapewniają, że będą bronić każdego cala terytorium NATO, w tym Polski, co jest zgodne ze strategicznymi interesami USA i z przeświadczeniem zdecydowanej większości amerykańskich badaczy.

EN

The aim of the paper is to analyze and assess the credibility of American military security guarantees for Poland in the context of the war in Ukraine. This applies to the actions taken by the United States to increase Poland’s security after the aggressions in 2014 and 2022, as well as the reality of using the US Armed Forces to defend Poland in the event of a possible attack by Russia. As part of the research, interviews were conducted with scientists and experts from research centers in Washington, D.C. and New York. Although the United States has not met all of Poland’s security expectations, it has so far fulfilled its allied commitments. Besides, the American authorities unequivocally ensure that they will defend every inch of NATO territory, including Poland, which is in line with the strategic interests of the USA and the belief of the vast majority of American researchers.

20

Prawo do posiadania i noszenia broni jako prawo fundamentalne każdego człowieka – systemowe ujęcie II Poprawki do Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w amerykańskim systemie prawa

63%

Bartosik Ł.

Zeszyt Studencki Kół Naukowych Wydziału Prawa i Administracji UAM

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2017

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issue Numer Specjalny

9-23

PL

Celem niniejszego opracowania jest systemowa i oryginalistyczna (tj. historyczno-językowa) analiza II Poprawki do Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych, stanowiącej następująco: „dobrze zorganizowana milicja jest niezbędna dla bezpieczeństwa wolnego państwa; prawo ludzi do posiadania i noszenia broni nie może być naruszone”. Zadanie to wymaga przedstawienia analogicznych do II Poprawki regulacji występujących w konstytucjach poszczególnych stanów, charakterystyki umiejscowienia przepisu w indywidualistycznie zorientowanej Karcie Praw (Bill of Rights) oraz zwięzłego opisania ewolucji pojmowania prawa do posiadania broni przez amerykańskie sądy federalne, w tym zwłaszcza wiążących interpretacji poczynionych w wyrokach Sądu Najwyższego USA, który ostatecznie w sprawie District of Columbia v. Heller z 2008 roku uznał prymat indywidualistycznego modelu prawa do posiadania i noszenia broni jako naturalnego i niezbywalnego prawa każdego człowieka. Niniejsze opracowanie, choć opierające się na doświadczeniach prawnych Stanów Zjednoczonych, stanowić może również istotny głos w dyskusji nad prawem do posiadania broni w Polsce.

EN

The purpose of this paper is a systemic and originalist (i.e. historical and linguistic) interpretation of Amendment II to the U.S. Constitution which states: “a well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed”. This task requires providing an account of regulations found in constitutions of particular American states which are analogous to that of Amendment II, characterization of the placement of law in an individualistically-oriented Bill of Rights, as well as a concise overview of an evolution of interpretative conclusions regarding the right to own arms reached by federal courts, especially the rulings of the Supreme Court of the United States which in the case Heller v. District of Columbia of 2008 finally recognized the right to keep and bear arms as a natural and inalienable right of every individual. This paper, although based on the American legal experiences, could also be a stimulus for discussion about gun possession in Poland.

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