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EN
In the author’s opinion, the declaration raises several questions. The document is of an adhesive nature, which excludes the possibility of negotiating and affecting its content, and – therefore – also making any amendments thereto. Attributing to themselves special “duties” in the process of European integration by some Member States is considered improper by the author. There are also doubts as to legitimacy of current and potential signatories to the Declaration. The proposed creation of a new entity in the form of a “federal union of States” would require a fundamental change in the Polish Constitution, a constitution which not only sees sovereignty as a value, but also establishes it as the foundations of statehood. The Declaration also contains a number of controversial statements, questionable in factual and praxeological terms. In the author’s opinion - the signing of a declaration by the Marshal of the Polish Sejm is, therefore, impossible and inadvisable.
EN
Opinion on the Declaration on “Greater European Integration – the Way Forward” signed in Rome on 14 September 2015 by the President of the Camera dei Deputati of Italy, the President of Assemblée nationale of France, the President of the Bundestag of Germany and the President of the Chambre des Députés of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg
EN
Opinion on the Declaration of the Presidents of the Assemblée nationale of France, the Chambre des Députés of Luxembourg, of the Bundestag of Germany, and of the Camera dei Deputati of Italy of 14 September 2015. “Greater European Integration – the Way Forward”
EN
Even if the Declaration is not a binding document, in the author’s opinion, it cannot be ignored. It expressly outlines a scenario for federalization of the European Union. The future directions of European integration cannot be shaped by a few presidents of the parliaments of EU Member States. Doubts are also raised the need for a more extensive integration. The Declaration should not be in favour of creating a new political structure of the European Union, but rather promote a departure from localism and particularism that act today as a real obstacle to the success of the Union. The document can be interpreted as an incentive to create a more integrated structure based on the states of “old Europe” while leaving another, more “loose”, form for all other States, which would be unfavourable from the point of view of Polish interests. The author recommends three variants to be applied by the Sejm in response to the Declaration: the rejection, renegotiation (which is very unlikely), or make efforts to sign a new and different declaration.
5
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Wielkie dni Europy

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EN
Article discusses ups and downs with acceptance of treaty from Lisbon, from negative result in first referendum in Ireland to delay with his signing by president of Czech Republic Vaclav Klaus. In text is presented also polish, de facto presidential treaty’s episode, there was intelligible for many citizens that not up to the end. Treaty negotiated and undersigned by president of Polish Republic Lech Kaczynski in Lisbon of 13 December 2007 ratified 10 October 2009 in spite of acceptance of resolution of Sejm Republic of Poland from day 1 April 2008 sign regarding formulation by Sejm of Polish Republic of agreement on ratification by president of Polish Republic of Treaty from Lisbon about European Union changing treaty and Treaty establishing European Community, sign in Lisbon of day 13 December 2007 year. There will be forgotten inconvenience with acceptance of treaty fastly surely because from 01 December 2009 before Europeans and European and National Institutions become a great task of implementation of treaty. Formal Europe requires care and cooperation between Europeans “united in diversity”. In article have been presented an economic aspects of functioning of European Union in day of crisis too, and civil dimension and meaning in external relations. New impulse is wanted for Europe, let’s have hope, that from we all of active participation and with reasonably built position of Europe in the midst of we world, the world with continuously, far too huge areas of poverty and with hard wars in many places in the world. Since 01 December 2009 Europe obtains a new , legally legitimate important impulse for new operation and let’s have hope on new, positive changes in horizontal life of Europeans.
PL
Artykuł omawia perypetie z przyjęciem Traktatu z Lizbony, od negatywnego wyniku w pierwszym referendum w Irlandii do opóźnienia z jego podpisaniem przez Prezydenta Czech Vaclava Klausa. W tekście jest także przedstawiony polski, de facto prezydencki epizod traktatowy, co dla wielu obywateli nie do końca było zrozumiałe. Traktat wynegocjowany i podpisany przez Prezydenta RP Lecha Kaczyńskiego w Lizbonie 13 grudnia 2007 r. został ratyfikowany dopiero 10 października 2009 r., mimo przyjęcia Uchwały Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 1 kwietnia 2008 r. w sprawie wyrażenia przez Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zgody na ratyfikację przez Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej Traktatu z Lizbony zmieniającego Traktat o Unii Europejskiej i Traktat ustanawiający Wspólnotę Europejską, podpisanego w Lizbonie dnia 13 grudnia 2007 roku. Kłopoty z przyjęciem traktatu zapewne szybko zostaną zapomniane bo od 01 grudnia 2009 r. przed Europejczykami i instytucjami europejskimi oraz narodowymi staje wielkie zadanie implementacji traktatu. Formalna Europa wymaga staranności i współdziałania Europejek i Europejczyków „zjednoczonych w różnorodności”. W artykule przedstawione zostały też ekonomiczne aspekty funkcjonowania Unii Europejskiej w dobie kryzysu, oraz jej obywatelski wymiar i znaczenie w stosunkach zewnętrznych. Nowy impuls dla Europy potrzebny jest i dzieję się ustawicznie, miejmy nadzieję, że z aktywnym udziałem każdego z nas i z rozsądnie budowaną pozycją Europy w otaczającym świecie, świecie ciągle ze zbyt wielkimi obszarami biedy i trudnymi wojnami w z byt wielu miejscach na świecie. Europa 01 grudnia 2009 r. dostaje nowy, usankcjonowany prawnie ważny impuls do nowego działania i miejmy nadzieję nowych, pozytywnych zmian w poziomie życia Europejek i Europejczyków.
Translationes
|
2014
|
vol. 6
|
issue 1
65-77
IT
Le Medidas del romano, ‗Misure dell'edificio romano‘, sono un manuale per riprodurre proporzioni, ordini, modanature degli edifici antichi: il primo trattato architettonico scritto e pubblicato fuori d'Italia, nel 1526, da Diego de Sagredo (Burgos, 1490-Toledo, 1528 ca.). Basate sul Vitruvio latino di Giocondo da Verona, sulla volgarizzazione del Ciseriano, sul De re aedificatoria di Alberti, propongono il classicismo rinascimentale italiano come risorsa decorativa, non concettuale. Fra tante traduzioni, nessuna comparve in Italia, dove si rifuggí tale atteggiamento culturale, presto generalizzato in Europa, reintrodotto di fatto in Italia dagli artisti stranieri e valutabile oggi come effettivo fenomeno storico di ―globalizzazione.
EN
The Medidas del romano [Measurements of a Roman building], is a manual for the reproduction of proportions, orders, moldings of ancient buildings: the first architectural treaties written and published outside Italy in 1526, by Diego de Sagredo (Burgos, 1490-Toledo, 1528 ca.). Based on the Latin Vitruvio of Giocondo da Verona, the vulgarization of Ciseriano, the De re aedificatoria [On the art of building] by Alberti, it depicts the Italian Renaissance classicism as a decorative, not conceptual resource. Though translated in many languages, it was never published in Italian because its cultural ideology, soon to be popular all over Europe, was resented in Italy. Later on, it was reintroduced in the Peninsula by foreign artists as part of a historical phenomenon that today can be identified as a ―globalization‖ process.
PL
Artykuł porusza problematykę genezy procesu integracyjnego w Europie Zachodniej, a ściślej powstania Unii Europejskiej. Jej głównym motorem napędowym w obszarze bezpieczeństwa europejskiego jest Wspólna Polityka Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. Autor w sposób syntetyczny przedstawia jej genezę, proces ewolucyjny, funkcjonowanie oraz jej zadania od 1992 r., czyli od podpisania Traktatu w Maastricht, aż do dnia dzisiejszego.
EN
The European Union fills Europe with itself – it also tries to do this by building its international identity. Its impact on the “rest of the world” is also shown by the EU position on economics, demographics and its political potential. The main goal of the EU is to play a key role on the international scene. Since the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the Ukrainian-Russian Donbass conflict, the European Union remains firmly committed to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The European Union’s response is to desire a strengthening of security in the activities of key entities for Polish security – NATO and the USA. But unfortunately the EU’s reaction to Russia’s actions proved inadequate to the ambition of playing a key role in the field of security and was limited primarily to diplomatic pressure and economic sanctions.
EN
Ukraine, upon giving up the nuclear arsenal left on its territory by the USSR, entered in 1994 into a Memorandum on Security Assurances with the United Kingdom, United States and Russian Federation (Budapest Memorandum). Since the crisis began between the Russian Federation and Ukraine in February 2014, a number of States have invoked the Budapest Memorandum. Unclear, however, is whether this instrument constituted legal obligations among its Parties or, instead, is a political declaration having no legal effect. The distinction between political instruments and legal instruments is a recurring question in inter-State relations and claims practice. The present article considers the Budapest Memorandum in light of the question of general legal interest – namely, how do we distinguish between the legal and the political instrument?
EN
The purpose of this article was to present one of the most fundamental principles of international law. According to Art. 38 (1) (c) of the Statute of ICJ, the principle of good faith is a general principle of law recognized by civilized nations and accordingly is one of the formal sources of international law. Undoubtedly, there are still controversies regarding its nature, meaning, content and scope. It should be emphasized that it is impossible to settle one, generally accepted, definition of good faith because it is rather an ambiguous notion. The principle of good faith is applied in many areas of international law and is of great importance. The most relevant in this area is the law of the treaties. The principle of good faith is in use in the law of the treaties from formation of the treaty to its extinction. This principle covers also a narrower doctrine of “abuse of rights”, which is probably one of the most disputable aspects of this principle. The realization of the principle of good faith is well established in the principle of estoppel. What is more, the principle of good faith is also applied in the process of negotiation. Good faith performs intermediary function between rules and principles. Furthermore, it appoints the way of observance of the existing rules of international law and limits a manner of its execution.
PL
Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie jednej z najbardziej fundamentalnych zasad prawa międzynarodowego. Zgodnie z art. 38 (1) (c) Statutu MTS zasada dobrej wiary jest ogólną zasadą prawa uznaną przez narody cywilizowane, a zatem stanowi formalne źródło prawa międzynarodowego. Bez wątpienia wciąż ogromne kontrowersje budzi charakter, znaczenie, treść i zakres tej zasady. Należy podkreślić, iż pojęcie „dobrej wiary” jest niejasne i trudno jest wskazać jedną, powszechnie uznaną jej definicję. Zasada dobrej wiary znajduje zastosowanie w różnych dziedzinach prawa międzynarodowego. Najbardziej znaczące jest prawo traktatów. Dobra wiara jest stosowana od momentu zawarcia traktatu aż po jego wygaśnięcie. Odnosi się także do doktryny (o węższym zakresie stosowania) zakazu nadużycia praw, która stanowi najbardziej kontrowersyjny aspekt tej zasady. Kolejną konkretyzacją dobrej wiary jest dobrze ugruntowana zasada estoppel. Ponadto zasada dobrej wiary jest stosowana w trakcie negocjacji. Dobra wiara pełni funkcję pośrednią pomiędzy regułami a zasadami. Co więcej, określa sposób przestrzegania istniejących reguł prawa międzynarodowego i ogranicza sposób ich wykonywania.
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