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Overview: Wojciech Materski. 2017. Od cara do “cara”. Studium rosyjskiej polityki historycznej [From the Tsar to the “Tsar”. A Study of the Russian Politics of Memory].

100%
Wasilewski W.
Institute of National Remembrance Review
|
2020
|
vol. 2
335-359
EN
Overview: Wojciech Materski. 2017. Od cara do “cara”. Studium rosyjskiej polityki historycznej [From the Tsar to the “Tsar”. A Study of the Russian Politics of History]. Warsaw: Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences. 371 pp. ISBN 9788364091889.
2

Rola polskiej szlachty w gospodarce Inflant Polskich w drugiej połowie XIX–początkach XX wieku

88%
Seliszka E.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2011
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vol. 76
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issue 1
41-66
EN
The Polish nobility in Latgalia, though not really numerous and powerful, still constituted an important cultural and socio-economic factor in the 19th century. The restrictions imposed upon Catholics, mainly Poles, by the tsar ft er the January Uprising 1863 did not so much weaken the nobility economically (most Poles in Latgalia had remained passive towards the uprising) as it revealed its economic weakness, causing a gradual process of its members moving to towns. It was also a result of the Polish nobility’s lack of interest in economic issues, but also of its being closed, backward and not competitive economically. The nobility stuck to the archaic social-economic ideas, trying to imitate the style of life of West-European elites. A major part of financial resources, which theoretically could have been invested in the economic activity, was spent on bribing the tsar’s officials. Consequently, even if land was acquired, there were no funds to develop it.Th e simplest form was to lease land, which led to the economic conflict between the nobility and peasants. The national identity of Latvians from Latgalia (Latgalians) and Byelorussians living there was weak, and Catholicism often constituted the basis to identify oneself with Poland. However, from the beginning of the 20th century Poles became mistrustful and opposed the new economic and national aspirations of Latgalians. Nevertheless, irrespective of those conflicts, the peasants felt more attached to the Polish nobility than to Russian orthodox settlers. That is why, the Russian authorities had to take into account the point of view of the Polish nobility in Latgalia. Tsarism, despite its autocracy, was still guided by its pragmatic logic of maintaining the empire, and Russi; cation was not felt until the Stolypin reform. The Polish nobles were against Russians, which did not prevent them from maintaining and developing relations with the institutions of the Russian empire.
3
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Życie - polityka - władza. Rytuał dnia codziennego ostatniego cara Rosji Mikołaja II w świetle jego dziennika

75%
Garczyk B.
Kultury Wschodniosłowiańskie - Oblicza i Dialog
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2017
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issue 7
53-64
PL
The article concerns the everyday life of Russia emperor Nicholas II, which is seen through the optics of his diary. In the text the plots from the private and official life the last Romanovs tsar - his predilections, occupation, hobby and “state of his soul” are discussed.
4
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Причины восстания кыргызов в 1916 г.

63%
Abdyrakhmanov T. A.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2016
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vol. 2(11)
188-195
EN
In this article the author attempts to describe the most important reasons of revolt of the Kyrgyz people in 1916.
RU
Раскрыты причины восстания кыргызов в 1916 г.
5
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Wysiłki na rzecz ugody z Rosją. Publicystyka i aktywność polityczna Henryka Lisickiego w przededniu i w czasie wojny rosyjsko-tureckiej 1877–1878

63%
Nowak M.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2023
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vol. 58
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issue 2
5-23
EN
The article analyses the activities of the Krakow conservative publicist Henryk Lisicki at the end of 1876 as part of the activation of the loyalist environment of the Kingdom of Poland with Zygmunt Wielopolski at the head. Taking advantage of Russia’s involvement in the conflict in the Balkans, the milieu sought to persuade it to abandon the policy of repression and restore some of the Kingdom’s autonomous mechanisms. The means to do this was to compile, with the participation of Lisicki, a brochure and an address to the tsar, which was addressed to the leadership of the Russian state. Despite loyalist declarations, Wielopolski’s group failed to convince Sankt Petersburg, which did not respond to the offer of the conciliators.
PL
W artykule dokonano analizy działań krakowskiego konserwatywnego publicysty Henryka Lisickiego w ramach aktywizacji środowiska ugodowego w Królestwie Polskim z Zygmuntem Wielopolskim na czele w końcu 1876 r. Wykorzystując zaangażowanie Rosji w konflikt na Bałkanach, dążyło ono do nakłonienia jej do odejścia od polityki represji i przywrócenia niektórych mechanizmów autonomicznych Królestwa. Środkiem ku temu było opracowanie, przy współudziale Lisickiego, broszury i adresu do cara. Mimo lojalistycznych deklaracji ze strony grupy Wielopolskiego Petersburg nie odpowiedział na ofertę ugodowców.
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