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EN
This is a brief history of the wars of Šāpur II from the middle of the fourth century to the death of that king in the year 379. These conflicts represent the military operations of the Sasanid state at its height before a gradual decline under the successor to Šāpur II.
EN
Theoretical background: The sovereign creditworthiness and solvency in the context of the pandemic and war crises is one of the biggest challenges that the modern world and the financial market face. It has a key impact on the basic economic indicators, including the price of debt incurred by individual countries and, thus, the profitability of debt securities. The COVID-19 pandemic, which began at the turn of 2019 and 2020, and Russia’s aggression against Ukraine which started on 24 February 2022, have strongly impacted the level of debt of European states and other countries of the world. The energy crisis, which is currently growing, is also taking its toll on the main economic indicators. International credit rating agencies are institutions that have been analysing the sovereign creditworthiness and solvency and individual business entities for many decades. At times, their activities have been the subject of criticism, but their place in the global financial market seems unthreatened and the results of their work still constitute the basic indicator of creditworthiness and solvency evaluation. Purpose of the article: The purpose of this article is to present issues related to the impact of war and pandemic crises on the sovereign creditworthiness and solvency and also the position, role and decisions of international rating agencies. Due to the ongoing war in Ukraine and the COVID-19 pandemic, these are very important issues that have a real impact on the economic condition of individual countries as well as the standard of living of citizens. This article focuses on these elements of the contemporary reality. Research methods: The subject matter and purpose of the article have been illustrated against the background of current theoretical knowledge, historical research and the latest analyses of key economic indicators, such as inflation or bond yields. The study of the impact of wars on sovereign ratings was empirical. To visualise the historical scale of the wars and pandemics destruction, in the analytical part of the study, statistical data has been re-scaled to the current global population. Main findings: The research conducted in this article has indicated that crises related to a pandemic and war have a negative impact on the sovereign creditworthiness and solvency. Historical studies of armed conflicts and pandemics have shown that the former had a significantly greater impact on inflation and bond yields. For example, the level of inflation started to drop within one year after the end of the wars and almost immediately after the end of the pandemic. The same applied to bond yields. Of course, this was directly reflected in the evaluations of international rating agencies. The issues discussed in the article are of practical application, because the on-going war in Ukraine and the COVID-19 pandemic have had a very large impact on the global economy and the financial condition of individual countries. Our research also shows that the war hit the ratings of sovereign countries directly involved in the war, while other countries’ ratings (possibly threatened by aggression from Russia in the future – e.g. EU countries) remain stable.
Studia Humana
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2016
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vol. 5
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issue 2
37-46
EN
Many scholars that study of religion and religious beliefs find that they affect behavioral patterns. Some of them suggest that this impact is morally wrong because religion and religious beliefs can cause aggression, conflicts, and wars. However, it seems that this topic is more complicated and complex. Here I show that religion and religious beliefs can affect mentioned above morally wrong patterns only in some particular cases. Usually they do not do it. Here I show an outline of philosophical historical approach that was critically oriented against religion and that accused it about conflicts and wars. Then I briefly discuss two current scientific research approaches to the study of religion, cognitive and evolutionary. They falsify these critically oriented philosophers because they treat connection between religious beliefs and conflicts as random and necessary. The core idea of this paper assumes that religious beliefs do not affect aggression and wars directly. They can sometimes strengthen or weaken some biological mechanisms that then can be used to compete by conflicts or by not-violent inter-group competition.
EN
Research of the Irano-Roman relations seems dominated by teh military perspective. This situation is cause by the very nature of the sources which mention both states mostly in light of the warfare waged between them. Equally fascinating are the diplomatic relations between Rome and Iran. One of the most interesting aspects of non-military relations are financial flows between both states. According to John Lydos, king Yazgerd was to offer emperor Theodosius II (408-450) building together a fortress which was to block the passage through Caucasus. At the same time the king demanded from the emperor participation in the costs of the defense of the fortress. The problem of the reconciliation of the payments for defending of the Caucasian frontier became the grudge between the states making the rectification of the relationships even more difficult. The key problem seems to determine the peace negotiations which initiated Iranian claim towards the Empire. The second problem might be the motives which drove Iranian monarchs in their financial claims towards the emperors.
EN
In 359, Šāpur II (r. 309-379) led his army against Rome. This campaign became a milestone for the balance of power in Romano-Iranian borderlands. After seventy three Šāpur succeeded in breaking through the defenses and in sacking the city of Amida. According to Ammianus Marcellinus long lasting, heroic defense of Amida saved the Roman cities of Cappadocia from sacking. The author of the article believes that Amida was initial and primary target of Šāpur’s campaign of 359 and the siege was not a result of coincidence of various events, factors and intentions not, as it is suggested by Ammianus Marcellinus.
EN
This article proposes to explore crises from seemingly different backgrounds and periods (the madness of Charles VI of France and the French Wars of Religion) to demonstrate how these elements were used by authors in order to create emotional narratives in support of the failing monarchy. In the two situations, the French community was constructed as an entity which duty was to support the king. However, the authors use different methods to transmit their messages. While Christine de Pizan and the chroniclers advocate for the building of an integrating, all encompassing community around the love of and for the king, Ronsard’s France is tasked at differentiating the Catholics and the Protestants, in an effort to construct France also as a monarchy loving community, of which the protestants are presented as the enemies.
PL
Artykuł omawia historię wojen i podbojów, od odległej starożytności do czasów współczesnych, które były impulsem lub umożliwiły transfer szeroko rozumianych innowacji (technicznych, kulturowych, społeczno-ekonomicznych, naukowych). Wojny i podboje wpływały na transfer innowacji na różne sposoby: uczenie się od przeciwnika, uczenie się od sojusznika, uczenie się od pokonanych i od zwycięzców, grabież przedmiotów, które stały się zalążkami rozwoju technologii i wiedzy, branie jeńców, którzy swoje umiejętności przekazywali zwycięzcom, likwidowanie przez podbój politycznych barier dla handlu i migracji ludności. Artykuł nie daje ostatecznej odpowiedzi na temat bilansu wojen i podbojów dla rozwoju ludzkości.
EN
The article discusses the history of wars and conquests, from distant antiquity to modern times, which were an impulse or enabled the transfer of broadly understood innovations (technical, cultural, socio-economic, scientific). Wars and conquests influenced the transfer of innovation in various ways: learning from the opponent, learning from an ally, learning from defeated and victorious, looting items that became the seeds of technology and knowledge development, taking prisoners who passed their skills on to the winners, elimination of political barriers to trade and population migration by conquest. The article does not give a definitive answer about the balance of wars and conquests for human development.
EN
Mutual relations between the Bosnian Kingdom and the Serbian Despotate can be observed in the period between 1402, when Prince Stefan Lazarević received the title of despot from John VII Palaeologus, until the Ottoman conquest of the Despotate in 1459. The most significant conflicts between Bosnian rulers and nobles with Serbian despots were fought over the rich Srebrenica silver mine. This town, with the fortress of Srebrenik, was located in the Middle Podrinje region, near the river Drina, which in this area represented the border between the two countries. The stronger economic rise of Srebrenica was followed during the 14th century when it gradually developed and became one of the most important mines in Southeast Europe. The seeds of the conflict around Srebrenica were sown by the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg. The Hungarian king first managed to get Srebrenica for himself, and then in the period 1411–1413, he handed it over to his vassal, despot Stefan. From this time until the end of the existence of the Serbian Despotate in 1459, Srebrenica changed its owner several times. Bosnian kings, nobles, and Serbian despots took part in the conflicts around Srebrenica, and in certain periods specific agreements were established regarding the ownership of this place, which brought in large revenues. A solid number of sources about Srebrenica have been preserved in the State Archives in Dubrovnik due to the fact that the Ragusan merchants and craftsmen saw great economic potential in this place and established a large colony. The interests of the Ragusan authorities were moving in the direction of obtaining timely information from this place, and they often sent delegations to conduct diplomatic negotiations with the local authorities regarding the status of their citizens in this place.
EN
This article outlines the reconstructed circumstances which led to minting of the military coins during the reign of the emperor Commodus. The recipients of the issued coins presented in this study are soldiers having served active duty in various Roman Army formations. In spite of depicting iconographic images and ideas well known in the Roman coinage, the presented coins are exceptional due to specific circumstances under which they were minted. It relates directly to the situation in the Roman Empire at that time. Correctly defining the symbolic and propaganda messages which were supposed to be conveyed through each coin type would not be possible without a thorough contemplation of other types of information sources and the related literature.
PL
W artykule zostały zrekonstruowane okoliczności, w jakich doszło do wybicia tzw. wojskowych monet cesarza Kommodusa. Adresatami emisji każdego z zaprezentowanych numizmatów byli żołnierze odbywający służbę czynną w różnych formacjach armii rzymskiej. Analizowane numizmaty, choć uwieczniono na nich ikonograficzne wyobrażenia i idee, które były już dobrze znane w rzymskim mennictwie to ze względu na czas ich wybicia będzie wyróżniać nieco bardziej specyficzny charakter co w sposób ścisły łączyło się z aktualną sytuacją w państwie rzymskim. Właściwe zdefiniowanie symboliki i przekazu propagandowego, jaki miały wyrażać wyszczególnione typy monet, nie byłoby możliwe bez pogłębionej refleksji nad innymi typami źródeł i ukierunkowanej na tę problematykę literatury przedmiotu.
Vox Patrum
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2014
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vol. 62
443-456
EN
Sulpicius Severus (c. 360-420) was aware of the enormity of evil that people commit. He kept reminding, that the source of this situation is the sin of the first couple, Adam and Eve. A human being took side of Satan rather than God, and consequently developed all kinds of sins of disorder in a delicate field of human sexuality, various vices, murders and wars. Everyone commits sins, no matter who he is and what he does in life. Sulpicius Severus emphasized the truth that sin means disaster, loss of the most important values of freedom and happiness in God. An important feature in the teaching of Sulpicius Severus is his approach to the pagans and heretics. Both of them are treated by him as those who are under the influence of Satan; pagans – because by worshiping idols they venerate de­mons, and heretics – because by preaching false doctrines they submit to the spirit of lies, that is the spirit of Satan.
EN
The purpose of this publication is a dynamic analysis of Polish-Pomeranian conflict’s power in legal-dogmatic and historical profile, to say nothing of geographical and military matters. Whereas it is particularly important to shape the problem, based on a settling of the way, in which Pomeranian dukes were relatives to Piast dynasty – agnate (paternal) or on mother’s side. Recently an old concept has started to spread – it says that Pomeranian dukes were of Piast descent, which leads to a ascertaining that there were no strong centres of power in Pomerania before conquest of Mieszko. Svatopluk Mieszkowic received the power over Pomerania, what led to exile of stepmother Oda and half-brothers and retrieval of power later subsequently caused conflicts between the two lines od dynasties in the next centuries. Considerations about the wars’ influence on legal status of medieval Pomerania have to be preceded by an analysis in the field of imperial power over this land. Historian of state and law must see – having looked at the sources – the fundamental thing, that the whole Pomerania, from Odra river to Gdańsk was a one entity, which came under the authority of Roman Empire. It stems unambiguously from medieval sources, Widukind from Korbea describes battles of Mieszko I with Wichmann and therefore clearly demarcate the legal status of Pomerania from other lands of Polish sovereign. It is similar by Merseburg bishop Thietmar. He wrote clearly, that Mieszko payed the Caesar a tribute „up to Warthe river“. It means, that the whole area of Pomerania was a belt of tributary lands of Empire. The conquest of Pomerania always began from the east area, and ended by the west. It was so at the time of Mieszko I. Then the full incarnation of Pomerania to Poland followed. At the period aft er the defeat of Mieszko II, and to the death of Władysław I Herman Pomerania were in a loose dependence on Poland. It changed by the rules of Bolesław III Wrymouth. The conquest of West Pomerania took place after 1113, maybe till 1124, but source records are a bit sparse. Tribute and duty to give help was a sign of dependence. Teodor Tyc outstandingly interpreted the law constructions of Merseburg treaty with Lotar III: „The authority of Polish duke is an indirect degree of something between Pomeranian duke and the highest sovereign, Caesar“. The Wrymouth King payed feudal homage, because Pomerania was under the authority of Empire. At the time of feudal regionalization the ultimate failure of Polish politics in Pomerania happened. Already in 1147 Germany, Denmark and Poland together stood against Pomeranians. The last attempt to maintain the balance between Polish and German influences in Pomerania was a ‘Kruszwica agreement’ in 1148, however Poland was being systematically tormented by feudal fragmentation and thus was losing control over Pomerania. It lasted till 1181, when Bogusław I admitted the victory of Caesar in Lübeck.
PL
Celem artykułu jest dynamiczna analiza konfliktu polsko-pomorskiego w profilu prawnodogmatycznym i historycznoprawnym, z pominięciem kwestii geograficznych i militarnych. Szczególnie ważne jest sprofilowanie problemu, oparte na rozstrzygnięciu, czy książęta pomorscy byli krewnymi Piastów po mieczu, czy po kądzieli. Ostatnio zaczyna upowszechniać się powrót do koncepcji piastowskiego pochodzenia książąt pomorskich, co musi prowadzić do konstatacji, że przed podbojem Mieszkowym nie było na Pomorzu silnych ośrodków władzy. Teoretyczne nadanie Świętopełkowi Mieszkowicowi władzy nad Pomorzem, zakończone wygnaniem macochy Ody wraz z braćmi przyrodnimi, i późniejsze odzyskanie tam władzy całymi wiekami rodziło konflikty między obu liniami dynastii. Rozważania na temat wpływu wojen na status prawny średniowiecznego Pomorza muszą być poprzedzone analizą zakresu władzy cesarskiej nad tą krainą. Historyk państwa i prawa musi dostrzec w źródłach rzecz podstawową, że całe Pomorze od Odry po Gdańsk było jedną jednostką, podległą w średniowieczu władzy zwierzchniej cesarstwa rzymskiego. Jednoznacznie wynika to ze źródeł średniowiecznych. Widukind z Korbei, opisując walki Mieszka I z Wichmanem, wyraźnie rozgranicza status prawny Pomorza od innych ziem polskiego władcy. Podobnie jest u biskupa merseburskiego Thietmara. Ten ostatni pisze wyraźnie, że Mieszko płacił cesarzowi trybut „aż po rzekę Wartę”. Czyli cały obszar Pomorza stanowił pas ziem trybutarnych cesarstwa. Podbój Pomorza zawsze zaczynał się od części wschodniej, a kończył na zachodniej. Tak było już za Mieszka I. Nastąpiło wtedy pełne wcielenie Pomorza do Polski. W okresie po klęsce Mieszka II do śmierci Władysława I Hermana Pomorze pozostawało w luźnej zależności od Polski. Zmieniło się to za Bolesława III Krzywoustego. Podbój Pomorza Zachodniego miał miejsce po 1113 r., może do 1124 r., ale zapiski źródłowe są tu skąpe. Trybut i obowiązek udzielania pomocy był oznaką podległości. Konstrukcje prawne traktatu merseburskiego z Lotarem III znakomicie odczytał Teodor Tyc: „Zwierzchnictwo księcia polskiego stanowi stopień pośredni między księciem pomorskim a najwyższym suwerenem, cesarzem”. Krzywousty złożył hołd lenny, bo Pomorze było pod zwierzchnictwem cesarskim. W okresie rozbicia dzielnicowego doszło ostatecznej klęski polskiej polityki na Pomorzu (jeszcze w 1147 r. Niemcy, Dania i Polska wspólnie występowały przeciwko Pomorzanom). Ostatnią próbą zachowania równowagi między wpływami polskimi i niemieckimi na Pomorzu był układ kruszwicki z 1148 r., jednak Polska, trawiona rozbiciem dzielnicowym, systematycznie traciła kontrolę nad Pomorzem, aż do 1181 r., gdy w Lubece Bogusław I uznał zwierzchność cesarza.
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