Search results

1

Third Place is a Charm. Women in the 2010, 2014 and 2018 Regional Assembly Elections in Poland

100%

Cichosz M., Tomczak Ł.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2019

|

issue 4 (48)

604-616

EN

The analysis of women’s participation in elections has long been an important theme within political studies. Scholars have looked at factors that affect women’s participation in politics in general, as well as their decisions to run in parliamentary or regional elections. In 2011, as the second Central and Eastern Europe country (the first being Slovenia), Poland introduced gender quotas into the proportional electoral system. Researchers looking into the consequences of such systemic solutions in various countries have established that the intended goal of increasing the proportion of women in legislative bodies has not always been achieved. In fact, the outcomes have varied widely. Such discrepancies invite further examination. The presented study focuses on regional assembly elections in Poland between 2010 and 2018. The article elaborates on and complements the results of the authors’ prior work on the 2010 and 2014 elections. The research looks at how effective women were in winning the available mandates, what were their placements and which parties managed to get most women into the assemblies.

2

Humanae Vitae, Women’s Rights, and Responsible Parenthood

100%

Gawkowska A.

Philosophy and Canon Law

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2019

|

issue 5

69-81

EN

The purpose of the article is to analyze the arguments present in Humanae Vitae which found positive resonance in the writings of women adopting the papal teaching on the nature of human sexuality and sexual ethics. According to some women, in particular the new feminists, the logic of the papal teaching concerning contraception contributes to promoting the dignity and rights of women as well as responsible parenthood. In their view, contraception does not contribute to women’s rights. Instead, it rather exacerbates the imbalance between men and women as well as sanctions the man’s irresponsible and hedonistic attitude towards a woman. Using contraception is in a deep sense anti-ecological. It is both disrespectful of the nature of woman’s fertility and destructive of relations within the family. The responsible parenthood defined by the papal teaching and by his commentators (both men and women quoted in the article) means taking responsibility for one’s sexual acts and their possible effects. The analyzed authors claim that by defending the nature of love, the nature of human beings, and the nature of the objective moral order, the encyclical Humanae Vitae defends women by defending their nature against the arbitrariness of men or society.

3

A Woman's Touch in the Arab Spring. The Struggle of Jordanian Mothers for Equality in Citizenship

100%

Kowalska B.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2014

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vol. 29

|

issue 1

5-31

EN

The Arab Spring has opened new channels for expressing political demands. Under the liberal guise covered by the international media, a number of political struggles of different citizens groups are hidden. Womens groups are often one set of main actors that remain backstage. The subject of my research concerns new grassroots groups, which started their own struggle during the mass protests in Amman. They are the Jordanian mothers struggling for equality in citizenship law. Motherhood is an inspiration for their political activity, which challenges authoritarian government and exclusion politics. It allows women to enter public areas reserved for men and transform the political domain.

4

Nolite te bastardes carborundorum. Podręczna w dyskursie medialnym o prawach kobiet

100%

Całek A.

Dziennikarstwo i Media

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2018

|

vol. 10

45-59

EN

The handmaid is the protagonist of a transmedia story begun with Margaret Atwood’s dystopian novel about Gilead, a regime in which women are deprived of their rights. The handmaids are a unique group — they are fertile, a rarity in a country plagued by infertility. The women, treated as objects, are allocated as surrogates to childless couples from the most privileged class. The image of the handmaid became popular thanks to a new generation television series produced for the Hulu platform, and subsequently begun to be used in the fight for women’s rights. In the first part of the article the author analyses the handmaids and their place in the dystopian narrative and in the second — the way in which they are used in the social discourse about women’s rights. In this the author focuses on performative campaigns, corporate social responsibility and links between the characters and the #metoo campaign.

5

Iranian Women. Quest for Freedom and Equality

100%

Włodek-Biernat L.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2011

|

vol. 172

|

issue 4

503-510

EN

The Islamic Republic of Iran is known in the world as a country of oppression and discrimination against women. Ironically, Iranian women are very active in public life and fulfil important social roles. Not only do women represent a majority of Iranian university students but many are respected academic teachers, lawyers and journalists. Educated Iranian women once backed the Islamic Revolution. However, the system that ensued restricted their freedom by introducing anachronistic regulations based on literal understanding of Islamic law (the Sharia) but, on the other hand, it opened up personal growth opportunities for women from poorer and more traditional social strata. Many of today’s Iranian feminists are the beneficiaries of the post-revolutionary education system. The Islamic Republic has given them an opportunity to get education but fails to provide them with rights that would match their qualifications: women are discriminated against at courts and married women are made dependent on their husbands who are often less educated than their wives. The Iranian regime views the quest for gender equality as a way to oppose the current political system. The proponents of equality are persecuted and imprisoned in very much the same way as dissidents who demand political liberalisation and abolishment of censorship. Simultaneously, the idea of equal rights has been incorporated into political programmes of all opponents of the current Iranian government

6

MALE ALLIES OF POLISH WOMEN’S EMANCIPATION. ON THE EXAMPLE OF EDWARD PRĄDZYŃSKI’S AND EUGENIUSZ STARCZEWSKI’S PROJECTS

100%

DUDA M.

Society Register

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2021

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vol. 5

|

issue 1

135-146

EN

This article presents an extract from the research on the male support of the emancipation of Polish women at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. In my consideration of the papers penned by authors who posited common and equal civil rights for men and women, I pay particular attention to Edward Prądzyński’s book published in 1873, and to the journalistic writing by Eugeniusz Starczewski from the end of the first World War. Their two projects for the emancipation of Polish women are diverse: while Prądzyński’s proposition was revolutionary, Starczewski’s work was late and limited in its emancipatory outlook.

7

Status prawny kobiet w wielkich kodyfikacjach cywilnych XIX wieku

100%

Materniak-Pawłowska M.

Studia Prawa Publicznego

|

2023

|

issue 1 (41)

49-64

EN

Modern civil law’s roots can be traced back to the 19th century, when its basic institutions were comprehensively regulated in three civil codes: the French Civil Code of 1804, known since 1807 as the Napoleonic Code, the Austrian Allgemeines Burgerliches Gesetzbuch (ABGB) of 1811 and the German Burgerliches Gesetzbuch (BGB) of 1896–1900. In the literature, these codes are commonly referred to as the Great Civil Codifications, as they have been influential in shaping European civil law doctrine from their inception to the present day. Although they were drafted under different political conditions (the French and Austrian Codes originated in 18th-century philosophy of natural law, with its individualistic treatment of private law subjects, while the German Code resulted from the triumph of positivism in the second half of the 19th century), and their original content was subject to far-reaching revisions over the years, their invariable merit lay in creating a legal framework guaranteeing the inviolability of individual rights, based on respect for the individual’s fundamental subjective rights under civil law and respect for the autonomy of the will in their implementation. These rights included: the equality and universality of civil rights; the treatment of marriage as a civil contract; the guarantee of the inviolability of private property; the freedom to shape civil law relations by contract; the autonomy of the will of the individual in disposing his or her succession rights. Yet these rights were accompanied by a whole range of limitations and exclusions, particularly for women, whose legal position in terms of civil rights vis-à-vis men was far from the equality and universality of civil law subjects as declared in each of the aforementioned codes. This handicap was only to be remedied in the century that followed.

8

Family Reunification Regulations and Women: The Perspective of International Law

88%

Burek W.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

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2016

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vol. 36

83-108

EN

The concept of family reunification is well established in contemporary migration laws, at both the national and international levels. Focusing on international and EU law, in this article I argue that while existing provisions on family reunification are formulated in neutral language, from the gender point of view the enforcement of these substantively neutral rules may, in certain situations, result in discrimination, or at least bring about negative consequences, with respect to women in cases both when they are the sponsors of migration or the bearers of consequences of male migration. Following presentation of the international legal framework on family reunification and the relevant international jurisprudence, I deal with some rather common aspects relating to the personal scope of family reunification regulations, covering only the issues of who can, and who cannot, join their family member(s)/sponsor(s) in a foreign country (i.e. the unmarried minor rule, excluded forms of marriages – polygamous and forced marriages - and age limits). Some procedural aspects of family reunification are then dealt with (waiting periods, delays in proceedings, and end of a relationship as a cause for termination of residence rights.). These issues are examined with respect to concerns that they may cause indirect, or even direct, gender discrimination in some cases, while in others they may affect women more negatively than men.

9

The Body of Rights: The Right to the Body

88%

Bergoffen D.

Dialogue and Universalism

|

2021

|

issue 3

19-37

EN

This paper examines the ways that feminists have built on and transformed Mary Wollstonecraft’s Enlightenment idea that women’s rights are human rights. It argues that Wollstonecraft’s marginal attention to the issue of sexual violence reflects the mind-body dualism of her era where reason divorced from the body established our dignity as persons. Today’s feminists reject this dualism. They have adopted and retooled Wollstonecraft’s idea that women’s rights are human rights to (1) create solidarity among women of different places, races, classes, religions etc., (2) break the silence surrounding the experience and meaning of rape, and (3) create grassroots, national and international forums that expose the fact that sexual violence is one of the crucial anchors of patriarchy. Wollstonecraft believed that human rights were guaranteed by reason and God. We find that these rights are embodied and fragile. They depend on us to make them real. Addressing this responsibility, the paper ends with a question: Are we up to the task?

10

Wolnościowe pokolenie ośmiu gwiazdek? O generacyjnym wymiarze sprzeciwu wobec klerykalizacji życia społecznego w Polsce

88%

Czapnik S.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2021

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vol. 26

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issue 336

91-102

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze generational aspect of the mass women’s protest againt an attempt almost total ban on legal abortion in Poland, after Constitutional Court’s decision in October 2020. Text contains three parts. Firstly, authors otuline general issue of the materialist dimension of motherhood versus mystical thinking of the Catholic clergy and right-wing politicians. Second chapter is focused on Catholic propaganda in Polish education. Last part is devoted to the „women’s hell” and backlash against alliance between conservative government and Catholic clergy.

11

Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s Conflicting Perspectives on Ecofeminist Principles

75%

Holder M.

Forum for Contemporary Issues in Language and Literature

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2020

|

issue 1

27-41

PL

Charlotte Perkins Gilman (1860–1935) was one of the most productive American writers of the turn of the century. She was an author of novels, short stories, non-fiction essays and poems, well known as an activist fighting for women's rights and a precursor of feminism. Gilman proposed a redefinition of the roles in domestic life and society, with women taking more prominence. The writer rejected the male dominant role prevailing in patriarchal society and supported other emancipation movements. Using the affinity of man and animals, Gilman initiated an ecofeminist discourse by presenting a different vision, and proposing new views on the assumptions that underpin her contemporary culture. In her feminist work on the equality of women, Gilman has repeatedly drawn attention to the overt display of cruelty against animals. While addressing their rights and freedoms, the writer emphasized the similarities between women and animals in the patriarchal system, both being treated in subhuman disregard against the privileged position of men. However, her attitude towards animals is not precise and the writer repeatedly formulates conclusions that are surprisingly contradictory to her own views. In her utopian novels, the writer emphasized the potential threat from animals to humans and even questioned the animals’ overall significance. Gilman's views often clash with veiled anthropocentrism, and her ambivalent attitude to the issue of human-animal dependencies makes it impossible to reduce her views to one particular attitude. Her radical feminist views, focused primarily on women's empowerment and the fight against patriarchy, aimed for the overall transformation of society. However, the lack of consistency in Gilman’s views is also manifested in her ambivalent attitude to the overall issue of equality. As she focused on improving the situation of women, Gilman simultaneously ignored the problems of other marginalized social groups, with an undercurrent of racism, class prejudice and xenophobia showing through her writings.

12

Feminisms in Iraq : beyond the religious and secular divide

75%

Ali Z.

Gender a výzkum / Gender and Research

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2019

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vol. 20

|

issue 2

47-67

EN

This article explores feminisms and women’s activisms in today’s Iraq and highlights the heterogeneity of both their religious and secular expressions in analysing them in relation to each other rather than as distinct. I argue that not only do we need to go beyond the Islamist/secular dichotomy but we need to analyse what’s in-between these categories. In order to understand their in-betweenness, Iraqi women’s activisms and feminisms have to be examined in their imbricated and complex social, economic and political contexts both discursive and material. I start by refl ecting on conceptual considerations regarding the relationships between feminisms, Muslimness, and Islam(s) and examining notions of piety and morality in contemporary Iraq. Then I explore the context and nature of women’s social and political activisms in Baghdad, Erbil, and Sulaymaniyah and provide an ethnographically informed examination of the different trends of feminisms and women’s political activisms in Iraq and the ways these trends overlap. In doing so I introduce an alternative way of understanding the too often argued secular/Islamist opposition and analyse the relevance and meaning of ‘Islamic/Muslim feminisms’ in the Iraqi context.

13

Equality in the Icelandic Legal and Social Concept

75%

Babula M.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2020

|

issue 6 (58)

533-544

EN

For over a decade, Iceland has been ranked first among countries around the world in the field of equality between women and men, both in the legal and social aspects. But such a spectacular achievement is not the result of legal regulations developed today or even in the last few decades. This is the final achievement of consistent, over a century of work - especially of women - for the proper and equal treatment of people, regardless of gender, and other differentiating factors. And although it is probably not realistic to create an ideal model, the Icelanders managed to work out a very difficult thing. Coexisting at the intersection of great attachment to tradition and the church, they noticed the subjectivity of each individual, as well as the right of this individual to be an equal subject of human rights and liberties. So, what is the concept of equality shaped in contemporary Iceland, and what legal and social processes have Icelanders undergone to achieve such exemplary standards? Pointing it out is the aim of this article.

PL

Islandia od ponad dekady plasuje się na pierwszym miejscu wśród krajów całego świata pod względem równości kobiet i mężczyzn tak w porządku prawnym, jak i społecznym. Ale tak spektakularne osiągnięcie nie jest wynikiem regulacji prawnych kształtowanych współcześnie a nawet w ostatnich kilku dekadach. Rezultat ten to efekt finalny konsekwentnej, ponadwiekowej pracy - zwłaszcza kobiet - na rzecz właściwego, równego traktowania ludzi, bez względu na płeć oraz inne czynniki różnicujące. I chociaż zapewne nie jest realne stworzenie modelu idealnego, Islandczykom udało się wypracować rzecz bardzo trudną. Koegzystując na styku ogromnego przywiązania do tradycji i kościoła, dostrzegli podmiotowość każdej jednostki, a także prawo tej jednostki do bycia równoważnym podmiotem w aspekcie korzystania z praw i wolności człowieka. Jak kształtuje się zatem koncepcja równości we współczesnej Islandii oraz jakim procesom prawno-społecznym poddali się Islandczycy, żeby osiągnąć tak wzorcowe standardy?

14

O Mariach i Martach tego świata. Kobieta oczami Orzeszkowej na podstawie powieści Maria

75%

Miera H.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

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2022

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vol. Special Issue

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issue 17

119-129

EN

The subject of the article is an analysis of Eliza Orzeszkowa’s views on the situation of women in the second half of the 19th century and the social roles assigned to them. The epistolary novel Maria, which was juxtaposed with the dissertation A few words about women, was the main focus of the analysis. In the introduction to the novel, Orzeszkowa referred to Maria as Marta’s sister, whom she follows. In this way she referred to her most famous emancipation novel. Maria, considered by researchers to be one of the writer’s least successful works, gives the impression of being far from any emancipatory assumptions. However, behind the lofty aspiration of an individual to devote themselves to the idea, there are real problems that many women of that era, including Orzeszkowa herself, had to deal with.

15

The Congress of Polish Women as an example of the struggle for women’s rights

75%

Kaczmarek J.

Świat Idei i Polityki

|

2018

|

issue 17

345-368

PL

Rozważając kwestie związane z walką o prawa polityczne dla kobiet, nie można lekceważyć niektórych najważniejszych czynników, decydujących o poziomie uczestnictwa kobiet w życiu politycznym. Jeśli chodzi o dyskusję naukową na temat obecności kobiet w szeroko rozumianej polityce, najczęściej przywoływanymi faktorami wpływającymi na ten stan rzeczy są czynniki biologiczne, społeczne, ideologiczne, strukturalne, kulturowe, religijne czy ekonomiczne. Minęło 100 lat, a Polki, mimo iż stanowią nieco ponad połowę polskiego społeczeństwa, nadal mają niezbyt wielką reprezentację w parlamencie, w biznesie w wielu przypadkach ich pensje są niższe niż mężczyzn na podobnych stanowiskach, a rola kobiety w przestrzeni publicznej – ze szczególnym naciskiem na sferę polityczną – jest nadal niższa niż rola mężczyzny. Celem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza przesłanek utworzenia i funkcjonowania Kongresu Kobiet Polskich w ciągu ostatnich dziesięciu lat.

EN

When considering the issues related to the fight for women’s political it is not possible to disregard some of the most important factors determining the level of women’s participation in political life. As regards scientific discussion on the presence of women in government roles, the most frequently cited reason contributing to lesser representation of women are biological, social, ideological, structural, cultural, religious and economic factors. 100 years have passed and women, who account for slightly more than a half of the Polish society, still have too low representation in the parliament, in many cases their salaries are lower than those of men at similar positions, they play specific social and professional roles assigned on the grounds of sex, and still some people try to marginalize them professionally and deprive of their freedoms. The aim of this text is to analyze premises for the establishing of the Association of Congress of Women and results achieved over the past ten years. The main objectives adopted for purpose of the text include the verification of demands set by the Association and their implementation, and the analysis of its activity in terms of socio-political changes. Content analysis was used as the method.

16

„Przestępstwa bez ofiar” w świetle polskiej Konstytucji oraz orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego

75%

Szymański M.

Świat Idei i Polityki

|

2018

|

issue 17

332-344

PL

Pojęcie „przestępstw bez ofiar” (victimless crimes) to jeden z czołowych terminów amerykańskiej kryminologii, stosowany również przez środowiska libertariańskie. Zakłada ono, że czyny, które nie powodują krzywdy drugiej osoby (lub dokonywane są za jej zgodą), powinny być legalne. Teoria ta znalazła również oddźwięk w amerykańskim konstytucjonalizmie, natomiast w polskiej nauce prawa konstytucyjnego pojęcie to jest w zasadzie nieznane. Również orzecznictwo Trybunału Konstytucyjnego ma charakter bardziej konserwatywny i paternalistyczny niż libertariański. Trybunał nie uznał za niekonstytucyjne przepisów nakazujących jazdę samochodem z zapiętymi pasami bezpieczeństwa. Posiadanie marihuany na własny użytek również, zdaniem Trybunału, może być zakazane przez polskie prawo, a uzasadnienie posługiwało się typowo konserwatywnymi argumentami. Polska Konstytucja chroni także moralność publiczną, co stoi w dalekiej sprzeczności z libertarianizmem. Autor koncepcji, Edwin Schur, uznawał również aborcję za victimless crime. Trybunał Konstytucyjny stoi na skrajnie innym stanowisku, uznając potrzebę ochrony życia nienarodzonego. Aksjologia polskiej Konstytucji bliższa jest tym samym duchowi chrześcijańskiej demokracji niż liberalizmu.

EN

The term “victimless crimes” is one of the leading concepts of American criminology, also used by libertarian circles. It assumes that acts that do not cause harm to the other person (or are made with his consent) should be legal. This theory has also found a resonance in American constitutionalism, whereas in Polish science of constitutional law this concept is virtually unknown. The case law of the Constitutional Tribunal is also more conservative and paternalistic than libertarian. The Tribunal did not consider unconstitutional provisions to drive a car with fastened seatbelts. Possession of marijuana for own use also, in the Court’s opinion, may also be prohibited by Polish law and the justification used typical conservative arguments. The Polish Constitution also protects public morality, which is in direct contradiction to libertarianism. The author of the concept, Edwin Schur, also considered abortion as “victimless crime”. The Constitutional Tribunal has an extremely different position, recognizing the need to protect unborn life. The axiology of the Polish Constitution is closer to the same spirit of Christian democracy than to extreme liberalism.

17

Ethical orientations of young women in Poland and Serbia. Comparative studies

75%

Chomczyńska-Rubacha M., Rubacha K.

Rocznik Andragogiczny

|

2015

|

vol. 22

267-276

EN

The article is a report of a comparative study of the ethical orientations of women in Poland and Serbia. We have two ethical orientations in the theoretical sense: focused on justice and care. Social context to compare is a situation of women and their rights in Poland and Serbia. We ask about the differences in ethical orientations of women in Poland and Serbia. Our results shows, that women from Poland has higher indication justice ethical orientation, then Serbian women. However this relation isn’t simple.

PL

Artykuł jest raportem z badań porównawczych nad orientacjami etycznymi kobiet w Polsce i Serbii. Wyróżniamy dwie orientacje etyczne: na sprawiedliwość i troskę. Kontekstem społecznym do porównania jest sytuacja kobiet, ich praw w Polsce i w Serbii. Stawiamy pytanie o różnice w orientach etycznych badanych z Polski i Serbii. Wyniki badań pokazują, że kobiety z Polski uzyskają wyższe średnie orientacji na sprawiedliwość niż badane z Serbii. Jednak ta relacja nie prosta.

18

Women’s Rights in Muslim Countries Temporary Marriage-how Modernization May Limit Women’s Rights. Interview with Homa Hoodfar

75%

Włodek-Biernat L.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2011

|

vol. 172

|

issue 4

511-514

19

Women’s Reproductive Health Rights in Poland. Between a Druggists’ Conscience Clause and Their Legal Duty to Provide Contraceptives

75%

Ciereszko K., Napiwodzka K., Nowak E., Hemmerling K.

Ethics in Progress

|

2023

|

vol. 14

|

issue 1

94-109

EN

This article recommends the promotion of moral competence in the health and pharmacy professions to enable them to respect human and patient health rights with a focus on the provision of reproductive and sexual health care services. In certain cultures, health care and drug providers follow their conscientious objection (conscience clause) and decline to perform specific health services, including the provision of legal contraceptives in cases protected by legal and human rights. Such malpractices may violate patients’ and purchasers’ legitime rights. The article also presents findings obtained in Poland with N=121 women experimentally interviewed to examine their experiences as contraception purchasers, to assess their preference concerning facing human vs. robotic pharmacists, to manage the risk of refusal argued by the conscientious objection, and to score their moral competence with one of the dilemmas included in the MCT by G. Lind. This study demonstrated that purchasers with higher C-score (C for moral competence) would not just prefer a robotic pharmacist without a ‘conscience’ but, rather, a competent sales staff able to instruct the patient and advice her on any related queries. It further results that participants with higher moral competence are thus less likely to trust the medical expertise of artificial intelligence. We conclude that public institutions in pluralistic societies must manage normative reproductive health contexts more inclusively, and the election, education, and practice of health professionals in the public health care sector require the development of a normative mindset toward respecting the rights of all patients instead of respecting them selectively at the diktat of particularistic conscience.

20

The Black Protests: a Struggle for (Re)Definition of Intimate Citizenship.

71%

Nawojski R., Pluta M., Zielińska K.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

|

2018

|

vol. 30

|

issue 4

51-74

PL

Próby zmiany prawa regulującego dostęp do aborcji w Polsce, podjęte przez polski Sejm w 2016 i 2018, zainicjowały intensywną społeczną mobilizację i szerokie protesty społeczne, określane wspólną nazwą „Czarnych Protestów”. Tę mobilizację traktujemy jako próbę (prze)definiowania obowiązujących pojęć obywatelstwa, a w szczególności jako wyraz poszukiwania nowego modelu obywatelstwa intymnego, czyli publicznego przedefiniowania praw dotyczących prywatnej, intymnej sfery. Celem autorek artykułu jest analiza wspomnianych (re)artykulacji intymnego obywatelstwa. W pierwszej części tekstu autorki opisują, czym były Czarne Protesty oraz Ogólnopolski Strajk Kobiet, a także przybliżają kontekst ich powstania oraz postulaty. W drugiej części zdefiniowana zostaje kategoria obywatelstwa, a w szczególności obywatelstwa intymnego. Następnie przedstawiona zostaje metodologia badań. W ostatniej, analitycznej części artykułu autorki rekonstruują wizje obywatelstwa intymnego wyłaniające się z analizowanego materiału empirycznego.

EN

This article focuses on an analysis of the redefinitions of the visions of intimate citizenship in the arenas created by the recent women’s protests in Poland. The 2016 and 2018 attempts by the Sejm, the lower house of the Polish Parliament, to introduce amendments to the existing law regulating access to abortion in Poland stirred dramatic social mobilisations and widespread social protests labelled with the umbrella term “Black Protests”. We see these mobilisations not only as a protest, but also as attempt to (re)define dominant notions of citizenship, and in particular, as a quest for a new model of intimate citizenship, i.e. a public reconceptualisation of the rights regarding the private/intimate sphere. Our article offers an in-depth analysis of these reconceptualisations. It unfolds in the following way. Firstly, we discuss the phenomena of the Black Protests and Polish Women’s Strikes and present the context of their emergence as well as their agenda. Secondly, we briefly discuss the issue of intimate citizenship. We then present the methodology as well as discuss the empirical material used for our analysis. In the final part, we reconstruct the visions of (intimate) citizenship emerging from the collected material.

Refine search results

Third Place is a Charm. Women in the 2010, 2014 and 2018 Regional Assembly Elections in Poland

Humanae Vitae, Women’s Rights, and Responsible Parenthood

A Woman's Touch in the Arab Spring. The Struggle of Jordanian Mothers for Equality in Citizenship

Nolite te bastardes carborundorum. Podręczna w dyskursie medialnym o prawach kobiet

Iranian Women. Quest for Freedom and Equality

MALE ALLIES OF POLISH WOMEN’S EMANCIPATION. ON THE EXAMPLE OF EDWARD PRĄDZYŃSKI’S AND EUGENIUSZ STARCZEWSKI’S PROJECTS

Status prawny kobiet w wielkich kodyfikacjach cywilnych XIX wieku

Family Reunification Regulations and Women: The Perspective of International Law

The Body of Rights: The Right to the Body

Wolnościowe pokolenie ośmiu gwiazdek? O generacyjnym wymiarze sprzeciwu wobec klerykalizacji życia społecznego w Polsce

Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s Conflicting Perspectives on Ecofeminist Principles

Feminisms in Iraq : beyond the religious and secular divide

Equality in the Icelandic Legal and Social Concept

O Mariach i Martach tego świata. Kobieta oczami Orzeszkowej na podstawie powieści Maria

The Congress of Polish Women as an example of the struggle for women’s rights

„Przestępstwa bez ofiar” w świetle polskiej Konstytucji oraz orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego

Ethical orientations of young women in Poland and Serbia. Comparative studies

Women’s Rights in Muslim Countries Temporary Marriage-how Modernization May Limit Women’s Rights. Interview with Homa Hoodfar

Women’s Reproductive Health Rights in Poland. Between a Druggists’ Conscience Clause and Their Legal Duty to Provide Contraceptives

The Black Protests: a Struggle for (Re)Definition of Intimate Citizenship.